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1
Schreiber, Ronnee. "Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account." Politics & Gender 14, no. 01 (March 2018): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000587.
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The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.
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Walkington, Lori. "A Black Feminist Perspective in Response to Roe v. Wade." Ethnic Studies Review 45, no. 2-3 (2022): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2022.45.2-3.75.
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The author writes a “letter” to White feminists and academic allies in order to demand greater modes of solidarity, and to draw attention to the ongoing and too-often ignored work of Black feminists in protecting and creating space for collective and social freedoms. The commentary recalls the legacy of Black feminist thinkers and activists, and positions their insights in a new era of legalized reproductive rights restrictions in the United States.
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Elledge, Annie M. "Insights from feminist geography: positionality, knowledge production, and difference." Journal of the Bulgarian Geographical Society 46 (July 11, 2022): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/jbgs.e87749.
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Feminist geographers investigate the messy, power-laden, and embodied relationships humans and non-humans have with their environment. This review examines foundational texts in feminist geography in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom and more recent work that engages with Black geographies, Indigenous geographies, and disability geographies. I discuss three important considerations in feminist geography: knowledge production, the formation of difference, and critical reflexivity. To do this, I trace the historical development of feminist geography as a subdiscipline to identify the numerous ways that feminists intervene within Geography.
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Michelle Edmonds, Brittney. "Katelyn Hale Wood, Cracking Up: Black Feminist Comedy in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Century United States." Modern Drama 65, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md-65-2-br7.
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Katelyn Hale Wood’s Cracking Up: Black Feminist Comedy in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Century United States is a welcome addition to a growing body of scholarship in Black humour studies. Wood analyses the stage comedy of Black feminists including Jackie “Moms” Mabley, Mo’Nique, Wanda Sykes, Amanda Seales, and others.
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Henry, Astrid. "Fittstim Feminists and Third Wave Feminists: A Shared Identity between Scandinavia and the United States?" Feminist Studies 40, no. 3 (2014): 659–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fem.2014.0042.
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Dasthagiri, Bandisula, and Dr Ankanna. "Eco- Feminism in Arundathi Roy’s the Ministry of Utmost Happiness: A Critique." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (2022): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.74.34.
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Eco-feminists believe strongly that nature and women have a bond as they share patriarchal oppression. Social-feminists differ from Eco-feminists in that Eco-feminism focuses on the role of gender in political economy. Eco-feminism emerged during the second wave of feminism in the United States between the 1970s and 1980s. Women perceive an interrelationship between classism, sexism, racism and environmental damage. Just as feminists struggled to eradicate gender discrimination, there is a need to overcome the challenges that climatic change has on humanity. Human oppression is linked with the exploitation of nature, hence it is considered a feminist issue. Eco-feminism uses the basic tenets of feminism to achieve equality between genders. Eco-feminists are of the idea that nature has to be maintained with mutual care and co-operation. Eco-feminism is an academic and activist movement which tries to eliminate exploitation of nature by human beings and any kind of exploitation of any kind. Some contemporary Indian novelists not only investigate female oppression, but also the biological, psychological, and social environment. Arundathi Roy is a contemporary Indian English writer who is acclaimed as a political activist and eco-feminist writer. In this paper, an attempt is made to unravel the demise of some birds and animals due to unethical modernization through scientific technology and also through re-habitation in Roy’s second novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. This paper also traces how embracing nature can change the issues of gender as well.
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Figueroa, Yomaira C. "A Case for Relation: Mapping Afro-Latinx Caribbean and Equatoguinean Poetics." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8190526.
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This essay contends that Caribbean conceptualizations of relation, understood through the theorizing and political organizing of women of color feminists, offer decolonial possibilities that enable radical remappings of the Afro-Atlantic. The essay argues that the political and intellectual contributions of theories of relationality and decolonial feminisms by women of color should be understood as theoretical and methodological tools for approaching some of the most peripheralized Afro-diasporic works. To that end, it examines the histories and the interconnected literary imaginaries that exist across the Afro-Latinx Caribbean (Puerto Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic), Equatorial Guinea (the only Spanish-speaking nation-state in Sub-Saharan Africa), and their diasporic cultural productions in the United States and Spain. The essay ultimately argues that women of color and decolonial feminist discourses and ethics help us understand literary and cultural productions as insurgent practices that are central to tracking and reformulating notions of decoloniality and Afro-diasporic studies.
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Palacios, Lena. "Challenging Convictions." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 522–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8566133.
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Abstract This essay, with accompanying lesson plan, explores how race-radical Black and Indigenous feminists theorize and resist the carceral state violence of White settler nations of Canada and the United States. It focuses on the theoretical interventions driven by Indigenous and Black race-radical feminists and how this has placed these activists at the forefront of anti-violence movement-building. Such an intervention specifically upholds the tensions within and refuses to collapse political approaches of Indigenous movements for sovereignty and Black race-radical traditions. Its transnational, comparative focus helps us to not only identify but to create multiple strategies that dismantle the carceral state and the racialized gendered violence that it mobilizes and sustains. Proceeding from the argument that both prison abolitionist praxis and race-radical feminist praxis are inherently and primarily pedagogical, the lesson plan explores the ways we learn, teach, and organize in a manner that teaches against the grain of carceral common sense.
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Kaedbey, Deema, and Nadine Naber. "Reflections on Feminist Interventions within the 2015 Anticorruption Protests in Lebanon." Meridians 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 457–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-7789750.
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Abstract This essay reflects upon the themes of collaborative research, intersectional feminist activism, and social movements against corruption and sectarianism in the context of Lebanon. The authors focus on the summer of 2015 when protesters filled the streets in response to the government’s mismanagement of garbage in what they called the “You Stink” movement. Feminists, primarily through the formation the “Feminist Bloc,” joined in the protests and presented nuanced frameworks for understanding the problem and mobilizing against the state with a gendered lens. In the pages that follow, the authors historicize the conditions that inspired feminist participation in these protests in order to present the perspectives of a few feminist activists voicing their own analysis of this period. In addition, they reflect upon what it means to write and research collaboratively, between the United States (Nadine) and Lebanon (Deema).
