Journal articles: 'Final Devoicing'

1

Chow, Daryl, and Viktor Kharlamov. "Final devoicing in Singapore English." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 144, no. 3 (September 2018): 1902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5068331.

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van Rooy, Bertus, Daan Wissing, and Dwayne D. Paschall. "Demystifying incomplete neutralisation during final devoicing." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 2003): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073610309486328.

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3

SMITH, CAROLINE L. "Vowel Devoicing in Contemporary French." Journal of French Language Studies 13, no. 2 (September 2003): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095926950300111x.

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Fagyal and Moisset (1999) suggested that vowel devoicing in standard French occurs most often in phrase-final high vowels. An experiment testing the effect of both immediate segmental context and sentence-level contextual factors was conducted to further identify the linguistic features involved. Six French speakers were recorded reading test sentences. Devoicing only occurred in sentence-final vowels, but in more contexts than expected. From a cross-linguistic perspective the distribution of devoicing in French is unusual. Final position is prosodically prominent in French, whereas in many languages devoicing is a form of vowel reduction associated with lack of prominence. Different physical mechanisms may therefore be responsible.

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4

Cebrian, Juli. "TRANSFERABILITY AND PRODUCTIVITY OF L1 RULES IN CATALAN-ENGLISH INTERLANGUAGE." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 22, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100001017.

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This paper examines the interference of L1 neutralization rules in the acquisition of a marked L2 phonological feature. More specifically, it presents results from a study of the acquisition of the voicing contrast in English word-final obstruents by native speakers of Catalan. The voicing contrast in final position in Catalan is neutralized by voicing or devoicing rules, depending on the environment. The results of an experiment testing the production of target final obstruents in different environments indicate a very high incidence of devoicing, which confirms the prevalence of final devoicing in second language acquisition and points to the joint effect of transfer and universal tendencies. In contrast with devoicing, the results reveal a more limited effect of the L1 voicing rules. It is argued that this difference is due to an effect of word integrity in the interlanguage that restricts the domain of application of the transferred rules.

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Köhnlein, Björn. "Apparent exceptions to final devoicing in High Prussian: A metrical analysis." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 4 (December 2018): 371–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542718000016.

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High Prussian, a variety of East Central German, has a segmentally opaque process of final devoicing: Only some forms with underlyingly voiced obstruents devoice at the end of a word. This phenomenon can also be observed in some morphological alternations where simplex forms show final devoicing but complex ones do not. This paper provides a metrical analysis of final devoicing and two related phenomena: spirantization, and an interaction of vowel length in high vowels and obstruent voicing. It is claimed that nondevoicing items contain disyllabic foot templates and that word-final consonants are then syllabified as onsets of empty-headed word-final syllables. The analysis demonstrates how evidence from West Germanic dialects can contribute to our understanding of the phonology of laryngeal features and to the role that metrical structure can play in shaping phonological alternations.*

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Tieszen, Bożena, and Charles Read. "Final stop devoicing in Polish: Incomplete neutralization." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 94, no. 3 (September 1993): 1866. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.407611.

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7

Pierce, Marc, and Wiebke Brockhaus. "Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German." Language 74, no. 2 (June 1998): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417902.

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8

Dmitrieva, Olga. "Final voicing and devoicing in American English." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 136, no. 4 (October 2014): 2174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4899867.

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9

Slowiaczek, Louisa M., and Helena J. Szymanska. "Perception of word-final devoicing in Polish." Journal of Phonetics 17, no. 3 (July 1989): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30430-9.

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10

Rouch, Megan, and Anya Lunden. "The status of word-final phonetic phenomena." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4730.

