Journal articles on the topic 'Fifth Gospel'

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1

Healey, Joseph G. "Our Stories as Fifth Gospels." Missiology: An International Review 16, no. 3 (July 1988): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968801600304.

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The author proposes that the term “a Fifth Gospel” is a valid metaphor in theology today. “Gospel” and “good news” can be applied to the way that God is revealing himself through our human experience and daily lives. In light of the insights of the Theology of Story (Narrative Theology), our stories of faith are examples of Fifth Gospels. This article examines the history and deeper meaning of the metaphor of a Fifth Gospel, looks at these metaphors from the perspectives of the theology of revelation and Christology, and narrates three concrete stories (examples) of Africa's Fifth Gospel.
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Houlden, Leslie. "Book Review: The Fifth Gospel." Theology 100, no. 793 (January 1997): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9710000117.

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Valantasis, Richard, Stephen J. Patterson, James M. Robinson, and Hans-Gebhard Bethge. "The Fifth Gospel: The Gospel of Thomas Comes of Age." Journal of Biblical Literature 119, no. 2 (2000): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268513.

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Eddy, G. T. "Fifth Sunday After Pentecost The Threshold of the Gospel." Expository Times 107, no. 8 (May 1996): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469610700811.

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Spivak, Monika. "The “Christology” of Bely the Anthroposophist: Andrei Bely, Rudolf Steiner, and the Apostle Paul." Religions 12, no. 7 (July 10, 2021): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070519.

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The article focuses on R. Steiner’s perception of the Gospels and the impact of that view on Bely’s works. The latter had always valued Steiner’s lectures on Christ and the Fifth Gospel, the “Anthroposophic” (relating to the philosophy of human genesis, existence, and outcome) Gospel, the knowledge of which had been received in a visionary way. In addition, Bely was an esoteric follower of Steiner and often quoted from Apostle Paul’s 2 Corinthians, “Ye are our epistle written in our hearts, known and read of all men”. The citation occurs in Bely’s philosophical works (The History of the Formation of the Self-Conscious Soul, “Crisis of Consciousness”), autobiographic prose (Reminiscences of Steiner), the essay “Why I Became a Symbolist…”, and letters (to Ivanov-Razumnik and Fedor Gladkov). Bely’s own anthroposophic and esoteric ideas relating to the gospel sayings are also examined. The aim of the research is to show through the example of one quotation the specifics of Bely the Anthroposophist’s perception of Christian texts in general. This provides a methodological meaning for understanding other Biblical quotations and images in the works of Bely because anthroposophical Christology is also the key to their deciphering.
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Kelly, Gerard. "On the Way to Fuller Koinonia: The Fifth World Conference on Faith and Order." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 8, no. 2 (June 1995): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9500800204.

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The Fifth World Conference on Faith and Order took place in August 1993 at Santiago de Compostela, Spain, against the background of growing disillusionment within the ecumenical movement and disagreement about its direction for the future. Many in the churches believed that unity was unattainable and that we should be content to do together whatever we could to promote the gospel. By exploring the notion of koinonia the church delegates to the Conference have paved a new direction for ecumenical study and action. The notion of koinonia highlights the close link between the unity of the church and the proclamation of the gospel.
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7

Poulsen, Frederik. "Karl Barth and the Fifth Gospel. Barth’s Theological Exegesis of Isaiah." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 74, no. 4 (December 16, 2011): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v74i4.106402.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Essays on the Gospel of Thomas: Stephen J. Patterson (ed.), The Gospel of Thomas and Christian Origins: Essays on the Fifth Gospel." Expository Times 126, no. 6 (March 2015): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524614564278b.

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9

Nielsen, Jesper Tang. "Berlinerapokryfen eller Apocryphon Berolinense/Argentoratense (ApoBA) - tidligere kendt som Frelserens Evangelium (Gospel of the Savior)." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 78, no. 2 (March 10, 2015): 82–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v78i2.105741.

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Three manuscripts (P. Berol. 22220, Strasbourg Copte 5-7, Qasr el-Wizz Codex) contain a text that was formerly known as The Gospel of the Savior. This article provides an introduction to and a translation of the three manuscripts. Recent research has raised considerable doubt about the genre and dating of the text. In the first publications it was presented as a second century gospel, but is now seen to belong to Coptic piety literature from the fifth or sixth centuries. Therefore, the article uses the newly suggested name: Apocryphon Berolinense/Argentoratense.
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Ostrowski, Maciej, and Anna Wiater-Kawecka. "The Fifth Gospel in the Context of the Way of St. James." Person and the Challenges. The Journal of Theology, Education, Canon Law and Social Studies Inspired by Pope John Paul II 11, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.3885.

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11

Effa, Allan. "Celtic and Aboriginal Pathways toward a Contemporary Ecospirituality." International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 1 (July 28, 2016): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939316658602.

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In the fifth century a contextualized expression of Christianity emerged in Ireland that profoundly revitalized the church across Europe. The encounter of St. Patrick’s Gospel proclamation with the Irish sense of natural mysticism and sacredness of the world produced an expression of faith that was decidedly earth-affirming. Themes of ecospirituality emerged from this Gospel-culture encounter that are shared with the aboriginal cultures of North America. As we seek to re-express Christian faith in response to today’s ecological crisis, we may shape our conversation by the insights gained by the Christian encounter with Celtic and aboriginal cultures.
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12

Górka, Bogusław. "Sadzawka Bethesda (J 5, 2) w patrystycznej i współczesnej egzegezie." Vox Patrum 36 (December 15, 1999): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7846.

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The second verse of the fifth chapter of the Gospel according to John is a true crux exegetarum indeed. Nobody may feel responsible for the interpretation of the meaning of this passage since any translation is merely an interpretation of the original represented by the preference of the single translator.
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Hadjittofi, Fotini. "THE POET AND THE EVANGELIST IN NONNUS’ PARAPHRASE OF THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO JOHN." Cambridge Classical Journal 66 (July 23, 2020): 70–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270520000056.

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Christian poetry, and biblical epic in particular, is intensely self-conscious. Both Greek and Latin Christian poets begin or end their compositions, paraphrases and centos with poetological reflections on the value and objectives of their works. The fifth-century Paraphrase of the Gospel according to John is an anomaly in this tradition. While Nonnus’ mythological epic, the Dionysiaca, is heavily self-conscious in that it includes a strong authorial voice as well as an extensive prooemium and an interlude, the Christian Paraphrase has no prooemium, epilogue or interlude, and its narrator never identifies himself. This article examines two passages in the Paraphrase where subtle, implicit poetological reflections may be detected, and then explores the reasons why Nonnus may have chosen to deny the Paraphrase a clear (meta)literary identity. It argues that Nonnus’ poem presents itself as the Gospel of John, and that its narrator ‘becomes’ John the Evangelist in a spiritual exercise which is indebted to Origen's views on that Gospel.
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Moldovan, Petru. "The Gospel of Thomas and Plato. A Study of the Impact of Platonism on the “Fifth Gospel.”, written by Ivan Miroshnikov." Gnosis: Journal of Gnostic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 8, 2020): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340097.