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Beckman, Linda J. "Abortion in the United States: The continuing controversy." Feminism & Psychology 27, no. 1 (February 2017): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353516685345.
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In the United States, abortion rates have been falling for several decades while attitudes have remained relatively stable. Given this background, this paper examines the current status of the fluid and contentious US abortion debate. Five relevant questions are examined: (1) What is responsible for the new wave of restrictive laws and what are their effects? (2) What is most likely responsible for changes in abortion rates? (3) What are the effects of the addition of medication abortion into the mix of abortion services? (4) What forces continue to fuel economic, geographic and racial/ethnic disparities in access to abortion services? (5) Why have gay rights been embraced by a majority of the US public and supported in legislation and judicial decisions, while during this same time period abortion rights have stagnated or declined? It is crucial for feminists to continue to promote the cause of abortion and other reproductive rights. Most important, however, is a focus on broader social issues for women (e.g., adequate education, affordable day care) and the underlying causes of unequal power in society.
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Allen, Ann Taylor, Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anya Schuler, and Susan Strasser. "Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents." German Studies Review 24, no. 2 (May 2001): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433514.
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STOUT, NOELLE M. "Feminists, Queers and Critics: Debating the Cuban Sex Trade." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 721–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004732.
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AbstractCuban scholars and women's advocates have criticised the widespread emergence of sex tourism in post-Soviet Cuba and attributed prostitution to a crisis in socialist values. In response, feminist scholars in the United States and Europe have argued that Cuban analysts promote government agendas and demonise sex workers. Drawing on nineteen months of field research in Havana, I challenge this conclusion to demonstrate how queer Cubans condemn sex tourism while denouncing an unconditional allegiance to Cuban nationalism. By introducing gay Cuban critiques into the debate, I highlight the interventionist undertones of feminist scholarship on the Cuban sex trade.
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ZALEWSKI, MARYSIA. "‘I don't even know what gender is’: a discussion of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory." Review of International Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509990489.
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AbstractIn this article I discuss some of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory. As a global initiative, gender mainstreaming is now well established; but the role of feminism and feminists in achieving this success is questionable. Some, including Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley claim that feminists, particularly in the realm of governance feminism, have been extremely successful. Yet despite this success Halley invites us to ‘take a break from feminism’. I consider this political and intellectual invitation in this article in order to shed some light on the relationship between gender mainstreaming and feminism but also to probe what Robyn Wiegman refers to as a ‘critical incomprehension’ around feminism. My discussion includes a brief analysis of the imagery used in documentation relating to the United Kingdom's Gender Equality Duty Legislation; the latter a contemporary example of a legislative attempt to properly mainstream gender. In conclusion I return to the Halley's invitation to ‘take a break from feminism’ and introduce, by way of contrast, Angela McRobbie's recent discussion of post-feminism ultimately suggesting that we might see Halley's call, as well as the popularity (and ‘failures’) of gender mainstreaming as examples of post-feminist practice. Image 1.Pop-art images advertising the ‘Gender Agenda’ on the Internet {http://www.gender-agenda.co.uk/} which is part of the UK's legislation on gender equality produced by the UK's Equality and Human Rights Commission (formerly the Equal Opportunities Commission).If you look around the United States, Canada, the European Union, the human rights establishment, even the World Bank, you see plenty of places where feminism, far from operating underground, is running things.1Any force as powerful as feminism must find itself occasionally looking down at its own bloody hands.2
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Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin. "Global–local dynamics in anti-feminist discourses: an analysis of Indian, Russian and US online communities." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa130.
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Abstract Women's rights are a core part of a global consensus on human rights. However, we are currently experiencing an increasing popularity of anti-feminist and misogynist politics threatening to override feminist gains. In order to help explain this current revival and appeal, in this article I analyse how anti-feminist communities construct their collective identities at the intersection of local and global trends and affiliations. Through an in-depth analysis of representations in the collective identities of six popular online anti-feminist communities based in India, Russia and the United States, I shed light on how anti-feminists discursively construct their anti-feminist ‘self’ and the feminist ‘other’ between narratives of localized resistance to change and backlash against the results of broader societal developments associated with globalization. The results expose a complex set of global–local dynamics, which provide a nuanced understanding of the differences and commonalities of anti-feminist collective identity-building and mobilization processes across contexts. By explicitly focusing on the role of discursively produced locations for anti-feminist identity-building and providing new evidence on anti-feminist communities across three different continents, the article contributes to current discussions on transnational anti-feminist mobilizations in both social movement studies and feminist International Relations.
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McGuire, John Thomas. "Social Justice Feminism and its Counter-Hegemonic Response to Laissez-Faire Industrial Capitalism and Patriarchy in the United States, 1899-1940." Studies in Social Justice 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v11i1.1358.
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This article uses the hegemonic/counter-hegemonic framework of Italian scholar and activist Antonio Gramsci to explain how a movement known as social justice feminism emerged as a counter-hegemonic response to two hegemonic concepts established in and continued, respectively, the post-Civil War United States: laissez-faire industrial capitalism and patriarchal dominance. In four stages from 1899 through 1940, social justice feminists pursued the promotion of an “entering wedge” labor legislation strategy and the increasing participation of women in national politics, particularly in the Democratic Party. While substantially successful in its goals, social justice feminism failed in two important aspects: its inability to work independently of a patriarchal political system, and, most significant, its apparent refusal to include women of color.
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Mattingly, Doreen J. "The Ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment in California." California History 96, no. 3 (2019): 2–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2019.96.3.2.
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In California, the 1972 campaign to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution pitted amendment supporters against labor leaders trying to protect women-only protective labor laws. The seven-month struggle in California resulted in a vote for ratification and motivated several years of legislative activity on women's issues. Most scholarship about ERA ratification in the United States in the 1970s has examined the reasons why the amendment failed. This article takes a different tack by investigating a state where the ERA was successful. The ERA campaign was a key element in the embrace of women's issues by the California Democratic Party. The article also provides an in-depth analysis of the relationship between labor feminists and equal rights feminists, two groups that were opposed during the ratification campaign but were frequent allies on women's issues before and after 1972.