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The right edge of the word is a known domain for processes like phonological devoicing. This has been argued to be the effect of analogy from higher prosodic domains, rather than an in situ motivated change (Hock 1999, Hualde and Eager 2016). Phonetic word-level phenomena of final lengthening and final devoicing have been found to occur natively word-finally (Lunden 2006, 2017, Nakai et al. 2009) despite claims that they have no natural phonetic pressure originating in this position (Hock 1999). We present the results of artificial language learning studies that seek to answer the question of whether phonetic-level cues to the word-final position can aid in language parsing. If they do, it provides evidence that listeners can make use of word-level phonetic phenomena, which, together with studies that have found them to be present, speaks to their inherent presence at the word level. We find that adult listeners are better able to recognize the words they heard in a speech stream, and better able to reject words that they did not hear, when final lengthening was present at the right edge of the word. Final devoicing was not found to give the same boost to parsing.

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11

Schwartz, Geoffrey. "Initial Glottalization and Final Devoicing in Polish English." Research in Language 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2012): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-011-0044-7.

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This paper presents an acoustic study of the speech of Polish leaners of English. The experiment was concerned with English sequences of the type George often, in which a word-final voiced obstruent was followed by a word-initial vowel. Acoustic measurements indicated the degree to which learners transferred Polish-style glottalization on word-initial vowels into their L2 speech. Temporal parameters associated with the production of final voiced obstruents in English were also measured. The results suggest that initial glottalization may be a contributing factor to final devoicing errors. Adopting English-style ‘liaison’ in which the final obstruent is syllabified as an onset to the initial vowel is argued to be a useful goal for English pronunciation syllabi. The implications of the experiment for phonological theory are also discussed. A hierarchical view of syllabic structures proposed in the Onset Prominence environment allows for the non-arbitrary representation of word boundaries in both Polish and English.

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12

Slowiaczek, Louisa M., and Daniel A. Dinnsen. "Individual differences and word‐final devoicing in Polish." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 77, S1 (April 1985): S85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2022552.

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13

Roettger, T. B., B. Winter, S. Grawunder, J. Kirby, and M. Grice. "Assessing incomplete neutralization of final devoicing in German." Journal of Phonetics 43 (March 2014): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2014.01.002.

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14

Ciszewski, Tomasz. "Metrical conditioning of word-final devoicing in Polish." Forum Filologiczne Ateneum, no. 1(7)2019 (December 31, 2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36575/2353-2912/1(7)2019.043.

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The present paper investigates a segmental phenomenon traditionally referred to as word-final obstruent devoicing in Polish. It is generally assumed that the context in which it applies is solely related to the absolute word-final position before silence. By inference, full voicing of a wordfinal obstruent is retained only when (i) it is followed by a voiced segment (a vowel or a consonant) in an utterance or when (ii) it is appended with a suffix which begins with a vowel. In this research a different group of factors which trigger the process is explored, namely the position of the obstruent within the metrical foot. If, as argued by Harris (2009), noninitial position within the foot is a typical lenition site (contrary to Iverson and Salmons 2007) and if devoicing is regarded as a special manifestation of lenition (through information loss, similarly to vowel reduction), a purely segmental (contextual) conditioning for voicing retention in obstruents word-finally cannot be maintained.

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15

Tofigh, Zeinab, and Vahideh Abolhasanizadeh. "Phonetic Neutralization: The Case of Persian Final Devoicing." ATHENS JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 2, no. 2 (May 31, 2015): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajp.2-2-4.

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16

Dalola, Amanda, and Barbara E. Bullock. "ON SOCIOPHONETIC COMPETENCE." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 39, no. 4 (September 23, 2016): 769–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263116000309.

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The data from this study investigate phrase-final vowel devoicing in Metropolitan French among L1 and L2 speakers, in terms of number of times a speaker devoices a phrase-final high vowel and percentage of the vowel that is devoiced. The goal is to assess whether experienced L2 speakers use style-based variation in response to the same factors as native speakers. Results from a set of role playing and word list tasks revealed that L2 devoicing rates matched those of the natives, but were conditioned by different factors in each group. The duration of L2 speaker devoicing, however, was found not to match native levels. Notable differences emerged in response to shifts in style: L1 speakers showed higher rates and enhanced degrees of devoicing in pragmatic contexts that favored either slower or more formal speech, while L2 speakers responded very little to pragmatic shifts within role plays, instead responding more pronouncedly to different tasks.

