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Araújo Matos, Renata, Renata Lima, and Delia Dutra. "Entre Debates e Embates: uma reflexão sobre epistemologias feministas latino-americanas." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 11, no. 1 (April 30, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v11i1.21755.
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ResumoO presente texto objetiva discutir proposições elaboradas por parte de pensadoras feministas latino-americanas, pautando sua contribuição para os estudos teóricos que buscam compreender a construção dos padrões coloniais que ainda persistem na análise social da região. Entende-se que é pertinente fazer referência aos debates e confrontos internos aos movimentos e ao pensamento feminista para, dessa forma, evitar o caminho simplificador de não-reconhecimento, sem exceções, das contribuições do pensamento social já institucionalizado.Palavras-chaves: mulheres; feminismos latino-americanos; epistemologias feministas. Between Debates and Blocks: a Reflection on Latin American Feminists EpistemologiesAbstractThe present article aims to discuss Latin American thinkers propositions and how their contributions impact on the regional decolonial studies. It is understood that it is pertinent to refer to debates and internal confrontations with feminist movements and thinking. In this way, one can avoid the simplistic path of non-recognition, without exceptions, of the contributions of already institutionalized social thought.Keywords: Women, Latin American Feminists, Feminists Epistemologies Entre Debates y Embates: una reflexión sobre epistemologías feministas latinoamericanasResumenEl presente texto tiene como objetivo discutir proposiciones elaboradas por parte de pensadoras feministas latinoamericanas, pautando su contribución para los estudios teóricos que buscan comprender la construcción de los estándares coloniales que aún persisten en el análisis social de la región. Se considera pertinente hacer referencia a los debates y confrontaciones internos a los movimientos y al pensamiento feminista para, de esa forma, evitar el camino simplificador de no-reconocimiento, sin excepciones, de las contribuciones del pensamiento social ya institucionalizado. Palabras-clave: mujeres; feminismos latinoamericanos; epistemologías feministas.
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Conway, Janet M. "Popular Feminism: Considering a Concept in Feminist Politics and Theory." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 4 (June 28, 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013008.
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An analysis of popular feminism as a category in Latin American feminist studies from its origins in the 1980s and its disappearance in the 1990s to its resurgence in the present through the protagonism of the World March of Women, asks what is at stake in this contemporary claim to popular feminism in relation to the multiplication of feminisms. The contemporary use of the concept specifies a feminist praxis that is contentious, materialist, and counterhegemonic in permanently unsettled relations both with other feminisms and mixed-gender movements on the left. Despite converging agendas for redistribution, it also remains in considerable tension with black and indigenous feminisms. As a racially unmarked category, contemporary popular feminism continues to reproduce an elision of race and colonialism common to mestiza feminism and the political left. Un análisis del feminismo popular como categoría en los estudios feministas latinoamericanos, desde sus orígenes en la década de 1980 y su desaparición en la década de 1990 hasta su actual resurgimiento a través del protagonismo de la Marcha Mundial de la Mujer nos lleva a preguntarnos qué está en juego en esta reivindicación contemporánea del feminismo popular cuando lo consideramos en relación a la actual multiplicación de feminismos. El uso contemporáneo del concepto especifica una praxis feminista que es polémica, materialista y contrahegemónica dentro del marco de relaciones permanentemente inestables, tanto con otros feminismos como con movimientos izquierdistas de género mixto. A pesar de las agendas convergentes de redistribución, también mantiene una tensión considerable con los feminismos negros e indígenas. Como categoría racialmente inespecífica, el feminismo popular contemporáneo mantiene sus elisiones de raza y colonialismo, asunto característico del feminismo mestizo, así como de la izquierda política.
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Kuteleva, Anna V. "The Multiplicity of Feminism: Syntheses of the Local and the Universal." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-16-24.
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Any universal definitions of feminism - as well as what constitutes feminist theory, political strategy, and related practices - are problematic. The patriarchal relations that feminists oppose have different configurations depending on the social, economic, cultural and political contexts. Consequently, there are various feminisms: multiple syntheses of local and universal knowledge. This article analyzes the conceptual and political rifts within the global feminism associated with the hegemony of western ideas and its criticism by transnational and postcolonial feminists and examines the postsocialist transformations and localizations of feminism and, in particular, the evolution of feminist ideas in post-soviet Russia.
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Safarik, Lynn. "Theorizing Feminist Transformation in Higher Education." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 104, no. 8 (December 2002): 1718–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810210400802.
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Over the past several decades, academic feminisms, like other emancipatory knowledges (Bensimon, 1994) that have gained legitimacy in the academy have contributed to a transformation on American campuses that is challenging traditional norms, values, and assumptions across the disciplines in an effort to build communities centered on differences. As a new paradigm for inquiry, feminist scholarship has addressed the relationship between knowledge and its social uses and how patriarchal values have shaped the content and structure of knowledge. Through an in-depth exploration of nine feminists’ worldviews and approaches to teaching and research, this study examined the meaning of transformation for diverse feminists in the setting of a large, urban research institution. Three types of feminism were identified: liberal, critical, and dialogic. Beyond providing rich descriptions of how these different feminists enact a feminist culture, insights about the process of institutional transformation are revealed. The transformative role of internal differentiation and the dialogic process in this feminist community and the significance of an emerging dialogic, feminist discourse have important theoretical implications for understanding how the transformation of an institution is sustained over time.
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Khader, Serene J. "Do Muslim Women Need Freedom? Traditionalist Feminisms and Transnational Politics." Politics & Gender 12, no. 04 (July 21, 2016): 727–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000441.