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Young, Iris Marion. "Feminist Reactions to the Contemporary Security Regime." Hypatia 18, no. 1 (2003): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb00792.x.
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The essay theorizes the logic of masculinist protection as an apparently benign form of male domination. It then argues that authoritarian government is often justified through a logic of masculinist protection, and that this is the form of justification for the security regime that has emerged in the United States since September 11, 2001. 1 argue that those who live under a security regime live within an oppressive protection racket. The paper ends by cautioning feminists not ourselves to adopt a stance of protector toward women in so-called less developed societies.
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McGuire, John Thomas. "Social Justice Feminists and Their Counter-Hegemonic Actions in the Post-World War II United States, 1945–1964." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 971–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000478.
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Building upon the theoretical framework of Italian activist and scholar Antonio Gramsci, and using historical and public administrative sources, this article argues that while social justice feminism as a social movement in the United States declined by 1940, former participants continued their counter-hegemonic actions after World War II. Facing a new political and cultural hegemony increasingly dominated by fears of atomic annihilation, Soviet domination, and domestic Communist infiltration, women progressives, such as Frieda Miller and Esther Peterson, developed new approaches to continuing their counter-hegemonic aims, particularly through reviving an alternative view of public administration. Miller and Peterson thus helped prepare the way for women's activism in the United States to shift from economic security to equal rights by the mid-1960s, thus establishing an increasingly effective counter-hegemonic effort against the continuing patriarchal hegemony.
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Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Losing Common Ground: Feminists, Conservatives and Public Policy in Canada during the Mulroney Years." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007691.
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AbstractThis article examines relations between organized feminism and the federal Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, focusing on elements of the Canadian women's movement that targeted federal policy change from 1984 to 1993. In questioning the main priorities of both sides and the potential for conflict between them, the discussion uses the conceptual literature on social movement evolution as a base. It assesses formal decision making across five major policy sectors identified by Canadian feminism and presents the perspectives of movement activists on the Mulroney period. Although comparisons with policy action under the Thatcher and Reagan governments indicate a more pro-feminist record in Canada than the United Kingdom or the United States, Canadian materials suggest a narrowing of common ground between the organized women's movement and federal elites during the Mulroney years.
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Evans, R. J. "Book Review: Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885-1933." German History 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2000): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540001800218.
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Perreau, Louisa. "Gender Equality at the Test of Sharia Councils in the UK." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-00201001.
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As the saying goes ‘good girls go to heaven, bad girls go everywhere!’, whose origin is uncertain, sometimes attributed to American actress and screenwriter Mae West, sometimes to editor-in-chief of Cosmopolitan magazine, Helen Gurvey Brown, it was taken up as a slogan by feminists who denounce the sexual norm imposed on women by religions. At a time when the influence of religious fundamentalism on State policies seems to be gaining ground (retreat on abortion laws in the United States, in Poland; Sharia courts in Great Britain, etc.), the object of this research note will be to question the articulations between British Muslim women, State multiculturalism and legislation. In Britain, since the 1980s, a network of sharia councils has developed to resolve disputes between Muslims, including resolving family problems. Sharia councils thus reveal the place of Muslim women in the United Kingdom on the issue of divorce. Extremely patriarchal, rarely feminist, often undemocratic, the sharia councils appear as places of power. The latter are often compared to Islamic courts, so-called ‘counseling’ religious services or ‘Islamic family services’ to which Muslims wishing to respect divine law and their religious precepts go – especially women. What does this mean for British Muslim women who use these services? How is the British government responding?
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Vickers, Jill M. "Feminists and Party Politics. By Lisa Young. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 227p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401732017.
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This comparison of the relationship between organized fem- inism and partisan politics in Canada and the United States addresses two questions. First, Young asks how much orga- nized feminism has influenced partisan and electoral politics in each country. Second, she asks how political parties in each country have responded to organized feminism. She answers these questions by examining the relationship between each country's largest feminist organization and its party system and by showing how each relationship changed between 1970 and 1997. The result is an important and readable book that demonstrates the value of feminist political science as an approach, especially in comparative politics. The book is head and shoulders above many other texts about feminist political activism, mainly because of Young's ability to bridge between feminist ideas about politics and the comparative politics literature about political opportunities.
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Foster, Johanna E. "Women of a certain age: “Second wave” feminists reflect back on 50years of struggle in the United States." Women's Studies International Forum 50 (May 2015): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2015.03.005.
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Loke, Jaime, Ingrid Bachmann, and Dustin Harp. "Co-opting feminism: media discourses on political women and the definition of a (new) feminist identity." Media, Culture & Society 39, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443715604890.
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While feminism is a heterogeneous and complex ideological perspective, mainstream news media have routinely portrayed it in simplistic terms and as social deviance. Within a context of increasing visibility of public women in the political arena in the United States – many of them self-proclaimed feminists – this study examines and illustrates the ideological struggle for defining ‘feminism’ in mediated discourse. A textual analysis of more than 200 US news websites stories from 2007 to 2011 shows how this struggle for meaning centers on women in the political public sphere. In doing so, this article addresses the consequences of such coverage for women and gender equality.
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Rogers, Jamie Ann. "“Sometimes It Seems You’re in Another World”." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 125–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-8359552.