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15

Patterson, Stephen J. "The Gospel of Thomas and Plato. A Study of the Impact of Platonism on the ‘Fifth Gospel’, written by Ivan Miroshnikov." Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341427.

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Sänger-Böhm, Kerstin. "Eine merkwürdige griechische Randnotiz Überlegungen zum koptischen Kodexblatt Paris BNCopte164 II fol. 16m recto." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 65, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2019-0006.

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Abstract A papyrus codex which contained the Sahidic version of the Gospel of John exhibits a highly interesting “marginal note”. On the bottom margin of one page (Paris BNCopte164 II fol. 16m) one finds traces of the beginning of five lines written in Greek in a cursive hand usually used in documentary papyri. A closer look at the Greek cursive suggests that these lines originally belonged to the text of a fifth-century protokollon.
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17

Moberly, W. "Karl Barth and the Fifth Gospel: Barth's Theological Exegesis of Isaiah. By MARK S. GIGNILLIAT." Journal of Theological Studies 61, no. 1 (November 4, 2009): 452–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flp148.

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18

Guretzki, David. "Karl Barth and the Fifth Gospel: Barth's Theological Exegesis of Isaiah - By Mark S. Gignilliat." International Journal of Systematic Theology 13, no. 3 (June 21, 2011): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2400.2009.00486.x.

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19

Yahya, Yuangga Kurnia. "Nama Tuhan dalam Alquran dan Injil Berbahasa Arab." Religió: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama 9, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/religio.v9i1.1232.

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This research aimed to understanding the concept of divinity in Arabic culture through lexemes which mean God used in the Qur’an dan Arabic Gospel. Lexeme is a smallest unit of meaning that formes a word. From the lexem, words, phrases, clauses, and discourses are formed according to Arabic’s concept of divinity. This research uses a semantic approach, through discussion on form and meaning, Brown-Yule’ s idea of text and co-text, and Sapir-Whorf hypothesis on culture and language. This research found that the lexeme of Allah (God) has been known by Arabic people before the birth of Islam and Christian. This lexeme means the name of the highest God in Arabic polytheism and was estimated to be used from the fifth century BC. Arabic Christians used this lexeme as the translation of “God” and referred to “The Only One God” about 500 years before Muhammad’s birth. The lexemes of God in the Quran could be named as Allah, Rabb, Ilah, dhmir (ana, anta, huwa, and nahnu), and the names of Allah (sifat-Allah wa asma-Allah), while the lexemes of God in Arabic Gospels are Allah, Rabb, Ilah, ab (father), Yasu’ (Jesus), al-Ruh al-Quds (Holy Spirit), al-Ibn (Son), as-Sayyid (Lord), al-Mu’allim (Master), al-Malik (King), and dhamir (ana, anta, and huwa). The lexeme of Allah, Rabb, and Ilah are found in both the Qur’an and Arabic Gospel, but these lexemes have some differences in word category, sintaxis function, and semantic role. Furthermore, another lexeme are used with same purpose, such as presenting a more complete and more familiar picture of God.
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20

Cole-Arnal, Oscar L. "The Prairie labour churches: The Methodist input." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 34, no. 1 (March 2005): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980503400101.

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This article takes a new look at five major social gospel leaders and their controversial connections with the labour churches associated with the Winnipeg General Strike. Over against the view posited by Richard Allen's seminal book The Social Passion that these "radicals" marginalized themselves within their Methodist Church, this study proposes that important persons and institutions within the Methodist Church pushed these five figures to the margins of the church to the point that four of them left the church, whereas the fifth Salem Bland, lost his position as a seminary professor because of his social activism.
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21

Hegedus, Tim. "The Magi and the Star in the Gospel of Matthew and Early Christian Tradition." Articles spéciaux 59, no. 1 (April 22, 2003): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000790ar.

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Abstract The Matthean pericope (2.1-12) of the Magi and the star of Bethlehem prompted a variety of responses among early Christian commentators of the second to the fifth centuries. These responses reflect a range of attitudes among the early Christians towards astrology, which was a fundamental and pervasive aspect of ancient Greco-Roman religion and culture. Some early Christian writers repudiated astrology absolutely, while others sought to grant it some degree of accommodation to Christian beliefs and practices. Interpretations of the Matthean pericope offer an index to the range of such views. This paper examines the motifs of the Magi and of the star in Matthew 2.1-12 as well as a number of early Christian interpretations of the pericope as evidence of a pattern of ambivalence in early Christian attitudes toward Greco-Roman astrology.
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22

RUOTSILA, MARKKU. "“Russia's Most Effective Fifth Column”: Cold War Perceptions of Un-Americanism in US Churches." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (September 4, 2013): 1019–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001333.

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From the very beginning of the Cold War, fundamentalist Christian organizations in the United States were engaged in a strident polemical campaign against the modern ecumenical movement and its American supporters in the major mainline churches. Consistently, this movement and its Social Gospel supporters were perceived as allies or tools of the Soviet Union, or at the very least as unwitting co-conspirators in world revolutionary projects that posed a direct threat to US national security. In the late 1940s and the early 1950s, the American Council of Christian Churches and other key fundamentalist organizations of the era developed a set of key theological arguments about the perceived un-Americanism of said churches and their clergy. Later in the 1950s, the fundamentalists allied with others on the religious and political right to push for a series of Congressional and FBI investigations into perceived subversion as practised by these churches. While ultimately unsuccessful in terms of their originally stated goals, these prolonged fundamentalist campaigns became a crucial site for disseminating the faith-based conceptions of Americanism and un-Americanism that eventually cohered in the contemporary religious right. This paper will investigate the Cold War fundamentalist discourse on un-Americanism and subversion in an effort to illumine the contours of perceived religious otherness in this exceptionally religious nation.
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23

Pearson, Birger A. "The Gospel of Thomas and Christian Origins: Essays on the Fifth Gospel. By Stephen J. Patterson. Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies, 84. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Pp. xiv + 311. Cloth, $182.00." Religious Studies Review 40, no. 3 (September 2014): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.12153_31.