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The idea that Muslim women need to be liberated from religion and tradition has animated feminist support for imperialist projects. The idea that tradition itself is women's oppressor prevents Western feminists from perceiving cultural and religious destruction as potentially harmful. In this article, I make conceptual space for traditionalist feminisms by showing that feminism does not require any particular stance toward tradition as such. What should matter to feminists is whether the content of a given tradition is oppressive—not whether it belongs to a worldview that places a high value on traditional adherence. I show this by arguing that, contra some liberal feminists, opposition to sexist oppression does not entail value for what I call “Enlightenment freedom.” I draw on Islamic feminisms to demonstrate the possibility of opposition to sexist oppression grounded in worldviews that value traditional adherence, and even ones that hold certain traditional dictates to be beyond question.
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Lozano, Betty Ruth, and Daniela Paredes Grijalva. "Feminism Cannot be Single Because Women are Diverse: Contributions to a Decolonial Black Feminism Stemming from the Experience of Black Women of the Colombian Pacific." Hypatia 37, no. 3 (2022): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2022.35.
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AbstractThis article asserts that European and North American feminisms are colonial discursive elaborations that defined what it was to be a woman and a feminist. The categories of gender and patriarchy established both what the subordination of women was as well as the possibilities for their emancipation. They're colonial discourses in the sense that they have construed women of the third world, or of the global South, as “other.” The specific case examined in this article questions the Euro-US-centric feminist construction of women and Afro-descendant feminists. In resignifying the categories of analysis proposed by feminism, such as gender and patriarchy, Afro-descendant feminists assert themselves as diverse Black women who build proposals subverting the social order that oppresses them, without needing to resort to feminism's central categories. Women belonging to ethnic communities elaborate a new type of feminism constructed in relation to the community's collective actions in vindicating their rights. Finally, Black or Afro-Colombian women, based on the legacy of their maroon or runaway slave ancestors, construct feminism otherwise, challenging universalist claims by Eurocentric and Andean-centric feminism, transforming and enriching it.
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Calderaro, Charlène, and Éléonore Lépinard. "Intersectionality as a new feeling rule for young feminists: Race and feminist relations in France and Switzerland." European Journal of Women's Studies 28, no. 3 (August 2021): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211029687.
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Black feminist theory and theorizations by feminists of colour have identified and explored emotions linked to race and racism in feminist movements, especially in the US context. Building on this literature, this article explores the changes in feminist emotional dynamics linked to race which have been brought up by the relatively recent adoption of intersectionality in feminist movements’ discourses in two European countries, France and Switzerland, which are both often described as ‘colour-blind’ contexts. Drawing on Hochschild’s concept of feeling rules, we argue that intersectionality has changed the ways feminists are legitimately expected to feel about race and racism within feminist movements in both contexts. As feeling rules vary according to the members’ positions within the movement, we contend that these changes in emotional dynamics contribute to redefine feminists’ relations and feminist membership along racial lines. Based on interviews with young feminist activists in France and Switzerland during mobilization processes characterized by a prominent use of intersectionality, we observe how intersectionality discourses bring about new feeling rules in relation to race and racism. These feeling rules differ for white and non-white feminists: while intersectionality has led young white feminists to self-education and self-critique, racialized feminists often expressed mixed feelings about intersectionality and its use, in particular by white feminists. Importantly, these changes in feeling rules have allowed racialized feminists to renegotiate their relations with white feminists and their emotional content, as well as their position within the movement.
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Roy, Robin E., Kristin S. Weibust, and Carol T. Miller. "Effects of Stereotypes About Feminists on Feminist Self-Identification." Psychology of Women Quarterly 31, no. 2 (June 2007): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00348.x.
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This study examined whether negative stereotypes about feminists serve as a barrier to self-identifying as a feminist. College women were exposed to positive stereotypes about feminists, negative stereotypes about feminists, or were not exposed to stereotypes about feminists (control condition) in a between-participants design. Women who read a paragraph containing positive stereotypes about feminists were twice as likely to self-identify as feminists as women in the control condition or the condition in which they read a paragraph containing negative stereotypes about feminists. Women exposed to positive feminist stereotypes had greater nontraditional gender-role attitudes and performance self-esteem compared to the no-stereotype-control condition.
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James, Stanlie. "Remarks for a Roundtable on Transnational Feminism." Meridians 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 471–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-7775630.
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Abstract In 1977 a collective of Black Lesbian Feminists published the Combahee River Collective Statement, a manifesto that defined and described the interlocking oppressions that they and other women of color were experiencing and the deleterious impact of these oppressions upon their lives. They committed themselves to a lifelong collective process and nonhierarchical distribution of power as they struggle(d) to envision and create a just society. Twenty-nine years after the appearance of the Combahee River Collective Statement, over one hundred African Feminists met in Accra, Ghana to formulate their own manifesto and ultimately adopt the Charter of Feminist Principles for African Feminists, which was first published in 2007 simultaneously in English and French. This paper reviews both statements and acknowledges their critical contributions to the evolution of Transnational Feminisms.
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Sinclair, Amanda. "Five movements in an embodied feminism: A memoir." Human Relations 72, no. 1 (May 8, 2018): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726718765625.