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This article traces the development of Afrocentric feminist aesthetics within the LA Rebellion, a film movement made up primarily of Black film students at UCLA from 1970 to the late 1980s. It argues that these aesthetics are integral to the movement’s heterogeneous but radical politics, even as the filmmakers express them through widely different means. The article focuses primarily on three films that span the final decade in which Rebellion filmmakers were active at UCLA: Barbara McCullough’s Water Ritual #1: An Urban Rite of Purification (1979), Alile Sharon Larkin’s A Different Image (1982), and Zeinabu irene Davis’s Cycles (1989). Each of these films’ renderings of Afrocentric feminist aesthetics—through attention to African oral and mythical traditions, African and Pan-African-inflected mise-en-scène, rich col-oration and film stock, and play with nonlinear, nonteleological time—register at once the sedimented condition of patriarchal anti-Blackness in the United States and Black feminists’ ongoing projects of freedom that perdure within and despite that condition. In many ways, such representations anticipate contemporary Black feminist grapplings with recent Black studies scholarship that orbit around Afro-pessimist theories of Black ontology and social death. Through their expressions of Afrocentric feminist forms of communal, caring, and creative living, the films represent a form of Black social life that expresses value systems and ways of being that are incompatible with social death, even when they are inevitably moored within its ontological structure.
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Doan, Carrie. "‘Subversive stories and hegemonic tales’ of child sexual abuse: from expert legal testimony to television talk shows." International Journal of Law in Context 1, no. 3 (September 2005): 295–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552305003046.
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This article explores the cultural and legal contexts in which the construction of childhood sexual abuse has taken place over the past three decades in the United States. It also explores a theoretical debate that pits ‘logico-scientific’ accounts of reality against narrative accounts of reality. This debate is of central importance to the study of social and legal responses to childhood sexual abuse, which is categorised in this article as a problem of sexual and domestic violence from a feminist perspective. Some feminists argue that narratives may serve an empowering function in legal and other institutions by giving voice and legitimacy to survivors of sexual and domestic violence. Other feminists argue that narratives of domestic and sexual abuse that fail to identify the social systems of inequality associated with abuse may produce hyper-individualistic and depoliticising accounts of these problems. In this article, the author argues, with Ewick and Silbey, that it is possible to specify the kinds of narratives that contribute to political discourse and confrontation surrounding issues of childhood sexual abuse. The strategic use of social science and expert testimony in criminal and civil court cases, the construction and cultural significance of autobiographical narratives, and the proliferation of narratives in popular media that deal with child sexual abuse are all discussed. It is argued that autobiographical accounts of child sexual abuse, such as those of Dorothy Allison and Maya Angelou, internally illuminate the contexts of inequality which perpetuate abuse and shape the lives of survivors, while discourses in legal institutions and popular media tend to reproduce hegemonic constructions of women, children, and the problem of childhood sexual abuse.
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MURPHY, CRAIG N. "The promise of critical IR, partially kept." Review of International Studies 33, S1 (April 2007): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007425.
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ABSTRACTThe critical turn in IR promised a continuous archeology of the field, an empathetic understanding of those we study, and a social science unwedded to the pursuit of universally valid laws. In the United States, this movement was rooted more in a critique of peace research, than in a critique of the ‘NeoNeo’ mainstream, to which it became sort of ‘official opposition’. The promise has not been fulfilled because the research strategies of critical theorists have rarely given them direct access to the understandings of those outside the privileged core of world society. Other research programmes, including that of the Human Development Reports and of some feminists and ethnographic scholars in IR, have been more successful.
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Wahlen, Samantha. "Shrugging off the tiger: Examining the state of contemporary feminism in the Trumpian era through Maria Berrio’s El Cielo Tiene Jardines." Visual Inquiry 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/vi_00020_1.
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Through the examination of the artwork of Maria Berrio, parallels are drawn between her work, entitled El Cielo Tiene Jardines, and the 2019 political climate under Donald Trump. With the intention of linking the rise of feminism to Trump’s presence in office as president of the United States, specifically through examples of his sexism, narcissism and preference for patriarchy, this is approached through the metaphors of Berrio’s painting. In retaliation to the upswing of sexism, narcissism and patriarchy coming from the White House, each element examined in the artwork is meant to describe the relationship to Donald Trump’s personality cult as well as the corresponding reaction of anti-Trumpian groups, particularly feminists, as well as prescribers to psychoanalytic theory. Examples are cited from Trump’s presence in the media, including tweets, personal statements and historical evidence supporting the arguments made. Topics of neo-colonialism, the American Dream and the generalization of the female desire to remove herself from the submissive role of patriarchal assignment are also discussed. With what was being hailed as Third Wave Feminism, beginning with the Woman’s March of 2017, these aspects of Trumpian character and behaviour are described through the model of Berrio’s stunning mix-media painting and are meant to appeal to readers through both feminist and psychoanalytical analyses.
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Littauer, Amanda H. "“Your Young Lesbian Sisters”." Girlhood Studies 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2019.120104.
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Drawing on letters and essays written by teenage girls in the 1970s and early 1980s, and building on my historical research on same-sex desiring girls and girlhoods in the postwar United States, I ask how teenage girls in the 1970s and early 1980s pursued answers to questions about their feelings, practices, and identities and expressed their subjectivities as young lesbian feminists. These young writers, I argue, recognized that they benefitted from more resources and role models than did earlier generations, but they objected to what they saw as adult lesbians’ ageism, caution, and neglect. In reaching out to sympathetic straight and lesbian public figures and publications, girls found new ways to combat the persistent isolation and oppression faced by youth whose autonomy remained severely restricted by familial, educational, and legal structures.
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Rosser, Sue V. "Re-visioning Clinical Research: Gender and the Ethics of Experimental Design." Hypatia 4, no. 2 (1989): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1989.tb00577.x.
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Since modern medicine is based substantially in clinical medical research, the flaws and ethical problems that arise in this research as it is conceived and practiced in the United States are likely to be reflected to some extent in current medicine and its practice. This paper explores some of the ways in which clinical research has suffered from an androcentric focus in its choice and definition of problems studied, approaches and methods used in design and interpretation of experiments, and theories and conclusions drawn from the research. Some examples of re-visioned research hint at solutions to the ethical dilemmas created by this biased focus; an increased number of feminists involved in clinical research may provide avenues for additional changes that would lead to improved health care for all.
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Parks, Jennifer A. "Lifting the Burden of Women's Care Work: Should Robots Replace the “Human Touch”?" Hypatia 25, no. 1 (2010): 100–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.01086.x.
