Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fianna Fáil – History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Fianna Fáil – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Fianna Fáil – History"

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Ryan, Raymond. "The anti-annuity payment campaign, 1934–6." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004491.

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The retention by the Fianna Fáil government of the land annuities in 1932 and the consequent trade dispute with Great Britain, the ‘economic war’, is a subject extensively covered in the existing historiography, both in terms of the diplomatic and economic facets of the dispute. Opposition by the opponents of Fianna Fáil to the collection of land annuities has been well documented in the context of the political conflict between supporters and opponents of the treaty. Another trend in the historiography has emphasised, as the central characteristic of the anti-annuity payment campaign, the opposition by farmers to the payment of annuities on economic and social rather than on political grounds. Paul Bew and others have argued that large farmers supported the Blueshirts during the ‘economic war’ for material reasons; Mike Cronin has argued that the crisis of the ‘economic war’ encouraged opposition to de Valera’s policies among farmers, rather than pro-Treaty political considerations; and Andrew Orridge has also argued that the anti-annuity payment campaign included both a political element, in the form of Blueshirt hostility to Fianna Fáil, and a non-political element, on the part of farmers protesting at how their dependence on agricultural exports to Britain was threatened by Fianna Fáil policies.
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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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McMahon, Deirdre. "Review: De Valera, Fianna Fáil and the Irish Press: The Truth in the News." Irish Economic and Social History 30, no. 1 (June 2003): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930303000158.

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Drea, Eoin. "The role of T.A. Smiddy in Fianna Fáil economic policy-making 1932–45." Irish Studies Review 24, no. 2 (February 17, 2016): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2016.1147137.

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Keogh, Dermot. "Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.
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Girvin, Brian. "‘Lemass's brainchild’: the 1966 Informal Committee on the Constitution and change in Ireland, 1965–73." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (May 2013): 406–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001565.

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Seán Lemass remains an enigmatic figure in the study of contemporary Ireland. He became taoiseach in 1959, after a long and successful career in the leadership of Fianna Fáil. Notwithstanding this, he is widely associated with the transformation of Irish life that began under his stewardship between 1959 and 1966. In 1966, he convened the Informal Committee on the Constitution, often considered to be the most surprising initiative of his career. While change had not occurred by the time he died in 1971, the constitution had by this time become the focus for discussion, controversy and in some cases vilification. The questions this article seeks to answer are why Lemass promoted constitutional change and what were the consequences of this decision. More generally, it will assess the nature of constitutional change in a stable democratic state that is undergoing modernisation.
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Devlin, Anna, and Frank Barry. "Protection Versus Free Trade in the Free State Era: The Finance Attitude." Irish Economic and Social History 46, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489319853703.

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Belief in the benefits of industrial protection had long been a cornerstone of nationalist ideology. Cumann na nGaedheal followed a policy of selective protection while Fianna Fáil was ideologically committed not just to import-substituting industrialisation but to as high a degree of self-sufficiency as possible. The Departments of Finance and Industry and Commerce differed sharply on the costs and benefits of trade restrictions. This article explores the perspective of the Department of Finance and in particular that of J. J. McElligott, Assistant Secretary from 1923 and Secretary of the Department from 1927 to 1953. It demonstrates the strong continuity between his position and that of T. K. Whitaker, who became Secretary in 1956 and whose 1958 report on Economic Development is widely credited with providing the intellectual foundation for the trade liberalisation process of the following decades.
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Beatty, Aidan. "Ireland's new traditionalists: Fianna Fáil, republicanism and gender, 1926–1938. By Kenneth Shonk. Pp 240. Cork: Cork University Press. 2021. €39." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 170 (November 2022): 378–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.39.

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Hanley, Gerard. "They ‘never dared say “boo” while the British were here’: the postal strike of 1922 and the Irish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 169 (May 2022): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.6.

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AbstractThis article examines the causes and consequences of the 1922 postal strike which was the first nationwide strike to occur following the establishment of the Irish Free State. In the eyes of the government, the dispute was as much a threat to its authority as that posed by anti-Treatyies, and it was resolved to crush both. The significance of the postal dispute within the annals of Irish labour history has been obscured and overshadowed by the civil war. The strike was not only about a demand for a fair and reasonable wage: it also raised issues relating to workers’ rights, including the right to strike; government tactics, including the harassment and intimidation of workers by the military; victimisation; political propriety and probity; the abuse of government power; and the role and effectiveness of the labour movement. Furthermore, the historical collision of both the postal strike and the civil war produced strong emotions among all parties to this labour dispute – the postal workers, postal unions and the fledgling government. The coincidence of the dispute and the civil war determined the government's attitude towards labour unrest, labour affairs and labour relations until Fianna Fáil succeeded Cumann na nGaedheal in 1932.
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Holohan, Carole, Sean O'Connell, and Robert J. Savage. "Rediscovering poverty: moneylending in the Republic of Ireland in the 1960s." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 168 (November 2021): 282–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.56.