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How can bodies, embodied experiences and feelings, be recognized as central elements of becoming and being feminist? This article – a mixture of memoir and research reflection – aims to reveal the emergent and embodied nature of feminist paths using myself as case in point. Recounting five personal ‘movements’ over three decades, I show how my material situations, physically-felt struggles and embodied encounters with others, especially women, wrested – sometimes catapulted – my precarious self-identification as a feminist. Writing this as a memoir, I hope to evoke in the reader memories and experiences that highlight their own embodied feminism. The article identifies some problems feminists commonly face, contesting unhelpful hierarchies of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ feminists. I explore some gifts of feminism – encounters with writing and people – which have provided theoretical innovation and personal insight for me, and offer fertile avenues for further research. Avoiding trying to ‘trap’ feminism as one set of views or experiences, I seek to show how our feminisms are always embodied: opportunistic, emergent, sometimes inconvenient, neither comprehensive nor respectable, but frequently bringing agency, invigoration and surprising pleasures. It gives all who call ourselves feminists, cause for optimism.
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Fowlkes, Diane L. "Moving from Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza." Hypatia 12, no. 2 (1997): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00021.x.
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Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.
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Mbabuike, Michael C., and Donald R. Wehrs. "African Feminists and Feminisms." African Studies Review 45, no. 3 (December 2002): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515100.
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Jansson, Siv, Sara Mills, Lynne Pearce, Sue Spaull, and Elaine Millard. "Feminist Readings: Feminists Reading." Modern Language Review 87, no. 3 (July 1992): 732. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732979.
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Jackson, Sue. "Young feminists, feminism and digital media." Feminism & Psychology 28, no. 1 (February 2018): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353517716952.
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Over recent years, young feminist activism has assumed prominence in mainstream media where news headlines herald the efforts of schoolgirls in fighting sexism, sexual violence and inequity. Less visible in the public eye, girls’ activism plays out in social media where they can speak out about gender-based injustices experienced and witnessed. Yet we know relatively little about this significant social moment wherein an increasing visibility of young feminism cohabits a stubbornly persistent postfeminist culture. Acknowledging the hiatus, this paper draws on a qualitative project with teenage feminists to explore how girls are using and producing digital feminist media, what it means for them to do so and how their online practice connects with their offline feminism. Using a feminist poststructuralist approach, analyses identified three key constructions of digital media as a tool for feminist practice: online feminism as precarious and as knowledge sharing; and feminism as “doing something” on/offline. Discussing these findings, I argue that there is marked continuity between girls’ practices in “safe” digital spaces and feminisms practised in other historical and geographical locations. But crucially, and perhaps distinctly, digital media are a key tool to connect girls with feminism and with other feminists in local and global contexts.
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Wendling, Karen. "A Classification of Feminist Theories." Les ateliers de l'éthique 3, no. 2 (April 12, 2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044593ar.
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In this paper I criticize Alison Jaggar’s descriptions of feminist political theories. I propose an alternative classification of feminist theories that I think more accurately reflects the multiplication of feminist theories and philosophies. There are two main categories, “street theory” and academic theories, each with two sub-divisions, political spectrum and “differences” under street theory, and directly and indirectly political analyses under academic theories. My view explains why there are no radical feminists outside of North America and why there are so few socialist feminists inside North America. I argue, controversially, that radical feminism is a radical version of liberalism. I argue that “difference” feminist theories – theory by and about feminists of colour, queer feminists, feminists with disabilities and so on – belong in a separate sub-category of street theory, because they’ve had profound effects on feminist activism not tracked by traditional left-to-right classifications. Finally, I argue that, while academic feminist theories such as feminist existentialism or feminist sociological theory are generally unconnected to movement activism, they provide important feminist insights that may become important to activists later. I conclude by showing the advantages of my classification over Jaggar’s views.
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Dasgupta, Bikram, and Ann Liang. "THE EFFECT OF BEHAVIORAL COMMITMENT AND ABILITY DISCREPANCY ON ATTITUDINAL PERSISTENCE." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 16, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1988.16.1.79.
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Behavioral commitment and negative task discrepancy were manipulated in a 2 x 2 between-groups factorial design in order to observe their effects on attitudinal persistence on feminist issues and perceived threat of a trivia test score. Results indicated that non-active feminists perceived a greater threat from a discrepant test score than active feminists. Non-active feminists also showed greater agreement to a feminist point of view than active feminists as a result of experiencing discrepancy on a self-relevant task.
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Stamile, Natalina. "Igualdad, diferencia y teoría feminista = Equality, Difference and Feminist Theory." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 18 (April 1, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2020.5261.
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Resumen: Uno de los principales propósitos de este trabajo es analizar la compatibilidad entre la igualdad y la diferencia, dentro de la teoría feminista. En particular me interesa discutir el argumento desarrollado por algunas teóricas y feministas quienes afirman que la igualdad es compatible con las diferencias en el ámbito jurídico. Se acentuará el análisis a partir de la relación entre las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación (TIC) y la condición de la mujer, buscando verificar si, a raíz de esta relación, ésta última sufre mudanzas considerables. En esta perspectiva, la introducción de la diferencia parece ser indispensable para alcanzar la igualdad y hacerla efectiva. Finalmente, se intentará defender que la contraposición teórica entre el feminismo de la igualdad y el feminismo de la diferencia, podría superarse proponiendo una forma de lectura que intenta conciliar las dos alternativas.Palabras clave: Principio de igualdad, Estado de Derecho, diferencia, teoría feminista, TICs, conocimiento y desarrollo local.Abstract: One of the main aims of this study is to analyze the compatibility between equality and difference in feminist theory. In particular, I am interested in discussing the argument of some theorists and feminists who affirm that equality and difference are compatible in the legal field. My analysis will focus on the relationship between Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and the condition of women, verifying if, as a result of this relation, women suffer considerable changes. In this context, the introduction of difference seems to be indispensable to achieve equality and its effectiveness. I conclude that the juxtaposition of feminism of equality and feminism of difference could be overcome, and a form of lecture that tries to conciliate the two alternatives may be proposed.Keywords: Equality principle, Rule of law, difference, feminist theory, ITC.