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17

Block, Aleese, Kristin Predeck, and Georgia Zellou. "German Word-Final Devoicing in Naturally-Produced and TTS Speech." Languages 7, no. 4 (October 24, 2022): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7040270.

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This study explores the production and perception of word-final devoicing in German across text-to-speech (from technology used in common voice-AI “smart” speaker devices—specifically, voices from Apple and Amazon) and naturally produced utterances. First, the phonetic realization of word-final devoicing in German across text-to-speech (TTS) and naturally produced word productions was compared. Acoustic analyses reveal that the presence of cues to a word-final voicing contrast varied across speech types. Naturally produced words with phonologically voiced codas contain partial voicing, as well as longer vowels than words with voiceless codas. However, these distinctions are not present in TTS speech. Next, German listeners completed a forced-choice identification task, in which they heard the words and made coda consonant categorizations, in order to examine the intelligibility consequences of the word-final devoicing patterns across speech types. Intended coda identifications are higher for the naturally produced productions than for TTS. Moreover, listeners systematically misidentified voiced codas as voiceless in TTS words. Overall, this study extends previous literature on speech intelligibility at the intersection of speech synthesis and contrast neutralization. TTS voices tend to neutralize salient phonetic cues present in natural speech. Subsequently, listeners are less able to identify phonological distinctions in TTS. We also discuss how investigating which cues are more salient in natural speech can be beneficial in synthetic speech generation to make them more natural and also easier to perceive.

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18

Dmitrieva, Olga. "Final devoicing in Russian: Acoustic evidence of incomplete neutralization." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 117, no. 4 (April 2005): 2570. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4788565.

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19

윤관희. "The Production of German Final Devoicing by Korean Speakers." Korean Journal of Linguistics 36, no. 4 (December 2011): 979–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18855/lisoko.2011.36.4.007.

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20

Slowiaczek, Louisa M., and Daniel A. Dinnsen. "On the neutralizing status of Polish word-final devoicing." Journal of Phonetics 13, no. 3 (July 1985): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30763-6.

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21

Groß, Michael. "Brockhaus, Wiebke: Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German." Informationen Deutsch als Fremdsprache 24, no. 2-3 (June 1, 1997): 216–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/infodaf-1997-2-316.

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22

Barrios, Shannon L., and Rachel Hayes-Harb. "Second language learning of phonological alternations with and without orthographic input: Evidence from the acquisition of a German-like voicing alternation." Applied Psycholinguistics 41, no. 3 (May 2020): 517–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716420000077.

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AbstractWhile a growing body of research investigates the influence of orthographic input on the acquisition of second language (L2) segmental contrasts, few studies have examined its influence on the acquisition of L2 phonological processes. Hayes-Harb, Brown, and Smith (2018) showed that exposure to words’ written forms caused native English speakers to misremember the voicing of final obstruents in German-like words exemplifying voicing neutralization. However, they did not examine participants’ acquisition of the final devoicing process. To address this gap, we conducted two experiments wherein native English speakers (assigned to Orthography or No Orthography groups) learned German-like words in suffixed and unsuffixed forms, and later completed a picture naming test. Experiment 1 investigated learners’ knowledge of the surface voicing of obstruents in both final and nonfinal position, and revealed that while all participants produced underlyingly voiced obstruents as voiceless more often in final than nonfinal position, the difference was only significant for No Orthography participants. Experiment 2 investigated participants’ ability to apply the devoicing process to new words, and provided no evidence of generalization. Together these findings shed light on the acquisition of final devoicing by naïve adult learners, as well as the influence of orthographic input in the acquisition of a phonological alternation.