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24

Auld, Graeme. "Sawyer, John F. A. 1996. The Fifth Gospel. Isaiah in the History of Christianity. Cambridge University Press, pp. xvii, 281." Studies in World Christianity 5, no. 1 (April 1999): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1999.5.1.126.

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Auld, Graeme. "Sawyer, John F. A. 1996.The Fifth Gospel. Isaiah in the History of Christianity. Cambridge University Press, pp. xvii, 281." Studies in World Christianity 5, Part_1 (January 1999): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1999.5.part_1.126.

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Young, John H. "Beyond the Social Gospel: Church Protest on the Prairies Ben Smillie Toronto: The United Church Publishing House; Saskatoon: Fifth House Publishers, 1991. 170p." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 23, no. 1 (March 1994): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989402300134.

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Ramli, Angraini binti. "الإشكالیة في الحدیث “إن الله خلق آدم على صورتھ”: أسبابھا وحلولھا." Al-Bukhari : Jurnal Ilmu Hadis 1, no. 1 (July 25, 2018): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/al-bukhari.v1i1.444.

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Hadith Innallāha khalaqa Adam ‘alā ṣūratih, is one of hadith that has isykāl (difficulties) or problems involving debates among scholars. Firstly, There are some scholars who argued that the problems in this hadith is because the pronunciation of ‘alā ṣūratih in this hadith is contrary to the Islamic faith. Secondly, Others argued that this hadith has a similarity with isrā’iliyāt because in the Torah and the Gospel also found similar things in the creation of Adam. Thirdly, some scholars accept this hadith textually but interpreted it to another meaning in order fit with holiness of Allah. The fourth,opinion argue that damiror pronoun of words on ‘alā ṣūratih refer to Allah, either as interpretation the word of rahman or as an iḍāfah taṣrīfiyah and ikhtiṣāṣiyah to Allah. The fifth, opinion argue that this damir refer to Adam. The sixth, opinion said that this damir returned to the owner face who was beaten as mentioned in the hadith is refer to the object which was hit, namely the face itself
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28

Madigan, Kevin J., and Jon D. Levenson. "A Gentleman and a Scholar—and an Editor Par Excellence." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 4 (October 2010): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000775.

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That the editorship of the Harvard Theological Review should take two individuals to succeed Prof. Bovon will come as no surprise to those who know him. A scholar's scholar, he has published a large number of learned and acclaimed studies. These studies include his four-volume commentary on the Gospel according to Luke, which has now appeared in four languages with a fifth to follow, and his groundbreaking studies on the apocryphal literature of early Christianity. He has written an important reconstruction of the last days of Jesus and how the early church interpreted them, as well as probing explorations of exegetical method. His works include three volumes, published for a more popular audience, and nearly two hundred articles and chapters that have appeared in scholarly books. Prof. Bovon does not limit his oeuvre to commenting with masterful erudition on published works. His work has taken him to the libraries of the monasteries on Mount Sinai and Mount Athos and to the Bodleian Library in Oxford in search of key documents from the early history of Christianity.
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Calian, George F. "Ivan Miroshnikov, The Gospel of Thomas and Plato: A Study of the Impact of Platonism on the “Fifth Gospel”, Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies 93, Boston-Leiden, Brill 2018, 324 p., ISBN: 978-90-04-36728-9." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 12, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 368–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2020-0026.

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Hurtado, L. W. "SAWYER, John F.A., The Fifth Gospel: Isaiah in the History of Christianity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. 298. Pbk. £12.95. ISBN 0-521-56596-0." Biblical Interpretation 7, no. 2 (1999): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851599x00191.

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Evans, Mary. "The Fifth Gospel: Isaiah in the History of Christianity by John F. A. Sawyer (Cambridge: CUP, 1996. 282pp. pb. £14:95. ISBN 0-521-56596-0)." Evangelical Quarterly 75, no. 1 (April 16, 2003): 64–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07501005.

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32

Healey, Joseph G. "Our Stories as Fifth Gospels." Mission Studies 4, no. 1 (1987): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338387x00122.

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Hooker, Morna D. "The fifth gospel. Isaiah in the history of Christianity. By John F. A. Sawyer. Pp. xvii + 281 + 38 plates. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. £35 (cloth), £12.95 (paper). 0 521 44007 6; 0 521 56596 0." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 4 (October 1997): 734–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690001352x.

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Brazier, Paul. "Karl Barth and the Fifth Gospel: Barth's Theological Exegesis of Isaiah. By Mark S. Gignilliat. Pp. xiv, 167, Aldershot/Burlington, Ashgate, 2009, £55, $99.99, €65.99, ¥9,980. Karl Barth on the Filioque. David Guretzki. Pp. xii, 213, Aldershot/Burlington,." Heythrop Journal 56, no. 6 (October 2, 2015): 1055–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.24_12271.

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NORTON, KAY. "“Yes, [Gospel] Is Real”: Half a Century with Chicago's Martin and Morris Company." Journal of the Society for American Music 11, no. 4 (October 20, 2017): 420–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196317000360.

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AbstractThe Martin and Morris Music Studio (MMMS) imprint permeated the first fifty years of black gospel music. Jointly owned by singer/impresaria Sallie Martin (1895/6–1988) and composer/arranger/pianist/organist Kenneth Morris (1917–88), the MMMS delivered gospel songs to an eager public and offered ordinary Americans the chance to see their names in print as author or composer on the cover of a gospel octavo, copies of which could then be sold to benefit that same ordinary American. Their influence extended far beyond that service, however. Martin and her Singers performed and popularized music bearing the MMMS imprint in venues ranging from small churches in the Deep South to national conventions in Washington, D.C., and widened circulation of MMMS music via Los Angeles recording studios. The unprecedented accomplishments of the MMMS, active from 1940 to 1993, have not been fully explored. Relying on transcribed interviews of the owners by Bernice Johnson Reagon, James Standifer, and others, accounts in historical newspapers, and company archives, this article addresses that void. The centrality of the MMMS in twentieth-century gospel of all types is clarified through examination of contexts for black-owned music publishing in the last century, the owners’ early business models, and their changing roles in the creation, publication, popularization, and dissemination of gospel music for more than fifty years.
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Burns, J. H. "Conciliarism, Papalism, and Power, 1511-1518." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1987): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002076.