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Spahic-Siljak, Zilka. "Religious feminism periphery within the semi-periphery in the Balkans." Sociologija 60, no. 1 (2018): 363–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1801363s.
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In the period of post-war transition, knowledge production on gender and feminism remained the focus of individual scholars and activists who had a difficult time attempting to integrate it into the educational system, with the exception of a few gender and women studies programs that were largely supported by international donors. Believing that knowledge should inform activism and that in return, activism can provide feedback on knowledge impact and relevance, the entire course of my scholarly and activist work was about bridging the gap between academia and civil society organizations, but also about bridging the secular- religious divide in the Balkans region. I argue that feminist knowledge production in the Balkans semi-periphery is artificially divided between secular and religious feminist circles. Just as feminists from the center marginalize feminists in the Balkans with neocolonial approaches and cultural hegemony, secular feminists in the semi-periphery ignore religious feminism with similar fashion. Multiple exclusion made religious feminist knowledge production invisible and unrecognized in academia and women?s activism. Only in rare cases did secular feminists ally themselves with religious feminists and showed sensibility and the need to involve them equally with their own arguments in feminist knowledge production, because many believed religion to be one of the main causes of gender discrimination and irreconcilable with feminist agendas. Many religious feminists, however, were standing shoulder to shoulder with secular feminists in their struggle for gender equality.
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Meijs, Maartje, Kate A. Ratliff, and Joris Lammers. "Perceptions of feminist beliefs influence ratings of warmth and competence." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 2 (October 16, 2017): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217733115.
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Six studies test whether women who label themselves feminists are judged as warmer and less competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs but do not label themselves. An integrative data analysis shows that women who label themselves feminists are seen as less warm and more competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs but do not label themselves. This difference in evaluations is caused by the fact that women who label themselves feminists are seen as having stronger feminist beliefs than women who belief in gender equality but do not use the feminist label. This idea is confirmed by showing that women with strong feminist beliefs are seen as warmer and less competent than women with weak feminist beliefs. In summary, women who label themselves feminists are seen as warmer and less competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs, because it is inferred that the feminist labeler does not have the same, but stronger gender-equality beliefs.
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Wiberg Pedersen, Else Marie. "Contradictions, Contextuality, and Conceptuality: Why Is It that Luther Is Not a Feminist?" Religions 11, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020081.
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It is the aim of this article to constructively discuss some of the feminist critique that has been raised against the sixteenth century reformer, Martin Luther, and concomitantly to demonstrate the complexity, and primarily liberal aspects, of his view of women. At its outset, the article points to the fact that there are many different types of feminism, the biggest difference existing between constructivist and essentialist feminisms. Having placed myself as a constructivist feminist with a prophetic-liberating perspective, I ponder how feminism as an -ism can again earn the respect it seems to have lost in the wider academia. I suggest that feminists nuance their use of strong concepts when assessing historical texts, viewing the assessed texts against the backdrop of their historical context, and that feminists stop romanticizing the Middle Ages as a golden age for women. In this vein, I point to the problem that many feminists make unsubstantiated and counterfactual statements based on co-readings of different strands of Protestantism, and that they often uncritically repeat these statements. I problematize, first, the psycho-historian Lyndal Roper’s claim that Luther should have held some of the most misogynist formulations known, which is absurd against the backdrop of the misogyny found in the centuries before Luther, especially in medieval texts by the Dominicans /the Scholastics. Second, the claims of feminist theologian Rosemary R. Ruether’s that Luther, like Calvin, worsened the status of women, which are counterfactual.
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Drezgic, Rada. "On feminist engagements with bioethics." Filozofija i drustvo 23, no. 4 (2012): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1204019d.
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The article explores two questions: what is feminist bioethics, and how different it is from standard bioethics. Development of feminist bioethics, it is argued, began as a response to standard bioethics, challenging its background values, and philosophical perspectives. The most important contribution of feminist bioethics has been its re-examination of the basic conceptual underpinnings of mainstream bioethics, including the concepts of ?universality?, ?autonomy?, and ?trust?. Particularly important for feminists has been the concept of autonomy. They challenge the old liberal notion of autonomy that treats individuals as separate social units and argue that autonomy is established through relations. Relational autonomy assumes that identities and values are developed through relationships with others and that the choices one makes are shaped by specific social and historical contexts. Neither relational autonomy, nor feminist bioethics, however, represents a single, unified perspective. There are, actually, as many feminist bioethics as there are feminisms-liberal, cultural, radical, postmodern etc. Their different ontological, epistemological and political underpinnings shape their respective approaches to bioethical issues at hand. Still what they all have in common is interest in social justice-feminists explore mainstream bioethics and reproductive technologies in order to establish whether they support or impede gender and overall social justice and equality. Feminist bioethics thus brings a significant improvement to standard bioethics.
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Redford, Liz, Jennifer L. Howell, Maartje H. J. Meijs, and Kate A. Ratliff. "Implicit and explicit evaluations of feminist prototypes predict feminist identity and behavior." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216630193.