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23

NICOLAE, ANDREEA C., and ANDREW NEVINS. "Fricative patterning in aspirating versus true voice languages." Journal of Linguistics 52, no. 1 (March 24, 2015): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000067.

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Building on the empirical insights of Beckman, Jessen & Ringen (2013), we compare the fricatives within the laryngeal systems of Russian and Turkish on the premise that the former is a final devoicing language, while the latter is not, but instead has alternations based on processes of intervocalic voicing and final fortition. This view has consequences for the analysis of fricatives in Russian vs. Turkish: Russian fricatives undergo final devoicing, while Turkish fricatives do not. By contrast, unlike Russian fricatives, Turkish fricatives induce [spread glottis] assimilation in following sonorants. We show that these differences are upheld in three phonetic studies, extending the relevance of the ‘laryngeal realism’ hypothesis to fricatives as well as stops.

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24

Gonet, Wiktor, and Radosław Święciński. "More On the Voicing of English Obstruents: Voicing Retention vs. Voicing Loss." Research in Language 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2012): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-011-0035-8.

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In Gonet (2010), one of the present authors found out that English word-final phonologically voiced obstruents in the voicing-favouring environment exhibit asymmetrical, if not erratic, behaviour in that voicing in plosives is most often retained while in fricatives voicing retention concerns only about 1/3 of the cases, with the other possibilities (partial and complete devoicing) occurring in almost equal proportions. The present study is an attempt at exploring the intricacies of devoicing in English to examine to what extent the general tendency towards obstruent devoicing is overridden by voicing retention triggered by adjacent voiced segments both within words and across word boundaries. This study is based on a relatively large knowledge base obtained from recordings of spontaneous R. P. pronunciation.

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25

Iosad, Pavel. "Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach." Lingua 122, no. 8 (June 2012): 922–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.03.004.

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26

Pierce, Marc. "Final devoicing in the phonology of German By Wiebke Brockhaus." Language 74, no. 2 (1998): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1998.0176.

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27

Bayley, R., and C. Holland. "VARIATION IN CHICANO ENGLISH: THE CASE OF FINAL (z) DEVOICING." American Speech 89, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 385–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00031283-2908200.

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Josipović, Višnja, and Dora Maček. "Disambiguation of neutralized forms in two Croatian varieties." Linguistica 34, no. 2 (December 1, 1994): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.34.2.63-68.

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A type of northwestern Croatian pronunciation, also known as the Kajkavian accent, was compared with the standard Croatian pronunciation with respect to the strategies used to disambiguate neutralized final obstruents. The two varieties differ in that the former is characterized by the phonological rule of Final Devoicing, where word-final obstruents are realized as voiceles.

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29

Łyskawa, Paulina, Ruth Maddeaux, Emilia Melara, and Naomi Nagy. "Heritage Speakers Follow All the Rules: Language Contact and Convergence in Polish Devoicing." Heritage Language Journal 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.13.2.7.

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We use a comparative variationist framework to compare variable word-final obstruent devoicing patterns in heritage Polish, English and homeland Polish in conversational speech. Phonological and lexical factors are shown to condition this variation differently in the three varieties. We have a particular interest in one other factor relevant to heritage speakers: the amount of code-switching between Polish and English by each speaker. We show that, for second generation heritage speakers, individuals’ code-switching rates are positively correlated with their rates of devoicing. Based on the qualitatively and quantitatively different devoicing patterns of heritage Polish speakers, compared to both homeland Polish and Toronto English, we argue that the phonological grammar of this group of speakers constitutes a convergence of the heritage language and the dominant language’s grammars and suggest that frequent codeswitching provides the context in which these speakers’ knowledge of Polish and English patterns converge.

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30

Edge, Beverly A. "The Production of Word-Final Voiced Obstruents in English by L1 Speakers of Japanese and Cantonese." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 13, no. 3 (September 1991): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100010032.