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If ‘the later conciliar controversy’ may be regarded as having come to an end by the middle of the fifteenth century, the years considered here may perhaps be seen as the period of the last controversy of quite that kind. It is true that words like ‘first’ and ‘last’ are always hazardous in historical discourse, and perhaps nowhere more so than in the history of ideas. Clearly the argument about the place of general councils in the polity of the Church had not completely died away in the second half of the fifteenth century; nor did it come to a sudden end in 1518 (specified here as the year which saw the Concordat of 1516 reluctantly accepted by the University of Paris and also the publication of John Mair’s Commentary on St Matthew’s Gospel, with its strenuous assertion of conciliarist principles). Twenty years more were to pass before the posthumous publication of the longest single work generated by the entire conciliar controversy, Domenico Giacobazzi’s De concilio. And seven years later it was, of course, a council of the Church that faced the challenge of what had, from small beginnings within the period examined here, become a schism more fundamental and far-reaching than that which had precipitated the original conciliar movement. Even at Trent, moreover, there were those who were prepared to speak up for ‘conciliarist’ principles and policies. Yet it still seems true to say that the years of the Council (or what purported to be the Council) of Pisa and Milan, and of the Fifth Council of the Lateran, saw the last significant and direct confrontation between conciliarism and papalism as those positions had developed in the ecclesiology and ecclesiastical politics of the period inaugurated by the Great Schism. No doubt this last act was an anticlimax, a controversy over the dubious claims of a conciliabulum which was at least politically used if not originally inspired by purely political motives. In the history of ideas, however, and perhaps especially in the history of political ideas, the debate is not so easily dismissed.
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Handaric, Mihai. "Faith as a Proper Answer in Crisis." Kairos 15, no. 1 (May 27, 2021): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k.15.1.4.

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This article addresses the problem of preserving the faith in God while discouraging circumstances, based on the first part of Habakkuk’s prophecy. The message of the book teaches us how to benefit from our faith by presenting the process through which the prophet overcomes the confusion around him, even in God’s acting for his people. In the introduction, it is argued that faith is a basic principle of life, which can be questioned because of difficult circumstances. The first part of the article discusses why Habakkuk’s prophecy can be understood as a “burden,” and the second part presents the historical context of the book of Habakkuk. The third section discusses the internal and external crisis in Judah and the fourth section analyses the prophet’s reaction against the Babylonian crisis. The fifth section described the faith as a proper response to the crisis (2:1-4) while the final section discusses implications of Habakkuk 2:4 for the teaching of the New Testament. In general, we can see that in the first part of Habakkuk (1:1-2:4) the prophet questions the validity of his faith in God, because of the apparent long divine silence about injustice in Judah (1:2-4). Then, he was unhappy with God’s answer, who decided to send a new crisis to solve the first crisis (1:5-6). After the prophet’s complaint (1:7-2:1), God advises him and his people to trust His solution in overcoming the crisis (2:2-4). The insights from the message of Habakkuk analyzed in this article, may help the reader to preserve authentic faith in a time of crisis. Also, that pattern of living by faith from this Old Testament book is taken over by the New Testament authors so that Habakkuk’s expression “the righteous live by their faith” (2:4), is quoted as a key statement for the Gospel message of salvation (Rom. 1:17; Gal. 3:11; Heb. 10:38). But not only that, this statement defines the proper behavior of people in expecting the divine solution of salvation in the time of crisis.
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38

Downing, Raymond. "The Annunciation of the Gospel." Christian Journal for Global Health 5, no. 1 (July 7, 2018): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15566/cjgh.v5i1.202.

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ABSTRACT Fifty years ago, Ivan Illich – then a trainer of missionaries – declared that the Church should withdraw from its current role in third world development and focus instead on “the annunciation of the gospel.” This would be the church's “contribution to development which could not be made by any other institution.” Since then church institutions have instead greatly expanded their role in relief and development. This article examines why we need to listen to Illich.
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Heath, Jane. "Book Review: East-West Christian Dialogue on Jesus Research: Christos Karakolis, Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr and Sviatoslav Rogalsky (eds.), Gospel Images of Jesus Christ in Church Tradition and in Biblical Scholarship. Fifth International East-West Symposium of New Testament Scholars, Minsk, September 2 to 9, 2010." Expository Times 125, no. 2 (October 2013): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524613494559f.

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Meyer, Marvin W. "Making Mary Male: the Categories ‘Male’ and ‘Female’ in the Gospel of Thomas." New Testament Studies 31, no. 4 (October 1985): 554–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850001208x.

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The CopticGospel of Thomasis one of the most spectacular of the fifty-two tractates filling the thirteen codices of the Nag Hammadi library. Discovered in December 1945 by several Egyptianfellahin, the Nag Hammadi tractates were subjected to a variety of political and scholarly ploys, and were not made available in their entirety until the very end of 1977, when the last of the volumes of manuscript pages in theFacsimile Editionand the one-volume edition ofThe Nag Hammadi Library in Englishfinally appeared.1One of the very first of the documents to be published was theGospel of Thomas, and its appearance has already stimulated the production of numerous articles and monographs by the scholars who have recognized its significance for our knowledge of Christian origins and early church history. Since the time of its initial publication scholars have suggested a variety of interpretations of theGospel, and to date no consensus has been reached. Yet, in my estimation, a reasonably strong case can be made that theGospel of Thomas, in its present form, belongs at least on the periphery of Christian Gnosticism, and to that extent the Coptic text may be termed a gnosticizing gospel.2
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Майсак, Тимур Анатольевич. "PARTICIPIAL RELATIVE CLAUSES IN UDI FROM A CORPUS PERSPECTIVE." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 2(28) (September 18, 2020): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2020-2-46-65.