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Many people who endorse gender equality do not personally identify as feminists. The present research offers a novel explanation for this disconnect by examining people’s attitudes toward feminist prototypes—the central, representative feminist that comes to mind when they think of feminists as a group. Results from two samples support the hypothesis that both implicit and explicit attitudes toward feminist prototypes predict unique variance in feminist identity beyond gender-equality attitudes. Results from a second study show feminist identity to mediate between implicit prototypes and self-reported willingness to engage in feminist behaviors. Lastly, a third study shows feminist identity to mediate between implicit prototypes and actual feminist behavior. This is the first study to specifically examine the role of implicit attitudes and prototype favorability in understanding feminist identity and behavior, and the results suggest that promoting positive prototypes of feminists may be an effective route to encouraging feminist identity.
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Branciforte, Laura. "Las “ravnopravki” y el movimiento por la igualdad de los derechos a través de la historiografía = The “ravnopravki” and the movement for the equality of rights through historiography." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (September 23, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4872.
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Resumen: En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional.Palabras claves: ravnopravki, Día Internacional de las mujeres, feminismo, bolcheviques, activismo femenino y feminista.Summary: Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.Key words: ravnopravki, International Women’s Day, feminism, Bolsheviks, feminine and feminist activism.
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., Preeti. "'Dalit Feminist Theory: A Reader'." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 4, no. 1 (May 15, 2023): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v4i1.468.
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This reader is a compilation of eighteen essays written by academics, feminists and scholar-activists from a Dalit Feminist Perspective. The editors Sunaina Arya and Aakash Singh Rathore, introduces the book by theorizing Dalit feminism underpinning its ontology and epistemology. Critiquing the academic discourse of feminism which predominantly questions gender inequality on a single axis as a fight against patriarchy, Arya and Rathore pose the important question, ‘Why Dalit Feminist Theory?’. Although the dialogue on Dalit Feminist standpoints started during the 1990s, the core of the book lies in attempting to legitimize Dalit Feminist Theory due to the ubiquity of caste question in Indian society, which cannot be overlooked in any circumstances. Thus, the book revisits the Indian Feminist discourse for feminists to critique the gatekeeping that ‘upper caste’ privileged feminists did to represent the issues of all women by homogenizing the category of a woman based on a few percentages of upper caste women leaving out Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi and minority women who forms a much larger percentage in comparison. The book is an important read due to its critical engagement and initiation of a dialogue with Indian feminists to argue the need for Dalit Feminist Theory in reshaping Indian feminist discourse.
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Martínez, Natalia. "Pueblo feminista? Algunas reflexiones en torno al devenir popular de los feminismos." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos 2, no. 67 (October 2, 2018): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2018.67.57075.
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En este artículo se analiza y discute desde los presupuestos teóricos de algunos estudios que sostienen la emergencia de un pueblo feminista, así como los que cuestionan las interpretaciones del populismo como única vía de construcción de un pueblo. Se exponen, asimismo, las movilizaciones de mujeres y feministas devenidas del #NiUnaMenos, y se concluye con una propuesta de análisis centrada en la práctica política del rechazo y sus efectos políticos de subjetivación.Abstract: The present paper analyses and discusses theoretical assumptions of some studies that argue the emergence of a feminist people, as well as those that question the interpretations of populism as the only way to build a people. Making up one of the first interpretations of the mobilizations of women and feminists that rose from #NiUnaMenos, it ends up in a proposal of analysis centered on the political practice of rejection and its subjectivization political effects.
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Kelly, Maura, and Gordon Gauchat. "Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics." Sociological Perspectives 59, no. 4 (August 3, 2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.
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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.
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Marso, Lori J. "Feminism's Quest for Common Desires." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992854.
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One attraction of “choice” feminism has been its refusal to judge the diverse desires of women. Yet for feminism to retain its political vision as a quest for social justice, we must continue difficult conversations concerning how acting on our individual desires impacts the lives of others. In this essay, I argue that feminists can acknowledge women's diverse desires while forging a meaningful feminist community. I make this argument by considering feminism's relationship to time, and particularly how women's diverse desires are read in each moment in time. If we abandon the generational model, wherein each new generation of feminists improves upon the last, for a genealogical perspective where women recognize our feminist origins and empathize with the diverse struggles of other women, we might reaffirm social justice for the community as central to feminist politics. To articulate this possibility, I turn to the work of Simone de Beauvoir to explain her discovery of how her embodiment as a woman and her relationship to femininity becomes a way of grounding a feminist politics. Recognizing the “demands of femininity” in other women's lives allows us to affirm feminist community while retaining the capacity to make judgments that realize social justice as a feminist goal.
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McLeod, Carolyn, and Françoise Baylis. "Feminists on the Inalienability of Human Embryos." Hypatia 21, no. 1 (2006): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2006.tb00961.x.
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The feminist literature against the commodification of embryos in human embryo research includes an argument to the effect that embryos are “intimately connected” to persons, or morally inalienable from them. We explore why embryos might be inalienable to persons and why feminists might find this view appealing. But, ultimately, as feminists, we reject this view because it is inconsistent with full respect for women's reproductive autonomy and with a feminist conception of persons as relational, embodied beings. Overall, feminists should avoid claims about embryos’ being inalienable to persons in arguments for or against the commodification of human embryos.
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Povey, Elaheh Rostami. "Feminist Contestations of Institutional Domains in Iran." Feminist Review 69, no. 1 (November 2001): 44–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177800110070111.