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This study is a partial replication and extension of Eckman's (1981a) study on the production of English word-final voiced obstruents by native speakers of Japanese and Cantonese, in which he reported evidence of an interlanguage rule of schwa paragoge for Japanese speakers and one of terminal devoicing for Cantonese speakers. In the current study, data from subjects performing three tasks varying in the speech style elicited were compared to the broad transcription of English and to data from a comparison group of native speakers of English performing the same tasks. The inclusion of native speaker data allowed the identification of variants in non-native production as either interlanguage phenomena or native-like simplified or assimilated forms. Results showed that devoicing was significant for the Japanese subjects, as well as for the Cantonese subjects. In addition, the Japanese subjects approximated target variants significantly more often than the Cantonese subjects, raising questions about the sources of the variants observed.

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31

HOLMES, JANET. "Losing voice: is final /z/ devoicing a feature of Maori English?" World Englishes 15, no. 2 (July 1996): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1996.tb00105.x.

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32

Eisner, Frank, Andrea Weber, and Alissa Melinger. "Generalization of learning in pre‐lexical adjustments to word‐final devoicing." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 128, no. 4 (October 2010): 2323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.3508195.

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33

Charles-Luce, Jan. "Word-final devoicing in German: effects of phonetic and sentential contexts." Journal of Phonetics 13, no. 3 (July 1985): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30762-4.

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34

Treiman, Rebecca, and Margo Bowman. "Spelling in African American children: the case of final consonant devoicing." Reading and Writing 28, no. 7 (March 21, 2015): 1013–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11145-015-9559-y.

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35

Meneses, Francisco, and Eleonora Albano. "From Reduction to Apocope: Final Poststressed Vowel Devoicing in Brazilian Portuguese." Phonetica 72, no. 2-3 (2015): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000439599.

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36

Tucker, Benjamin V., and Natasha Warner. "What it means to be phonetic or phonological: the case of Romanian devoiced nasals." Phonology 27, no. 2 (July 21, 2010): 289–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675710000138.

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Abstract phonological patterns and detailed phonetic patterns can combine to produce unusual acoustic results, but criteria for what aspects of a pattern are phonetic and what aspects are phonological are often disputed. Early literature on Romanian makes mention of nasal devoicing in word-final clusters (e.g. in /basm/ ‘fairy-tale’). Using acoustic, aerodynamic and ultrasound data, the current work investigates how syllable structure, prosodic boundaries, phonetic paradigm uniformity and assimilation influence Romanian nasal devoicing. It provides instrumental phonetic documentation of devoiced nasals, a phenomenon that has not been widely studied experimentally, in a phonetically underdocumented language. We argue that sound patterns should not be separated into phonetics and phonology as two distinct systems, but neither should they all be grouped together as a single, undifferentiated system. Instead, we argue for viewing the distinction between phonetics and phonology as a largely continuous multidimensional space, within which sound patterns, including Romanian nasal devoicing, fall.

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37

Flores, Berta, and Xinia Rodríguez. "The influence of language transfer on consonant cluster production." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 20, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v20i1.20234.

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La simplificación de grupos consonánticos en inicial de palabra, palabra medial y posición final de palabra en Inglés se analiza contrastivamente en una muestra de siete adultos costarricenses.Traslado del español se manifiesta en la elección sistemática de epéntesis simplificar inicial de palabra grupos de consonantes, la sustitución y la delación consonante tratar con grupos de palabras mediales y eliminación, y devoicing modificar racimos final de palabra.

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van Rooy, A. J., and Daan Wissing. "DEGREES OF NEUTRALIZATION DURING SYLLABE-FINAL DEVOICING: EVIDENCE FROM SECOND LANGUAGE PHONETICS." South African Journal of Linguistics 14, sup33 (December 1996): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10118063.1996.9724082.

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39

Rojczyk, Arkadiusz, Geoffrey Schwartz, and Anna Balas. "Perception of Allophonic Cues to English Word Boundaries by Polish Learners: Approximant Devoicing in English." Research in Language 14, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rela-2016-0008.