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This paper treats the political and ethical issues associated with the new caretaking technologies. Given the number of feminists who have raised serious concerns about the future of care work in the United States, and who have been critical of the degree to which society “free rides” on women's caretaking labor, I consider whether technology may provide a solution to this problem. Certainly, if we can create machines and robots to take on particular tasks, we may lighten the care burden that women currently face, much of which is heavy and repetitious, and which results in injury and care “burnout” for many female caretakers. Yet, in some contexts, I argue that high-tech robotic care may undermine social relationships, cutting individuals off from the possibility of social connectedness with others.
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Miranda, Cut Ruby, and Helmita Helmita. "The Depressed Female Characters From Their Intimidated Surrounding as Seen in The Yellow Wallpaper By Charlotte Perkin Gilman’s, A Rose For Emily By William Faulkner’s, and The Story of an Hour By Kate Chopin." Jurnal Ilmiah Langue and Parole 2, no. 2 (August 6, 2019): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36057/jilp.v2i2.364.
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In writing this thesis, the writer discusses the depression of women because of patriarchal traditions, even though they already know about women's rights and freedoms. This patriarchal tradition is that men hold full power over anything and women must always obey the rules of men. The women are required not to do any activities, in terms of education and employment. Women are only allowed to do homework. This applies to all women, both single and married. This began in the 90s, especially in the United States.
In writing the thesis, the writer uses psychological and feminist theories according to Sigmund Freud and Maggie Humm, who will explore the psychological side of women who are oppressed by the existence of this patriarchal custom. The purposes of this paper are: (1) To describe psychological-feminist cases in female characters (2) To analyze psychological-feminists in depressed female characters (3) To explain the psychological-feminist influence with female characters in the short story of The Yellow Wallpaper from Charlotte Perkins Gilman, A Rose For Emily from William Faulkner, The Story Of An Hour by Kate Chopin. The author uses descriptive qualitative methods in processing data. Through analysis of several existing sources and data.
Based on available data, the writer discover how the psychology of depressed female characters from their environment is intimidated based on the short story. In fact women can become depressed because their freedom of expression is hampered and prohibited by tradition. With the writing of this thesis, it is hoped that the public can find out what exactly the meaning of women's emancipation is without having to put down women or men.
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Palacios, Lena. "Challenging Convictions: Indigenous and Black Race-Radical Feminists Theorizing the Carceral State and Abolitionist Praxis in the United States and Canada." Meridians 15, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/meridians.15.1.08.
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Armstrong, Elizabeth A., Miriam Gleckman-Krut, and Lanora Johnson. "Silence, Power, and Inequality: An Intersectional Approach to Sexual Violence." Annual Review of Sociology 44, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073117-041410.
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Sexual violence reproduces inequalities of gender, race/ethnicity, class, age, sexuality, ability status, citizenship status, and nationality. Yet its study has been relegated to the margins of our discipline, with consequences for knowledge about the reproduction of social inequality. We begin with an overview of key insights about sexual violence elaborated by feminists, critical race scholars, and activists. This research leads us to conceptualize sexual violence as a mechanism of inequality that is made more effective by the silencing of its usage. We trace legal and cultural contestations over the definition of sexual violence in the United States. We consider the challenges of narrating sexual violence and review how the narrow focus on gender by some anti–sexual violence activism fails women of color and other marginalized groups. We conclude by interrogating the sociological silence on sexual violence.
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Kelly, Laura. "Irishwomen United, the Contraception Action Programme and the feminist campaign for free, safe and legal contraception in Ireland, c.1975–81." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 269–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.54.
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AbstractThis article explores the contraception campaigns of Irishwomen United (I.W.U.) and their offshoot, the Contraception Action Programme (CAP), in the Republic of Ireland from 1975 to 1981. It draws on ten oral history interviews with former members of I.W.U. and CAP conducted by the author, in addition to feminist magazines, newspaper sources and the Roisin Conroy/Attic Press archive. For Irish feminists, the issue of class was paramount to their contraception campaigns while, in common with their counterparts in the United States, they were also concerned about the increasing medicalisation of women's bodies and the potential health risks of the contraceptive pill, commonly prescribed as a ‘cycle regulator’ in Ireland. Fundamentally, I.W.U. and CAP members believed in a women's movement that allowed for the equal distribution of sexual knowledge and access to contraception. In this way, they foregrounded the connection between health and economic rights. Through their demonstrations, meetings and service provision, in unconventional spaces such as shops, markets, community centres and caravans, they challenged not only the law, but also the authority of both religious patriarchy and medical expertise in Ireland. Through an exploration of the activities of I.W.U./CAP, this article will contribute to understandings of campaigns around contraception and, with my commitment to profiling the experiences of ‘rank and file’ women, it will highlight class inequalities and concerns surrounding the medicalisation of women's bodies to a larger extent than has been done before. It also seeks to show the importance of informal women's networks in providing access to contraception and information about contraception pre-legalisation. Moreover, the article seeks to further elucidate the contribution of Irish grassroots organisations which have received limited historical attention.
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Mikhaylova, Oxana R., and Galina V. Gradoselskaya. "Radical Self-Representation in a Hostile Setting: Discursive Strategies of the Russian Lesbian Feminist Movement." Social Media + Society 7, no. 1 (January 2021): 205630512198925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305121989253.
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Today, internet provides opportunities for solidarization and collective action to initiative groups of social movements, including those of high degree of radicalism. For radical groups, language continues to be a crucial instrument through which social movements influence public attitudes. In this article, we analyze discursive strategies that the radical social movement (RSM) of Russian lesbian feminism uses to shape its image among the out-group and in-group publics. To identify the strategies of RSM self-representation, we employ semi-structured interviewing, qualitative content analysis, discourse analysis, and semantic network visualization. We find that, in a hostile anti-LGBT legal and discursive environment, self-representation of lesbian feminists is mostly linked to issues of aggression, violence, and systemic social, political, and legal constraints, unlike in the United States; it is also based on separation from the wider society and dehumanization of bearers of patriarchal views.