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Iranian Feminists outside Iran are divided on women's positions in Iran under the Islamic state. Some have argued that the process of Islamization has marginalized women. Others have argued that the dynamic nature of Shari'a interpretation and the debate among religious scholars in Iran have shaped the indigenous forms of feminist consciousness, feminisms and women's involvement in the process of change. This paper, based on field research, is challenging both views. It will be argued that the contradictions of the Islamic state and institutions led to the process of feminist consciousness. In the period 1990–2000, Muslim and secular feminists in Iran have found their own ways of coming together, making demands and pressurizing the State and institutions to reform laws and regulations in favour of women's rights. But women are divided by the nature of their diversity. As their alliance has challenged the limitation of the Islamic state, the breakdown of their alliance (2000–2001), could have a great impact not only on gender relations, but also on the process of democratization and secularization.
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Bell, Macalester. "A Woman's Scorn: Toward a Feminist Defense of Contempt as a Moral Emotion." Hypatia 20, no. 4 (2005): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2005.tb00537.x.
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In an effort to reclaim women's moral psychology, feminist philosophers have reevaluated several seemingly negative emotions such as anger, resentment, and bitterness. However, one negative emotion has yet to receive adequate attention from feminist philosophers: contempt. 1 argue that feminists should reconsider what role feelings of contempt for male oppressors and male'dominated institutions and practices should play in our lives. 1 begin by surveying four feminist defenses of the negative emotions. I then offer a brief sketch of the nature and moral significance of contempt, and argue that contempt can be morally and politically valuable for the same reasons that feminists have defended other negative emotions. I close by considering why feminists have been hesitant to defend contempt as a morally and politically important emotion.
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Rose, Suzanna, and Laurie Roades. "Feminism and Women's Friendships." Psychology of Women Quarterly 11, no. 2 (June 1987): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1987.tb00787.x.
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The ideology of “sisterhood” within the feminist movement suggests that feminists' and nonfeminists' same-sex friendships would differ profoundly. This assumption was tested by examining the friendships of 45 heterosexual nonfeminists, 43 heterosexual feminists, and 38 lesbian feminists from a large midwestern city. Participants ranged in age from 19 to 46. Using objective measures, differences were found between feminists and nonfeminists for some structural dimensions of friendship, including number of cross-generational friendships, degree of equality, and amount of privacy preferred with a best friend. Lesbian feminists preferred more privacy with their friends than nonfeminists, but rated their friends as lower on relationship quality and degree of equality than heterosexual feminists and nonfeminists. The three groups did not differ on the affective content of friendship, including liking, loving, satisfaction and commitment. However, feminists subjectively perceived their feminism as having contributed to both structural and affective changes in their friendships.
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Ackerly, Brooke A. "“How Does Change Happen?” Deliberation and Difficulty." Hypatia 22, no. 4 (2007): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01319.x.
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Theoretically, feminists ought to be the best deliberative democrats. However, political commitments (which this author shares) to inclusiveness on issues of reproductive health and gay and lesbian rights, for example, create a boundary within feminism between those committed to the “feminist consensus” on these issues and women activists who share some feminist commitments, but not all. This article offers theoretically and empirically informed suggestions for how feminists can foster inclusive deliberation within feminist spaces.
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Shi, He. "Study on Feminist Thoughts in Top Girls." Transactions on Social Science, Education and Humanities Research 8 (June 14, 2024): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/jgdn8m76.
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The development of western feminist literature is close to the development of western feminist movements and theories. With the aid of the theories of Simone de Beauvoir and Irigaray, the paper intends to explain Top Girls written by Caryl Churchill from the way of feminism. It explores the alienation and oppression of feminists themselves, and points out feminists fall into imitating patriarch pattern unconsciously. It manifests the characteristics of postmodern feminism of feminist literature.
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Marome, Wijitbusaba. "Foucault’s Work for the Analysis of Gender Relations: Theoretical Reviews." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 3 (December 30, 2005): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v3.169048.
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Michel Foucault’s focus on power relationships has drawn political scientists, political philosophers,and feminists to his texts. His argument which analyses power and discourse takes political analysts beyondstate as the locus of power. In general, his work is important for feminist analyses, especially the threevolumeof historical account of sexuality, because it shares with feminists and intense and critical gaze atsexuality, ‘power and knowledge.’ However, Foucault’s politics of Western sexuality leaves female sexualityinvisible. To complete this historical account of sexuality requires feminist critiques which extend and alterthe analysis to include female sexuality. Thus, the question is not if, but how Foucault should be situated intocontemporary feminist theory. This paper examines four major criticisms that traditional feminists haveargued against Foucault’s understanding of theory-justification, power relations, collective politics, and genderneutrality. We argue that the first three criticisms are undiscovered, but offer an important set of political toolto feminism. For the gender neutrality criticism, we argue that Foucault’s neglect of gender difference in hishistory of sexuality falls short of feminist goals. Finally, feminists should approbate only the aspects ofFoucauldian philosophy that are conductive to gender analysis and move beyond Foucault’s androcentrism tocreate alternative histories of sexuality and opportunities for resistance.
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Owton, Helen, Kylie Baldwin, Devina Lister, and Periklis Papaloukas. "Emerging Feminists." Psychology of Women Section Review 17, no. 1 (2015): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpspow.2015.17.1.70.
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TO CONTINUE THE THEME from the last edition, we asked ‘emerging Feminists’ to voice (in their own words) what feminism means to them, why they are feminists and how this interrelates with their research. We feel that the voices of student feminists are important to include, not only to reassure us that there are still feminists emerging, but to find out why feminism is important to them and to find out more about the new and exciting areas of interest feminist students are researching. We hope that you enjoy sitting back and breezing through this relatively new fresh section in the Psychology of Women Section Review and value any thoughts and feedback you might have on it. If you would like to be included in the next edition then do please get in touch: email:helen.owton@dmu.ac.uk
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Dylewski, Daniel. "Feminism and the right to life." Studia Iuridica, no. 90 (June 27, 2022): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-90.6.