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The study investigates the perception of devoicing of English /w, r, j, l/ after /p, t, k/ as a word-boundary cue by Polish listeners. Polish does not devoice sonorants following voiceless stops in word-initial positions. As a result, Polish learners are not made sensitive to sonorant devoicing as a segmentation cue. Higher-proficiency and lower-proficiency Polish learners of English participated in the task in which they recognised phrases such as buy train vs. bite rain or pie plot vs. pipe lot. The analysis of accuracy scores revealed that successful segmentation was only above chance level, indicating that sonorant voicing/devoicing cue was largely unattended to in identifying the boundary location. Moreover, higher proficiency did not lead to more successful segmentation. The analysis of reaction times showed an unclear pattern in which higher-proficiency listeners segmented the test phrases faster but not more accurately than lower-proficiency listeners. Finally, #CS sequences were recognised more accurately than C#S sequences, which was taken to suggest that the listeners may have had some limited knowledge that devoiced sonorants appear only in word-initial positions, but they treated voiced sonorants as equal candidates for word-final and word-initial positions.

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40

Schwartz, Geoffrey, Kamil Kaźmierski, and Ewelina Wojtkowiak. "Perspectives on final laryngeal neutralisation: new evidence from Polish." Phonology 38, no. 4 (November 2021): 693–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675721000373.

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An acoustic experiment on final devoicing in Polish, aimed at providing new data on incomplete neutralisation, is described. The experiment was modelled on a study of German by Roettger et al. (2014), who mitigated possible effects of orthography by employing a word-formation task based on auditory stimuli, eliciting stop-final nonce words with underlying final voiced or voiceless stops. Our results provide some evidence for incomplete neutralisation in Polish, with an effect on closure duration, but not on preceding vowel duration, as well as interspeaker variation in the reliability of contrast maintenance. Considered against the background of studies from other languages, the results point to implementational differences in incomplete neutralisation effects as a function of laryngeal typology, which are accounted for in the Onset Prominence representational model.

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41

José, Brian. "The Apparent-Time Construct and stable variation: Final /z/ devoicing in northwestern Indiana1." Journal of Sociolinguistics 14, no. 1 (February 2010): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2009.00434.x.

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42

Charles‐Luce, Jan. "Word‐final devoicing in German and the effects of phonetic and sentential contexts." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 77, S1 (April 1985): S85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2022551.

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43

Kleber, Felicitas, Tina John, and Jonathan Harrington. "The implications for speech perception of incomplete neutralization of final devoicing in German." Journal of Phonetics 38, no. 2 (April 2010): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2009.10.001.

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44

Jurgec, Peter. "Opacity in Šmartno Slovenian." Phonology 36, no. 2 (May 2019): 265–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000137.

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Šmartno is a critically endangered dialect of Slovenian that exhibits three interacting processes: final devoicing, unstressed high vowel deletion and vowel–glide coalescence. Their interaction is opaque: final obstruents devoice, unless they become final due to vowel deletion; high vowels delete, but not when created by coalescence. These patterns constitute a synchronic chain shift that leads to two emergent contrasts: final obstruent voicing and vowel length (due to compensatory lengthening). The paper examines all nominal paradigms, and complements them with an acoustic analysis of vowel duration and obstruent voicing. This work presents one of the most thoroughly documented instances of counterfeeding opacity on environment.

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Iverson, Gregory K., and Joseph C. Salmons. "Domains and directionality in the evolution of German final fortition." Phonology 24, no. 1 (May 2007): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675707001133.