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Burmistrova, E. S., and A. A. Chuprikova. "FAR-RIGHT POLITICAL FORCES OF THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN: IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS TO THREATS TO NATIONAL IDENTITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 339–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-339-351.
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The article attempts to analyze the rhetoric and methods of promoting the ideas of far-right groups in the United States of America and Great Britain in the context of immigration processes and the multiculturalism policy connected with them. The authors draw attention to the tendency that right-wing radical groups hold different positions: from moderate to most radical. The focus of the study is on comparing the tactics and discourse of such organizations whose degrees of radicalism differ because of their positions on the problem of national identity. The study attempts to highlight the activities of previously unexplored right-wing radical groups in the United States and Great Britain. The focus is on “Proud Guys” and “Generation of Identity”, trying to create a socially acceptable image; Richard Spencer and Tomi Robinson, who are trying on the image of extreme right-wing leaders; Andrew Anglin and members of "National Action", who occupy ultra right positions in expressing their views. The study deals with a massive selection of sources: mass media materials, statistical reports of public organizations and accessible official resources of right-wing forces. The authors conclude that the modern far-right associations of the USA and Great Britain are similar on the agenda and in its implementation. The main enemies of the right radicals are immigrants, Muslims, Jews and feminists. In this sense, adepts of such ideas constitute a threat to the stability of a democratic society.
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Dodge, Mary, Donna Starr-Gimeno, and Thomas Williams. "Puttin’ on the Sting: Women Police Officers' Perspectives on Reverse Prostitution Assignments." International Journal of Police Science & Management 7, no. 2 (May 2005): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/ijps.7.2.71.65778.
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Reverse police prostitution stings, which target men by using female police officers as decoy prostitutes, are becoming a common method in some United States cities for controlling the problem of solicitation for prostitution. The role of policewomen as decoys has received scant attention by scholars, though critics and traditional feminists view the practice as further evidence of the subjection and degradation of women in law enforcement. This article presents participant field observations of how reverse prostitution operations are conducted in Aurora, Colorado Springs, and Denver, Colorado and qualitative interview data from 25 female police officers who discuss their experiences as prostitution decoys. The findings indicate that female officers view the decoy role as an exciting opportunity for undercover work, despite the negative connotations of acting like a whore. According to the officers who work as decoys, it adds excitement and variety and offers potential for other opportunities for advancement within the police department in contrast to the rather mundane duties often associated with patrol.
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Oktavianti, Tri Indah, and Muhammad Nur Hasan. "Pergeseran Standar Feminisme Dalam Pemilu AS: Studi Terhadap Postfeminisme di Kalangan Muda [The Shifting Feminist Standard in U.S. Elections: Studies on Postfeminism in Youth]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 9, no. 18 (January 5, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v9i18.770.
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<p>Feminism firmly stands in the front line when it comes to the confrontation against injustice and oppression. Yet, feminism has become too exclusive for the subject of women and privileged for sub-groups like whites and middle-class, who stand as a whole category. By then, feminism is stuck in a time warp as it is unable to diminish the oppression of binary gender and its exclusive category. Under the framework of post-structuralist feminism theory, post-feminism is defined as a positive development of feminism that offers more comprehensive thinking. This research aims to identify the ideas of post-feminism and analyze how the shifting values of feminism towards post-feminism occur. Through interpretive methods, the researcher identified that post-feminism was about the deconstruction of the subject 'women' and inter-sectionalism. The millennial paradigm shifts in the United States allowed the creation of preferences that was diverse and unlimited to a specific gender perspective. Thus, the political preferences of feminists were not only limited to the assumption of women that should choose a female president. Therefore, supporters of the millennial wave phenomena of Bernie Sanders in the primary caucus of Democratic Party of US elections in 2016 became one of the reflections of the millennial post-feminism ideas.</p>
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Sullivan, Courtney. "From screen to stage: Mutantes’s sex-positive influence on King Kong Théorie." Contemporary French Civilization: Volume 46, Issue 1 46, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2021.3.
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In order to rectify important gaps in scholarship, this article examines how Virginie Despentes’s documentary Mutantes: Féminisme Porno Punk (2009), her autobiographical essay King Kong Théorie (2006), and its theatrical adaptation play off one another to advance the argument that Despentes’s transnational feminism has its roots in the sex-positive movement that began in the United States in the early 1980s.1 At the heart of her work, this feminism influences King Kong Théorie and much of her fiction.2 Despentes, inspired by the sex-positive movement that began in the United States in the early 1980s, interviewed its American pioneers in 2005 for her documentary, Mutantes. These interviews articulate a sex-positive feminism that strives to destigmatize sex work by promoting it as a legitimate, lucrative, and often enjoyable way to earn a living. It resoundingly refutes the notion of the sex worker as victim. Mutantes also focuses on the performances by European postporn collectives trying to find non-binary ways to express sexuality and desire. This “pro-sexe” stance would shape both Despentes’s feminist manifesto King Kong Théorie one year later and her fiction, for she evokes it in brief references to sex workers in her Vernon Subutex trilogy. In a nod to the campy personalities and performers in Mutantes, Vanessa Larré’s production of King Kong Théorie (2018), that she adapted to the theater with Valérie de Dietrich, also aims to educate and challenge. With provocative and jocular scenes and shots, Mutantes and Larré’s play knock viewers and theatergoers off kilter to make them reflect on the ways gender-based and heteronormative binaries stifle both men and women in patriarchal societies. While some of the performances, images, and non-binary sex toys in Mutantes may be upsetting to viewers, that is exactly the point: to defy gender and sexual norms to open up new possibilities for individuals shut out by the binary. Both the documentary and the play tackle taboo subjects with ludic humor in a way that stimulates reflection on the part of the audience in a disarming, unthreatening manner. This paper uncovers the way the camp sensibilities in Mutantes rub off on the play’s adaptation since both capture the humor, joviality, playfulness, and oftentimes self-deprecation of the sex-positive American feminists that worked their way into Despentes’s writing. Mutantes and the play also concretely underscore the ways Despentes’s works are shaping contemporary feminist writers such as Chloé Delaume and Gabrielle Deydier and artists and actors such as Larré and Dietrich.