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В статье на материале текстов исследуются частотные характеристики определительных причастных клауз в удинском языке (лезгинская группа нахско-дагестанской семьи). В удинском имеются две формы причастий (перфективное и имперфективное); причастные обороты располагаются в препозиции к вершине, а само причастие занимает в клаузе конечную позицию. Как и в других нахско-дагестанских языках, удинские причастные клаузы являются близкими аналогами относительных предложений, однако допускают более широкий круг ассоциаций между вершинным именем и причастной клаузой, благодаря чему могут быть отнесены к выделяемому в литературе типу «обобщенных клаузальных конструкций, модицифирующих имя» (general noun-modifying clause constructions, GNMCCs). Основной задачей являлось изучение частотности различных типов ассоциаций между вершиной причастной клаузы и описываемой этой клаузой ситуацией (в терминах аргументов, адъюнктов или иных типов). Было рассмотрено около 1 тыс. употреблений причастных клауз в трех корпусах 2000-х гг. на ниджском диалекте – устном, переводном письменном (Евангелие от Луки) и оригинальном письменном (два сборника фольклорных текстов). Удинские данные были также сопоставлены с данными по частотности релятивизации, имеющимися для нескольких других нахско-дагестанских языков (арчинский, агульский, лезгинский и пр.). Были получены следующие основные выводы: в причастных клаузах непереходные глаголы, особенно глагол ‘быть’, используются чаще, чем переходные; подавляющее большинство употреблений (более 80%) приходится на релятивизацию одного из трех ядерных аргументов, причем непереходный субъект с большим отрывом опережает агенс и пациенс (то же отмечалось и для других нахско-дагестанских языков); удинский отличается от родственных языков преобладанием агенса над пациенсом по частоте релятивизации; частотность релятивизации неядерных аргументов и адъюнктов для удинского мала (менее пятой части употреблений) по сравнению с некоторыми из родственных языков; среди типов «неядерной» релятивизации наиболее значительное место занимает локативная и темпоральная; для удинского находит подтверждение высказывавшееся ранее суждение о том, что при наличии «расширенных» употреблений с несинтаксической ассоциацией между вершинным именем и причастной каузой их частотность крайне невысока. The paper presents quantitative data on the modifying participial clauses in Udi (Lezgic, Nakh-Daghestanian), based on text corpora. There are two participles in Udi, a perfective and an imperfective one; modifying participial clauses precede nominal heads, and the participle is clause-final within its clause. Like in other Nakh-Daghestanian languages, modifying participial clauses in Udi are close equivalents of relative clauses proper. However, as they allow a wider range of possible associations between a head noun and a clause, they can be rather assigned to what is known as general noun-modifying clause constructions (GNMCCs). The main goal of the paper is the analysis of frequencies of different associations between participial clauses and head nouns in terms of arguments, adjuncts or otherwise. In total, about 1,000 occurrences of participial clauses in the Nizh dialect of Udi were taken into account, drawn from three corpora: one spoken, one written comprising a translated text of the Gospel of Luke, and another written corpus comprising two collections of original folklore. The Udi data were compared to the data on relativization frequencies available for a few other Nakh-Daghestanian languages, including Agul, Archi, Lezgian, etc. The main generalizations which can be made from the counts are as follows. In participial clauses, intransitive predicates (especially the verb ‘be’) turned out to be more frequent than transitive ones. Relativization of the three core arguments S, A and P accounts for the vast majority of all occurrences (more than 80%), with the intransitive subject S by far outnumbering agent and patient (the same is true for the other languages of the family). Unlike in some other related languages, relativization of the agent is more frequent than that of the patient in Udi. Relativizations frequencies for peripheral arguments and adjuncts is small compared to some other languages of the family (less than one fifth of all occurrences). Among the non-core relativizations, the locative and the temporal ones are the most common. Also, the Udi data confirms the impression that although “extended” uses (i.e. non-syntactic associations) typical of GNMCCs are indeed attested, their frequency is very low.
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Ehrman, Bart D. "Heracleon and the ‘Western’ Textual Tradition." New Testament Studies 40, no. 2 (April 1994): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500020531.

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Heracleon's commentary on the Fourth Gospel has always intrigued Patristic scholars concerned with the history of exegesis.1Rarely has it evoked equal interest among textual critics concerned with the history of the NT text. In part this is due to the unfortunate bifurcation of the disciplines, a breach that has begun to mend only in recent years.2Perhaps in greater part it is due to the nature of the materials. Heracleon's work is preserved almost exclusively in the citations of Origen, who wrote his own exposition, in some measure, as a rebuttal. Origen never completed his commentary on John; of the thirty-two volumes that he did produce, we have just nine. In these we find scattered quotations drawn from the work of his predecessor, cited primarily in order to be refuted. In all, there are not quite fifty such quotations, ranging from two or three lines of Greek text in the standard edition up to several dozen.3
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PRINCE, M. J., R. H. HARWOOD, R. A. BLIZARD, A. THOMAS, and A. H. MANN. "Impairment, disability and handicap as risk factors for depression in old age. The Gospel Oak Project V." Psychological Medicine 27, no. 2 (March 1997): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291796004473.

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Background. An association between disablement and late-life depression is often reported in cross-sectional studies. However, many lack effect sizes, and do not control for confounding. Therefore, it is difficult both to quantify the overall impact of poor health on depression and to understand which aspects are most salient.Methods. A catchment area survey of all over 65-year-old residents of an electoral district in London, UK, using a population register derived from a door-to-door census was undertaken. Depression was measured using SHORT-CARE, and the consequences of disease classified according to the WHO International Classification of Impairments, Disabilities and Handicaps.Results. Six hundred and fifty-four subjects were interviewed out of an older population of 889. The prevalence of SHORT-CARE pervasive depression was 17%. Impairment, disability and, particularly, handicap were strongly associated with depression. The adjusted odds ratio for depression in the most handicapped quartile compared with the least was 24·2 (8·8–66·6). The population attributable fraction (PAF) for depression attributable to handicap was 0·78. The PAFs for recent life events and female gender were much lower. Handicap explained most of the depression associated with individual impairments and disabilities. Adjusting for handicap abolished or weakened the associations between depression and social support, income, older age, female gender and living alone.Conclusions. Even given some uncertainty in distinguishing handicap and depression as constructs, and the impossibility of deciding direction of causality, it seems likely that handicap is of central significance to late-life depression. Handicap may be more amenable to intervention than either impairment or disability.
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Flett, John G. "Communion as propaganda: Reinhard Hütter and the missionary witness of the ‘ChurchasPublic’." Scottish Journal of Theology 62, no. 4 (October 2, 2009): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930609990111.

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AbstractThe Protestant church, for Reinhard Hütter, relinquished its ecclesial public character when it turned from ‘binding doctrine’ as the means for establishing and maintaining its concrete ‘time-space’. Christendom disguised this basic theological flaw, but with its collapse the public basis of the Protestant church fell away. This reduced the church's witness and destroyed its communal structure. His positive proposal re-establishes the church as a public by reference to the communion nature of God, and to church practices as mediate forms of the Spirit's acting. Hütter's account shadows an argument made fifty years before by Johannes C. Hoekendijk, observing an intensified focus on word and sacrament and the promotion of a culture as a solution to the problem of the church's witness. Yet, for Hoekendijk, this logic exemplifies the problem. The institutions of the church come to bear the full evangelistic load. Mission replicates the basic structures of a particular way of life as a necessary precursor to the gospel. The act of witness becomes propaganda because of an insufficient doctrine of the church. This insufficiency is a failing in the doctrine of the Trinity: God's own life is defined without sufficient attention to his act of reconciliation and redemption as itself material to understanding the nature of hisin selife.
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Thodberg, Christian. "Grundtvigs skovoplevelse i 1811 og prædikerne over Peters fiskedræt i tiden, der fulgte." Grundtvig-Studier 38, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 11–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v38i1.15970.