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Feminism as a movement is strongly connected with a political and philosophical reality which came after the French Revolution. The feminist movement in the 19th and early 20th century was focused on obtaining for women the right to vote and equal salary for work of equal value. The activists of this movement were called suffragettes. After their victory, the majority of feminists started to present abortion as a human right, thereby in fact refusing unborn children the right to life. The modern term „reproductive rights”, in contemporary feminist understanding of these words, means a right to decide about procreation both in morally acceptable and unacceptable way (e.g. allowing abortion). However, some feminist initiatives are worth to analyse as a way to protect human dignity, e.g. the prohibition of prostitution in France, which was supported by the French feminists. Finally, it should be said that feminism is a very differentiated movement and some feminists do not accept abortion. Also, not all women, or probably even not the majority of women, feel represented by the feminists.
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Karolus, Meike Lusye, and Laili Nur Anisah. "When Female Feminists Falling in Love: Ideology, Media, and Practices." Jurnal Perempuan 23, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v23i1.215.
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<p>Falling in love is a universal experience that cannot be bounded by racial, religious, ethnic, even ideological barriers. The experiences of falling in love and be in the relationships are also faced by female feminists. In the experiences of falling in love, female feminists often confront with tension between their consciousness in holding feminist ideology and their collective experiences influenced by patriarchal culture. Therefore, they have to compromise and negotiate in the relationship. This paper aims to explain contemplative experiences of female feminists who are falling in love in the patriarchal culture in the three areas of analysis: feminist thoughts which are build their consideration and consciousness, the influences of patriarchal media, and practices in the love relationship in everyday lives. This study is descriptive-qualitative using in-depth interview as a method toward female feminists from diverse background in Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Jombang. The results are the concept of love from female feminists cannot be separated from the existence of their partners, the experiences and the reproduction of media about the concept of love, as well as the practices of female feminists’ relationships, which already creating the concept of love before entering relationships.</p>
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Zhang, Weitong. "Feminist Developments and Dilemma in China in the Post-epidemic Era." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 8, no. 1 (September 14, 2023): 279–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/8/20230154.
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Since the epidemic era, the discussion on feminist issues has attracted a lot of attention on the internet. Many studies on the development of feminism in China have been done in the past, but there is still a gap in the research on the current situation of feminists. In this paper, the current issues faced by feminists in China are analyzed by reading the literature and reviewing the major events related to feminism on the Internet in the past few years. The problems faced by feminists in China are multifaceted, and all these problems will take a long time to be solved. Great progress has been made, as many feminist issues have been brought to the public attention. Yet there is still a long way ahead for feminism in China. It is undeniable that Chinese feminists still require a long time to make attempts to address the various issues.
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Agri, Hanna. "Utopier, hopp och hopplöshet. Hur feministiska framtidsbilder och känslor av hopp påverkas av den nyliberala diskursen." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 43, no. 1 (January 11, 2023): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v43i1.10078.
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If those who formulate visions of the future are prevented from thinking freely because of a reduced capacity to imagine a different world, then there is a risk that they only advocate limited changes. Some feminist researchers in political theory and philosophy, such as Wendy Brown (2003, 2008, 2015) and Johanna Oksala (2011, 2013), claim that this has affected feminist movements. They believe that hope for a different future has been weakened among today’s feminists and that this development can be explained by the spread of the neoliberal discourse. In this article, I discuss theories on how the neoliberal discourse has affected feminist movements and relate such theories to the lived experiences of contemporary feminist engagement. The latter is based on an interview study with seven Swedish feminists engaged in different feminist organizations. The analysis indicates that the neoliberal discourse could have affected how utopias are used and what inspires hope among contemporary feminists. The result of the study also indicates that feelings of hopelessness can be useful in feminist work.
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Oaks, Laury. "What Are Pro-Life Feminists Doing on Campus?" NWSA Journal 21, no. 1 (March 2009): 178–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2009.a263661.
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This article analyzes pro-life feminist claims with particular attention to how the pro-life feminist movement attempts to shape college students' attitudes about abortion and understandings of feminism. I explore the messages within pro-life feminist literature and Feminists for Life of America's (FFL) College Outreach Program activist strategies since the mid-1990s, focusing on its campus visits and "Question Abortion" poster campaign launched in 2000–01. Pro-life feminism represents a small social movement, yet offers a focus for critical analysis of how pro-life feminists seek to frame abortion politics and contest the scope of feminism as it influences younger women. FFL's campaign defines their anti-abortion ideology as the truly woman-centered, historically feminist position. Pro-life feminists claim to represent best the interests of younger women and feminism, and demonstrate an anti-abortion strategy framed both as a challenge to and an embracing of the contested field of feminism.
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Anderson, Haithe, and Patti Lather. "Further Comment." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 583–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.3.4751447146v00j1q.
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Can accessible and clear writing styles unlock the power of feminist theory? Can clearly articulated ideas change the world? Some academic feminists think so. They feel that feminist theory should be measured against its ability to contribute to social change. Anything less and their work would look merely academic. Patti Lather's work, judging by her recent article, "Troubling Clarity: The Politics of Accessible Language" (Fall 1996), has been criticized by other feminists precisely because her desire to appeal to intramural readers appears to overshadow her commitment to extramural change. Gaby Weiner (1993), for example, implies that Lather's use of dense prose denies equal access to the interesting ideas that her complicated style of writing contains. Weiner assumes, as do other feminists, that feminist theory in education should be written in a clear and accessible way so that it can reach beyond the classroom to edify the world. Lather responds to this call for clarity by defending her complex writing style and her desire "to be heard," as she writes, "in the halls of High Theory." She justifies her position by pointing out that academic feminists "can't do everything and that the struggle demands contestation on every front" (p. 526).