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AbstractIn 1969 R.T.É.'s 7 Days dealt with the issue of illegal moneylending, claiming that Dublin was ‘a city of fear’ where 500 unlicensed moneylenders used violence as a tool to collect debts. The Fianna Fáil government rejected the suggestion that loan sharking was widespread and that Gardaí responses to it were ineffectual; a tribunal of inquiry was established to investigate 7 Days. Previous analyses situated these events within the context of government concerns over the influence of television journalism. This article takes a different approach, analysing moneylending ― rather than 7 Days ― within the context of the rediscovery of poverty during the 1960s. It examines how social and economic changes, including the growth of consumer credit and the re-housing of large numbers of Dubliners, combined to make illegal moneylending more visible. Historical accounts of Ireland in the 1960s have had a top down focus on economic policy and growth. Here, the focus is shifted to personal rather state finances to offer a more nuanced portrayal of a decade often understood as a boom one. Moreover, analysing the nature and conclusions of the tribunal lays bare the contemporary resistance to those attempting to reframe the problem of poverty.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fianna Fáil – History"

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DUNPHY, Richard. "Class, power and the Fianna Fail Party : a study of hegemony in Irish politics, 1923-1948." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5257.

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Defence date: 4 July 1988
Examining Board: Prof. Ian Budge, Univ. of Essex ; Prof. Joseph Lee, Univ. College, Cork ; Prof. Jean Blondel, E.U.I., Florence ; Dr. Ferdinan Muller-Rommel, Hochschule Lüneburg ; Prof. Derek Urwin, Univ. of Warwick, Coventry
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BAKER, Susan. "Dependency, ideology and the industrial policy of Fianna Fail in Ireland, 1958-1972." Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5203.

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Examining board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter, Stanford University ; Dr. Paul Bew, Queen's University, Belfast ; Dr. Jean Blondel, E.U.I., Florence ; Dr. James Wickam, Trinity College, Dublin
Defence date: 23 September 1987
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Books on the topic "Fianna Fáil – History"

1

80 years of Fianna Fáil. Castlebar, Co. Mayo: Manlo Publications, 2006.

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Fianna Fáil: A biography of the party. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2011.

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3

The party: Inside Fianna Fáil. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1986.

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Leahy, Pat. Showtime!: The inside story of Fianna Fáil in power. Dublin, Ireland: Penguin Ireland, 2009.

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Showtime!: The inside story of Fianna Fáil in power. Dublin, Ireland: Penguin Ireland, 2009.

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Leahy, Pat. Showtime!: The inside story of Fianna Fáil in power. Dublin, Ireland: Penguin Ireland, 2009.

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7

Kenny, Shane. Go dance on somebody else's grave. Dublin: Kildanore Press, 1990.

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8

Máirtín, Breathnach, ed. Republican days: 75 years of Fianna Fáil. Dublin: Ashville Media Group, 2002.

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9

Philip, Hannon, and Gallagher Jackie, eds. Taking the long view: 70 years of Fianna Fáil. Dublin: Blackwater Press, 1996.

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Boland, Kevin. Under contract with the enemy. Cork: Mercier, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fianna Fáil – History"

1

Whiting, Matthew. "Radicalism and Moderation in the History of Irish Republicanism." In Sinn Féin and the IRA. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420549.003.0002.

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This chapter examines the meaning of radicalism and moderation within Irish republicanism by undertaking a comparison of the transformation of the anti-Treaty side in the Irish civil war into Fianna Fáil in the 1920s and the transformation of Provisional Sinn Féin and the Provisional IRA 70 years later. It argues that in both instances moderation was a strategic decision undertaken to advance the goals of the movements. Both Fianna Fáil in the 1920s and Sinn Féin today agreed to participate in the hope of dismantling the system of rule from within and replacing it with a more preferable outcome. The transformations were concerned with redefining republicans’ relationships with institutions and violence, while at the same time remaining committed to their ideological goals. Strategies and tactics changed, but their values and ambitions remained the same.
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Lane, Leeann. "Political Propaganda." In Ireland and Partition, 205–22. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781949979879.003.0011.

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Dorothy Macardle (1889–1958) is best known for writing the first full-scale account of the Irish revolutionary period from an anti-Treaty viewpoint, The Irish Republic (1937). She was a key Sinn Féin and, after 1926, Fianna Fáil, propagandist centrally immersed in the changing discourse and debate as to what constituted an authentic republican nation and how it could and should be achieved. This chapter examines Macardle’s fervent opposition to partition through an examination of her journalism and her perspective in The Irish Republic on the growing threat of a border in the period after 1916. The latter work emphasizes her belief that the treaty delegates were manipulated by the perfidious Lloyd George and were remiss in not ‘telephoning to Dublin’ before acceptance of the articles of agreement. Macardle’s clear objective was not to write a balanced history of the period. She was a politician and propagandist before she was a historian. Her intention was to validate a specific political stance during the revolutionary period, with particular reference to partition, the Treaty split and Civil War.
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