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Grundtvig’s Experience in a Wood in 1811 and his subsequent sermons on the miraculous draught of fishes.By Christian Thodberg.It is common knowledge that in connection with the revival of his Christianity Grundtvig suffered a breakdown in December 1810, after which he returned with his friend, F. C. Sibbern, to his home village and his parents in Udby, South Zealand. However, in May 1811, after a stay in Copenhagen, he was again on his way to Udby to become curate for his aging father when he had an equally important experience in the wood outside Udby which has hitherto passed apparently unheeded. He describes it in a contemporary poem to Sibbern himself.In an attack of despondency, brought on by the sight of Udby church and his childhood home and by the thought of his forthcoming ministry, he knelt down in the wood and read I Cor. 15: 55-58. Grundtvig had been ordained in Copenhagen on May 29th, but in the wood two days later he experienced a special call to the priesthood. The nature of this experience is clearly visible in his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes (Luke 5: 1-11), given 22 years later on July 7th 1833. In the sermon Grundtvig relates the experience and adds that the Lord Himself had spoken to him on that occasion and had called him with the words used to Simon Peter: “Let down the net. From henceforth thou shalt catch men!”A closer analysis of Grundtvig’s sermons from 1811 until his death in 1872 shows that over the years it is on the 5th Sunday after Trinity that he reflects on the Lord’s special call to him, and thus on his life’s special destiny. He uses Peter’s catch as his starting-point, both because of Jesus’ words to Peter and because the frightened and kneeling Peter in the gospel story undoubtedly reminds Grundtvig of his situation and literal position in the wood on Friday May 31st 1811.In his sermon for the 5th Sunday after Trinity 1811 the call motif does not appear; on the other hand he does use the biblical themes of Ezek. 47: 8-10 and Amos 8: 11, which are repeated in the later sermons on the miraculous draught. The unfinished sermon of 1812 is of a quite different order, but the very long sermon in 1818 is such a penetrating analysis of the preacher’s situation that it reveals Grundtvig’s extremely personal relationship to the account of Peter’s call. The same tension can be felt in the three drafts for the sermon of 1821; the last draft is continued in the major prose-poem sermon of 1822. The theme is “listening to God’s Word”, and the sermon is divided into five images: the first depicts the days of the ancient covenant, when the Jews refused to listen and ended up under the curse of slavery; the second is John the Baptist’s sermon; the third is Jesus’ teachings and works, while the fourth is the Church’s enthusiastic reflection on this central vision. The fifth image is basically Grundtvig’s own prophecy for the near future and for himself; for it is he himself who through his coming activity in Copenhagen, Denmark’s Jerusalem, will be the crucial link in the renewal of the salvation story. So self-conscious a sermon could not but have its source in a personal revelation, that is, the experience om May 31st 1811. The first sermon in Copenhagen in 1823 already includes the biblical themes mentioned above and describes the coming Christian revival. In the highly-charged sermon of 1824 Grundtvig clearly recalls the beginning of his ministry in 1811 and confesses that he has never preached better! This particular sermon of 1824 affords grounds for an analysis of the two central poems from that year: The Land o f the Living and N ew Year’s Morn, which were most probably written in June and July 1824 respectively. The Land o f the Living contains three sequences: 1) the childhood dream, 2) the vain dream of the adult worldling, and 3) the childhood dream recovered. The same three themes are also to be found in the poem to Sibbern, and the experience in the wood in 1811 offers a plausible explanation of the break between stanzas 1-6 and 7-13, i.e. between the description of the vain dream of the adult worldling and the childhood dream recovered. In fact it is compelling to regard stanzas 7-8 as a retelling in poetic form of the experience in the wood. The same experience would also seem to have left a significant trace in N ew Year’s Morn, in stanza 54 where there are similarities as regards both content and language between the Sibbern poem of 1811 and the retelling of the experience in the wood in the sermon of 1824.Among the reworked sermons in The Sunday Book we find in Vol. II (1828) a memoir of 1811 in a sermon on the miraculous draught of fishes, but the personal experience is emphasised by the stress, under the inspiration of Irenaeus, on the human as a prerequisite for the Christian. The gospel of the day must be particularly comforting to people torn between fear and hope – like Grundtvig in 1811. Jesus’ calling of Peter is again recalled in 1832 as the basic premise for Grundtvig’s own ministry. The sermon of 1833 - the cornerstone of this survey - has already been mentioned. In 1834 Jesus’ words to Peter are underlined with a minor gloss: fisher of living men, from which Grundtvig argues for his new view of the Church: the capacious Church. People must not be forced into Christianity, and they must be allowed to choose the priest they wish to attach themselves to. In 1835 Grundtvig recalls his ordination in 1811. In 1836 the human aspect of the sermon is emphasised, as it is in The Sunday Book.In 1837 Grundtvig uses the call of Peter to consider the justification of lay preaching - presumably because he himself received a direct call in 1811. In 1838 the Irenaeus inspiration culminates. The dangerous life of a fisherman is a precise image of the rightness of Grundtvig’s well-known thesis: First a Man, then a Christian. In 1839 the experience in the wood is retold, this time in even more detail than in 1833; while in 1840 Grundtvig demonstratively sets his two great “revelations” up against one another: the experience in the wood in 1811 and the “unparalleled discovery” of baptism and the eucharist in 1825. From now on it is clear to him that the later “revelation’ is the greater, a belief he finally confirms in his sermon of 1842. Irenaeus continues to inspire him in the sermons of 1841 and 1844, underlining yet again Grundtvig’s personal relationship to the account of the miraculous draught. In the remainder of Grundtvig’s preaching life the, experience of 1811 is less strongly recalled on the 5th Sunday after Trinity, though it does happen both in 1856 and in 1861.The survey shows that the experience has been of central significance to the revival of Grundtvig’s faith, and that right into the 1840s it is an important starting-point for his understanding of himself as a Christian. The sermon on the 5th Sunday after Trinity on the miraculous draught of fishes thus becomes an interesting guideline to an appreciation of Grundtvig’s personal and theological development.
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Fisher, Linford D. "Native Americans, Conversion, and Christian Practice in Colonial New England, 1640—1730." Harvard Theological Review 102, no. 1 (January 2009): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816009000054.