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Laryngeal realism (Honeybone 2005) holds that thoroughly voiced stops in a language like Dutch will be represented phonologically with the feature [voice], leaving the voiceless unaspirated stops laryngeally neutral, whereas the typically aspirated stops of a language like German are marked with the feature [spread glottis], rendering the passively voiced stops in this language neutral. These two languages also merge laryngeal oppositions in final environments, Dutch undergoing final devoicing but German final fortition. We apply the findings of Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins 2004, 2006b) to these distinctions in final laryngeal neutralisation, underscoring that the evolutionary approach to phonological alternation allows for non-assimilatory feature addition as well as loss. We examine in particular the known history of final fortition in German and find that the reference standard form of the language has evolved an alignment condition to the effect that a fortified syllable edge must match up with the morpheme edge.

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Hayes-Harb, Rachel, Kelsey Brown, and Bruce L. Smith. "Orthographic Input and the Acquisition of German Final Devoicing by Native Speakers of English." Language and Speech 61, no. 4 (June 13, 2017): 547–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830917710048.

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We present an artificial lexicon study designed to test the hypothesis that native English speakers experience interference from written input when acquiring surface voicing in German words. Native English speakers were exposed to German-like words (e.g., /ʃtɑit/ and /ʃtɑid/, both pronounced [ʃtɑit]) along with pictured meanings, and in some cases, their written forms (e.g., <Steit> and <Steid>). At test, participants whose input included the written forms were more likely to produce final voiced obstruents when naming the pictures, indicating that access to the written forms in the input interfered with their acquisition of target-like surface forms. In a separate experiment, we attempted to moderate this negative impact of the written input by explicitly telling participants about the misleading nature of the words’ written forms, with no beneficial effect on their pronunciation accuracy. Together these findings indicate a powerful influence of orthographic input on second language lexical–phonological development that is not readily overcome by a simple intervention.

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Wissing, Daan, and Wim Zonneveld. "Final devoicing as a robust phenomenon in second language acquisition: Tswana, english and afrikaans." South African Journal of Linguistics 14, sup34 (December 1996): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10118063.1996.9724091.

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Dmitrieva, Olga, Allard Jongman, and Joan Sereno. "Phonological neutralization by native and non-native speakers: The case of Russian final devoicing." Journal of Phonetics 38, no. 3 (July 2010): 483–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2010.06.001.

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Maguire, Warren, Rhona Alcorn, Benjamin Molineaux, Joanna Kopaczyk, Vasilios Karaiskos, and Bettelou Los. "Charting the rise and demise of a phonotactically motivated change in Scots." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0003.

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Abstract Although Old English [f] and [v] are represented unambiguously in Older Scots orthography by <f> and <v> (or <u>) in initial and morpheme-internal position, in morpheme-final position <f> and <v>/<u> appear to be used interchangeably for both of these Old English sounds. As a result, there is often a mismatch between the spellings and the etymologically expected consonant. This paper explores these spellings using a substantial database of Older Scots texts, which have been grapho-phonologically parsed as part of the From Inglis to Scots (FITS) project. Three explanations are explored for this apparent mismatch: (1) it was a spelling-only change; (2) there was a near merger of /f/ and /v/ in Older Scots; (3) final [v] devoiced in (pre-)Older Scots but this has subsequently been reversed. A close analysis of the data suggests that the Old English phonotactic constraint against final voiced fricatives survived into the pre-Literary Scots period, leading to automatic devoicing of any fricative that appeared in word-final position (a version of Hypothesis 3), and this, interacting with final schwa loss, gave rise to the complex patterns of variation we see in the Older Scots data. Thus, the devoicing of [v] in final position was not just a phonetically natural sound change, but also one driven by a pre-existing phonotactic constraint in the language. This paper provides evidence for the active role of phonotactic constraints in the development of sound changes, suggesting that phonotactic constraints are not necessarily at the mercy of the changes which conflict with them, but can be involved in the direction of sound change themselves.

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Smith, Bruce L., and Elizabeth A. Peterson. "Native English speakers learning German as a second language: Devoicing of final voiced stop targets." Journal of Phonetics 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2011.09.004.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Final Devoicing'

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