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Koroleva, Vlada V. "The Social Position of Women in Cities in the USA During the 1960s-1980s." Journal of Frontier Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2020): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.2020.1.4053.
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The article is dedicated to the problem of the position of women in cities and to creation and formation of “women’s spaces” in the United States in 1960-1980.
Following the development of the second wave of feminism, we focused the attention not only on the movement for civil rights itself but also on the activities of organizations and women who were trying to improve the living conditions of female citizens.
Prisoners in their homes, women have always been associated more with the suburbs than with the cities themselves. They were never seen as citizens, but rather as rare guests in this urban space.
In order to make cities more women-friendly, feminists began to create exclusive women’s spaces that would help women not only get out from their house-arrest but also solve difficult life situations. Shelters, women’s health centers, women’s libraries, book clubs and kindergartens – all of these new spaces helped an American woman move out of the alienation spaces of their houses and gain new opportunities for self-development.
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Hershberger, Monica A. "Feminist Revisions." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 3 (2020): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.3.383.
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In 1945 Virgil Thomson and Gertrude Stein began working on The Mother of Us All, their second and final opera. If the pair’s chosen subject matter—the life and work of Susan B. Anthony (1820–1906)—was radical in and of itself, so too was the librettist’s approach to it. As Stein scholar Jane Palatini Bowers has carefully documented, Stein quoted heavily from political speeches as she crafted her libretto, using numerous “male-generated texts” but ultimately telling an “antipatriarchal” story. Bowers and others have argued that Stein’s revisions of these texts tell not only Anthony’s but also Stein’s story. I argue that in its final form, The Mother of Us All tells yet another story, for it was Thomson who revised Stein’s libretto after her untimely death in 1946, approximately one year before the opera’s premiere at Columbia University. Drawing extensively on both versions of the libretto text, as well as the musical score, I assert that Thomson sought to buy into Stein’s feminist project, and I read his revisions to The Mother of Us All as his attempt to refashion himself as her political and artistic partner. At the same time that The Mother of Us All represented a very personal project for Stein and Thomson, it was a more broadly political project as well, a critique of the status of women in the United States following World War II. As Stein and Thomson looked back on the significance of the women’s suffrage movement, they chose not to bring their story to an unequivocally rousing conclusion celebrating the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Instead, they suggested an unfinished struggle, one that so-called “second-wave” feminists would task themselves with furthering during the latter half of the twentieth century and one that would nourish productions of The Mother of Us All well into the twenty-first century.
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Davidson, Denise Z. "De-centring Twentieth-Century Women's Movements." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 503–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003095.
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Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Taurus, 1997), 260 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-86064-201-2.Christine Bard, ed., Un Siècle d'antiféminisme (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 481 pp., FF 150.00, ISBN 2-213-60285-9.Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anja Schüler and Susan Strasser, eds., Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 381 pp., $19.95, ISBN. 0-8014-8469-3.Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 325 pp., cloth $55.00, pb $19.95, ISBN 0-691-01675-5.Mrinalini Sinha, Donna Guy and Angela Woollacott, eds., Feminisms and Internationalism, Gender and History Special Issue, 264 pp. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). $24.95, ISBN 0-631-20919-0.When we think of the women's movements of the early twentieth century, organisations like Britain's WSPU (Women's Social and Political Union) come to mind and we envision suffragettes marching and getting themselves arrested in cities like London. None of the books discussed here deals with this ‘mainstream’ view of feminism. Instead, they investigate women's movements and reactions to them from other perspectives. Approaching their subject matter from different angles, these recent works offer new interpretations of the history of feminism in the twentieth century. Together they make us consider a geographical re-focusing on the subject of women's movements. They raise questions about the chronology of feminism; they highlight the complicated relationships between ‘globalisation’ and nationalism and centre and periphery; and they draw attention to changing definitions of feminism depending on time and place and the issues at stake.
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Erwin, Kathleen. "Interpreting the Evidence: Competing Paradigms and the Emergence of Lesbian and Gay Suicide as a “Social Fact”." International Journal of Health Services 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 437–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/eqp9-3yf9-wxrx-phk7.
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Almost two decades after the American Psychiatric Association acknowledged that homosexuality should no longer be considered a pathological condition, studies continue to show significantly higher rates of suicide, depression, substance abuse, and other indicators of psychological distress among lesbians and gay men than among heterosexuals in the United States. If homosexuality is not, in fact, pathological, then what accounts for such self-destructive behavior? This article examines contending causal theories of homosexual suicide and psychological distress ranging from religious and medical-psychiatric theories that problematize individual behavior to societal explanations that locate the cause in social intolerance and internalized oppression. Illuminating the origins of myths that persist today, it demonstrates how historical, social, and political forces have been instrumental in shaping the scientific and medical response to gay and lesbian psychological distress. Emphasis is on the need to question the “objective validity” of scientific theories in order to develop more effective responses to gay and lesbian mental health problems. Finally, this article considers alternative views of sexuality that are emerging from such sources as feminists and gay Native Americans, and proposes new directions for mental health research that encompass issues of diversity within the gay and lesbian population.
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Rouse, Wendy, and Beth Slutsky. "Empowering the Physical and Political Self: Women and the Practice of Self-Defense, 1890–1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 4 (October 2014): 470–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000383.