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Fortunately, the two travelers arrived before sunset. Earlier in the day, on 5 May 1674, John Eliot and Daniel Gookin had set out from Boston for Wamesit, the northernmost of the fourteen Indian “praying towns” within the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and the one most subjected to retaliatory attacks from raiding bands of Mohawks in the previous few years. Upon safe arrival, the Englishmen greeted their Pennacook friends and gathered as many as they could at the wigwam of Wannalancet, the head sachem of Wamesit, where Eliot, the aging missionary to the Indians, proceeded to talk about the meaning of the parable of the marriage of the king's son in Matthew 22:1—4. Wannalancet, according to Gookin, was a “sober and grave person, and of years, between fifty and sixty”; he had from the beginning been “loving and friendly to the English,” and in return they had tried to encourage him to embrace Christianity. Although the English missionaries would have desired him to readily accept the gospel message they preached, Wannalancet voluntarily incorporated Christian practices slowly, over time, without necessarily repudiating his native culture and traditional religious practices.1 For four years Wannalancet “had been willing to hear the word of God preached”; when Eliot or other missionaries made their periodic visits to Wamesit, Wannalancet made sure he was there. Over time, Wannalancet adopted the English practices of keeping the Sabbath, learning to go to any available meeting or instruction, fellowshipping, and refraining from various activities proscribed by the town's praying leaders. Despite all that, however, the English missionaries still complained that he “hath stood off” since he had “not yielded up himself personally.”2
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Mach, Michael. "[Shai le-Chaim Rabin]. Studies on Hebrew and Other Semitic Languages, Presented to Professor Chaim Rabin on the Occasion of his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, ed. by M. GOSHEN-GOTTSTEIN, S. MORAG, S. KOGUT. Akademon, Jerusalem, 1990." Journal for the Study of Judaism 24, no. 1 (1993): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006393x00439.

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Поздеева [Pozdeeva], Ирина [Irina]. "Московский печатный двор XVII в.: между средневековьем и Новым временем." Acta Baltico-Slavica 40 (December 28, 2016): 126–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2016.014.

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Moscow Printing House in the 17th Century: Between the Middle Ages and the Modern Age In Russia, the use of the printing press began in the middle of the 16th century. Book printing in Moscow was interrupted during the Time of Troubles and restored in 1614/1615. In the 17th century, the process developed technically and culturally. Book printing Prikaz was established to manage the Printing House.This paper tries to summarize activities of MPH (Moscow Print House) in the period of 1615–1700 on the basis of the continuous study of documents from the Prikaz’s Archive: the character of the repertoire (analysis covers 632 titles according to Archive instead of the 469 that physically survived and was listed in the A. S. Zernova’ catalogue (№ 30–498)) and its change depending on the internal and external priorities of the state. In this study for the first time there were specified exactly the number of copies in a run, production cost and decreed selling price.Using documents from the Archive and notes written in the books the social and geographical aspects of the proliferation of tens of thousand of new published books were established; these has allowed to prove that in the late 1730s a printed book already had become a real factor in the development of majority of Russian regions, and that be the middle of the century, a common Slavic book market has been formed.For analytical purposes all titles printed in the 17th century are divided into five types according to their primary function, and we examine how these publica­tions were relevant to establishing and strengthening of the Romanov dynasty and the Russian statehood:Canon – the Four Gospels and the Apostle, the first edition of the Bible (Moscow, 1963);Publications of the didactic nature for canonic and non-canonic reading (traditional for script booklore and a new type);Publications for public and private worship, texts of which accompanied every human life, activities of state institutions and government.Research in the Archive allowed us to revise conclusively a scientific concept stating that Moscow Printing House did not print books for educational purposes. The article provides information about numerous, previously unknown 51 edition of “ABC on the sheet” (“Azbuka na listu” – “The First Teachings for Children”, 258,000 copies), 9 editions of the Primer (22,320 copies), 35 editions of the Training Book of Hours (132,000 copies), 35 editions of the Training Hymns (93,600 copies). More than half a million (536,420) copies of all publications for teaching the Faith and letters were printed, that was 52.98% of the total circulation (numbers of copies) of all these years.In the paper we briefly describe the fifth type of publications – reference books. These activities of the Moscow Printing House helped to train the competent and active people who supported Peter’s reforms and transformation of medieval Rus into the Russian Empire of the Modern Age. Drukarnia moskiewska w XVII wieku – od średniowiecza do ery nowożytnej W Rosji zaczęto używać prasy drukarskiej w połowie XVI w. Drukowanie książek w Moskwie zostało przerwane w okresie Smuty i przywrócone w latach 1614/1615. W XVII w. proces druku rozwinął się pod względem technicznym i kulturowym. Założono Prikaz celem zarządzania drukarnią.W artykule podsumowano działalność moskiewskiej drukarni w latach 1615–1700 na podstawie badań dokumentów z archiwum: omówiony został charakter produkcji wydawniczej [analiza obejmuje 632 tytuły, które się ukazały (zgodnie z danymi archiwum), zamiast 498 zachowanych i zarejestrowanych w katalogu A. S. Ziernowej (№ 30–498)] oraz przemiany zależne od wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych priorytetów państwa. W artykule po raz pierwszy określona zostaje liczba egzemplarzy (nakład) książek, koszt ich produkcji i ceny detaliczne ustalone przez państwo.Korzystając z dokumentów z archiwum i not wpisanych do ksiąg, ustalono spo­łeczne i geograficzne aspekty rozpowszechniania dziesiątek tysięcy nowo drukowanych książek; pozwoliło to na dowiedzenie, że w latach 30. XVII w. książka drukowana stała się już realnym czynnikiem rozwoju większości regionów Rosji, a ponadto że w połowie wieku powstał wspólny słowiański rynek książki.Dla celów analizy wszystkie tytuły drukowane w XVII w. zostały podzielone na 5 kategorii według ich prymarnej funkcji. Autorka docieka, w jaki sposób publikacje te przyczyniły się do ustanowienia i wzmocnienia dynastii Romanowów oraz rozwoju rosyjskiej państwowości:kanon – cztery Ewangelie i Apostoł, pierwsze wydanie Biblii (Moskwa, 1963);publikacje o charakterze dydaktycznym do czytań kanonicznych i niekanonicz­nych (tradycyjne i nowego typu);publikacje do publicznego i prywatnego wyznawania wiary, towarzyszące każdemu człowiekowi oraz działalności instytucji państwowych i rządowych.Badania przeprowadzone w archiwum pozwoliły autorce zrewidować w sposób przekonujący dominującą od dawna koncepcję, że drukarnia moskiewska nie drukowała książek dla celów edukacyjnych. Artykuł podaje informacje o licznych, dotąd nieznanych 51 edycjach Azbuka na listu – Pierwszych Nauk dla Dzieci (258 000 egz.), 9 edycjach Elementarza (22 320 egz.), 35 edycjach Księgi Godzin (132 000 egz.), 35 edycjach Hymnów (93 600 egz.). Wydrukowano ponad pół miliona (536 420) egz. wszystkich publikacji do nauczania wiary oraz listów , tj. 52,98% całkowitego nakładu w tych latach.Krótko opisano w artykule piąty typ – książki z księgozbioru podręcznego. Dzięki drukarni moskiewskiej wykształcono kompetentnych i aktywnych zwolenników reform Piotra i transformacji średniowiecznej Rusi w Rosyjskie Imperium epoki nowożytnej.
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Elliott, J. K. "THEODORE A. BERGREN, Fifth Ezra: The Text, Origin and Early History (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1990) ( = Society of Biblical Literature Septuagint and Cognate Studies Series No. 25) pp. xvii + 479. CHARLES W. HEDRICK (ed.), The Historical Jesus and the Rejected Gospels (Atlanta, Georgia; Scholars Press, 1988) ( = Semeia 44) pp. iv + 140. RON CAMERON (ed.), The Apocryphal Jesus and Christian Origins (Atlanta, Georgia; Scholars Press, 1990) ( = Semeia 49) pp. iv + 176. JAMES M. ROBINSON (ed.), The Nag Hammadi Library in English. Third Completely Revised Edition (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988) xv + 549 pp. Dfl. 49." Novum Testamentum 33, no. 3 (1991): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853691x00060.