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Jaggar, Alison M. "Globalizing Feminist Ethics." Hypatia 13, no. 2 (1998): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1998.tb01223.x.
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The feminist conception of discourse offered below differs from classical discourse ethics. Arguing that inequalities of power are even more conspicuous in global than in local contexts, I note that a global discourse community seems to be emerging among feminists, and I explore the role played by small communities in feminism's attempts to reconcile a commitment to open discussion, on the one hand, with a recognition of the realities of power inequalities, on the other.
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Harding, Sandra. "The Method Question." Hypatia 2, no. 3 (1987): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb01339.x.
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A continuing concern of many feminists and non-feminists alike has been to identify a distinctive feminist method of inquiry. This essay argues that this method question is misguided and should be abandoned. In doing so it takes up the distinctions between and relationships among methods, methodologies and epistemologies; proposes that the concern to identify sources of the power of feminist analyses motivates the method question; and suggests how to pursue this project.
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Boehm, Beth A. "Feminist Histories: Theory Meets Practice." Hypatia 7, no. 2 (1992): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1992.tb00894.x.
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Fox-Genovese, Kaminer, and Riley all write the history of feminism as a history of conflict between feminists who desire to deny difference in favor of equality and those who desire to celebrate difference. And they all ask what this contradiction lying at the heart of feminist theory implies for the practice of feminist politics. These works reveal the need for feminists who engage this debate to be self’-Conscious in their formulations.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Contending with Women and War." Politics & Gender 11, no. 03 (September 2015): 586–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000343.
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The late Jean Bethke Elshtain was a difficult feminist, a public intellectual and scholar who drew on feminist thinking but interpreted or applied it so idiosyncratically that many feminists disavowed her. Elshtain's early works encapsulated the best hopes of 1980s' feminists to bring women and gender to the fore across many academic fields. She was influential in political theory, religious studies, and feminist analysis, and she was one of the leading lights of feminist international relations (IR) well into the 1990s. Yet she was moving in other directions and would let it be known that she disapproved of gay marriage and endorsed George W. Bush's war in Iraq as just. These positions were anathema to most western feminists, and Jean Bethke Elshtain slid down the feminist reputational ladder from pinnacle to the point where she was almostpersona non grata, deemed an imperialist traitor to feminist causes. She did not draw back or go quiet under attack: to the last public address she gave shortly before her death, Elshtain was on the road defending her controversial political viewpoints openly and forcefully. Let it not be said that the difficult feminist is shy.
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Rosser, Sue V. "Feminist Scholarship in the Sciences: Where Are We Now and When Can We Expect A Theoretical Breakthrough?" Hypatia 2, no. 3 (1987): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb01338.x.
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The work of feminists in science may seem less voluminous and less theoretical than the feminist scholarship in some humanities and social science disciplines. However, the recent burst of scholarship on women and science allows categorization of feminist work into six distinct but related categories: 1) teaching and curriculum transformation in science, 2) history of women in science, 3) current status of women in science, 4) feminist critique of science, 5) feminine science, 6) feminist theory of science. More feminists in science are needed to further explore science and its relationships to women and feminism in order to change traditional science to a feminist science.
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Rddad, Sadik. "Moroccan feminists: between activism and “Muslima” theology." Culture & Society 9, no. 1 (2018): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-8777.9.1.1.
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Waters, Kristin. "A Journey from Willful Ignorance to Liberal Guilt to Black Feminist Thought." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 5, no. 3 (2016): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2016.5.3.108.
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How can white feminists productively engage with black feminist thought and practice? What are some of the excuses and stumbling blocks white feminists use and encounter that circumvent alliance with black feminists and others at the intersections of different raced and gendered realities? This essay suggests the need to further a comprehensive epistemological framework, one that distinguishes between a willful ignorance that reinforces hegemonic whiteness and the reflexivity required to move towards dismantling willful ignorance, improving knowledge projects, and creating liberatory frameworks and alliances.
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Mann, Bonnie. "What Should Feminists Do About Nature?" Konturen 2, no. 1 (October 11, 2010): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/konturen.2.1.1336.
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Feminists, including this one, have two problems with nature: a special problem which is a historical and political problem, and an ontological problem that we share with everyone else (our metabolism with the earth). My claim is that the first problem is so acute that it tends to make us forget the second. The fundamental division in contemporary feminist thinking can be described as that between feminists who are interested in deconstructing, all the way down, the notion of natural differences between women and men as pre-social, and feminists who are interested in recuperating, re-affirming or asserting some version of originary sexual difference. By returning to Simone de Beauvoir, we find that even at this early moment in contemporary feminist thought a more complex account of nature was already articulated. Beauvoir helps us understand how structures of injustice are parasitically entangled with general features of human existence, even those that seem most “natural.” At one founding moment of contemporary feminist thinking, then, deconstructive and descriptive engagements with the question of nature, far from being opposed, are co-necessary features of feminist thought.
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Taylor, Anthea. "FEMINISTS ‘MISREADING’/‘MISREADING’ FEMINISTS." Australian Feminist Studies 22, no. 52 (March 2007): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164640601145079.
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