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INDRAYANI, IG A. A., and SIWI SUMARTINI. "PENGARUH UKURAN BRAKTEA BEBERAPA AKSESI KAPAS TERHADAP TINGKAT SERANGAN HAMA PENGGEREK BUAH Helicoverpa armigera (HUBNER)." Jurnal Penelitian Tanaman Industri 13, no. 4 (June 25, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.21082/jlittri.v13n4.2007.125-129.

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Abstract:
<p>ABSTRAK<br />Hingga kini teknik perakitan varietas kapas tahan hama masih<br />dilakukan secara konvensional berdasarkan beberapa karakter morfologi<br />tanaman, seperti: bulu daun, daun okra, braktea berpilin, nektar, dan<br />gosipol tinggi. Karakter-karakter ini diketahui erat hubungannya dengan<br />ketahanan terhadap hama, khususnya H. armigera. Berkaitan dengan<br />serangan H. armigera pada buah, diduga ada bagian-bagian buah kapas<br />yang berkontribusi secara langsung pada serangan hama ini, misalnya<br />braktea buah. Namun demikian, besarnya pengaruh braktea terhadap<br />kerusakan buah kapas perlu dipelajari dalam upaya meminimalkan<br />kerusakan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh ukuran<br />braktea terhadap tingkat kerusakan buah oleh H. armigera pada beberapa<br />aksesi kapas. Penelitian dilaksanakan di Kebun Percobaan Balai Penelitian<br />Tanaman Tembakau dan Serat, di Asembagus, Situbondo, Jawa Timur<br />mulai bulan Januari hingga Desember 2006. Sebanyak 18 aksesi dari 50<br />aksesi kapas dengan berbagai variasi ukuran braktea digunakan sebagai<br />perlakuan. Setiap perlakuan (aksesi) disusun dalam rancangan acak<br />kelompok (RAK), dengan tiga kali ulangan. Lima tanaman kapas dari<br />masing-masing aksesi ditentukan secara acak, dan sebanyak 5 buah kapas<br />muda (diameter ± 4 cm) dipetik dari masing-masing tanaman sampel,<br />kemudian dibawa ke laboratorium untuk diukur luas braktea dan buahnya.<br />Selain itu dilakukan pula pengamatan kerusakan buah dan hasil kapas<br />berbiji di lapang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ukuran braktea<br />berkorelasi positif dengan tingkat kerusakan buah (R 2 = 0,9014), sehingga<br />braktea berukuran besar dan lebar serta menutupi buah secara total<br />berpotensi mengalami kerusakan akibat serangan H. armigera lebih tinggi<br />dibanding braktea berukuran kecil dan sempit. Ukuran panjang dan lebar<br />braktea pada 18 aksesi kapas bervariasi antar aksesi dan masing-masing<br />berkorelasi positif dengan luas (R 2 = 0,876; R 2 = 0,894). Hasil penelitian<br />ini dapat dimanfaatkan dalam merakit varietas tahan hama, dan<br />kombinasinya dengan karakter-karakter morfologi kapas yang sudah ada<br />untuk menghasilkan varietas kapas baru dengan tingkat ketahanan yang<br />lebih tinggi terhadap hama penggerek buah H. armigera.<br />Katakunci : Braktea, Helicoverpa armigera, aksesi kapas, karakter<br />morfologi.</p><p><br />ABSTRACT<br />Effects of bract size of several cotton accessions to<br />American bollworm injury level<br />Conventional method by crossing technique based on<br />morphological characters of plant is now still used in providing resistant<br />varieties of cotton against insect bollworms. A number of genetic<br />characters are now available and have been studying for their assosiation<br />with insect pests resistance such as hairiness, okra leaf, frego bract,<br />nectariless, and high gossypol. Regarding to boll damage by H. armigera,<br />it can be mentioned that there are many other morphological characters of<br />cotton attributable to bollworm damage, such as floral bract. As a part of<br />boll, it is estimated that bracts assosiated with bollworm attacked due to<br />their larger size compared with boll size. Objective of the study was to find<br />out the effect of bract size in relation to bollworm damage on cotton<br />accessions. The study was conducted at Experimental Station of<br />Indonesian Tobacco and Fiber Crops Research Institute in Asembagus,<br />Situbondo, East Java from January to December 2006. Eighteen of fifty<br />cotton accessions were used as treatment and they were arranged in<br />Randomized Block Design (RBD) with three replications. Five randomly<br />cotton plants from each accession and five young bolls were sampled<br />from the selected plant with about 4 cm of diameter were brought in the<br />laboratory to collect information on bract and boll sizes. Bollworm<br />damage was determined by counting the damaged bolls in the field as well<br />as the seed cotton yield. Result showed that bract size was positively<br />correlated with boll damage (R 2 = 0.9014). Higher damaged bolls occured<br />on bolls which is covered completely by bracts. There is variation between<br />length and wide size of bracts among cotton accessions and both showed<br />positive correlation to bract area (R 2 = 0.876; R 2 = 0.894). Based on this<br />study, higher resistance of cotton variety against H. armigera will<br />possiblly be provided through combination between bract size and any<br />other morphological characters of cotton.<br />Key words : Floral bract, Helicoverpa armigera, cotton accession,<br />morphological character</p>
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