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First-wave feminists in the Progressive Era found ways to make the political physical by empowering their bodies. As the women's suffrage movement gained momentum, advocates for women's self-defense training in England and in the United States insisted that all women were physically capable of defending themselves and should learn self-defense not only to protect themselves physically but to empower themselves psychologically and politically for the battles they would face in both the public and private spheres. Militant suffragettes used their bodies to convey discontent and resist oppression through marches, pickets, and hunger strikes. Yet, and perhaps more importantly, even average women, with no direct association with suffrage organizations, expressed a newfound sense of empowerment through physical training in boxing, wrestling, and jiu-jitsu.1This paper considers the ways in which women during the first wave of feminism empowered their bodies to fight assault, sexism, and disfranchisement through their training in the “manly art” of self-defense. Although not all women who embraced physical training and martial arts had explicit or implicit political motives, women's self-defense figuratively and literally challenged the power structure that prevented them from exercising their full rights as citizens and human beings.
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Tarver, Erin C. "New Forms of Subjectivity: Theorizing the Relational Self with Foucault and Alcoff." Hypatia 26, no. 4 (2011): 804–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01235.x.
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Taking seriously Linda Martín Alcoff's suggestion that we reevaluate the extent to which poststructuralist articulations of the subject are truly socially constituted, as well as the centrality of Latina identity to her own account of such constitution, I argue that the discussion Alcoff and other Latina feminists offer of the experience of being Latina in North America is illustrative of the extent to which the relational and globally situated constitution of subjects needs further development in many social‐constructionist accounts of selfhood. I argue, however—contra Alcoff—that Michel Foucault's mode of investigating subjectivation, particularly as it is articulated in his later work, has room for just such an account, especially when it is supplemented by postcolonial theory. With this end in mind, I take as a case study the public discourse surrounding Sonia Sotomayor prior to her confirmation as the first Latina woman to serve on the United States Supreme Court, suggesting that an analysis of this discourse (including its position within and contribution to wider discourses of ethnicity, race, gender, and class) shows why the accounts of relational subject‐constitution offered by both Foucault and Alcoff are indispensable.
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McCarthy, Helen. "Flexible Workers: The Politics of Homework in Postindustrial Britain." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.126.
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AbstractThis article opens up a new perspective on market liberalism's triumph in the late twentieth century through an examination of the political battles that were fought in Britain over the regulation of homework. Ubiquitous in the late Victorian era, this form of waged labor was curtailed by Edwardian wage regulations but resurged in the 1970s as a result of competition from low-wage economies abroad and fast-changing consumer tastes. Alongside growing use of homeworkers in consumer industries, new information technologies made it increasingly possible for some forms of professional work to move into the home. This article explores the debates that swirled around these different forms of homework, pitting antipoverty campaigners, feminists, and activists against ministers, employers, and civil servants. It shows how Conservative and New Labour governments failed to recognize the structural similarities between Victorian-style “sweated” labor and the emerging world of telework, freelancing, and self-employment, and how the intellectual excitement generated by Britain's transition toward a postindustrial future dovetailed with the New Right commitment to deregulation and the creation of “flexible” labor markets. A brief comparison with homework in the United States underlines the value of local, particular histories to our larger understanding of ideological change in modern societies.
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Lončarević, Katarina. ""The Second Sex" in 1950s American Popular Journals." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 16, no. 4 (December 14, 2021): 1123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v16i4.6.
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The Second Sex has been considered one of the most important studies about the women’s question that preceded the so-called second feminist wave in the USA, and the paper deals with the inquiries about the urge to translate The Second Sex into English and for the American audience. Taking into account translation studies, the article approaches the process of translation as not neutral and as one that has far-reaching consequences for the reception of the translated work. In addition, the paper refers to feminist translation studies and the insight that translation invokes questions of power, exclusion, appropriation, and erasure. The rise of periodical studies, on the other hand, gives the opportunity to analyze digitalized journals from the period after the Second World War, and to question on a deeper level the norms and socially accepted ideals of femininity in plural, which, finally, could contribute to a more complex understanding of the position and role of women in postwar America. Having in mind specific the social, political and cultural context in which the first English translation of The Second Sex was published, the paper analyzes the reception of the book in popular journals during 1953, which was highly critical but simultaneously more positive than in France, despite all the problems with the translation that deform Beauvoir’s thought and its existentialist philosophy that underpins her deconstruction of various myths about women. The paper offers deep analysis of thirteen articles published in six American journals with different editorial policies and intended audiences. The analysis of these first published critiques of the book shows that some topics (the structure of the book, Beauvoir as ‘the French’ author, her alleged misunderstanding of the American context and positive stance towards the USSR, feminism, the ‘unscientific’ analysis that the book provides, existentialism, and Beauvoir's critique of the myth of motherhood), gained much more attention than for example the analysis of the quality of the book's translation, which deeply influences all of the above mentioned topics and problems and, in addition, there is no critical stance towards the role and position of women in the United States after the Second World War in any of the published critiques. The article argues that the reception of The Second Sex which was created in part by these critiques influenced both public opinion and feminists, who would quite soon remobilize the massive feminist movement in the 1960s.
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SMITH, NORMAN. "‘Only Women can Change this World into Heaven’ Mei Niang, Male Chauvinist Society, and the Japanese Cultural Agenda in North China, 1939–1941." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (February 2006): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001831.
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From 1939 to 1941, Mei Niang (b. 1920) penned three of her most famous novellas, Bang (Clam)(1939), Yu (Fish)(1941), and Xie (Crabs)(1941). Each of these works sheds light on the struggle of Chinese feminists in Japanese-occupied north China to realize ideals that stood in stark contrast to the conservative constructs of ‘good wives, wise mothers’ (xianqi liangmu) favoured by colonial officials. The contemporary appeal of Mei Niang's work is attested to by a catch-phrase, coined in 1942, that linked her with one of the most celebrated Chinese women writers of the twentieth century, Zhang Ailing (1920–1995): ‘the south has Zhang Ailing, the north has Mei Niang’ (Nan Ling, Bei Mei). Both women attained great fame in Japanese-occupied territories, only to have their achievements tempered by condemnation of the environments in which they forged their early careers. The Chinese civil war that followed the collapse of the Japanese empire propelled the two writers along divergent trajectories: Zhang Ailing moved to Hong Kong and the United States, where she achieved iconic status, while Mei Niang remained in the People's Republic of China, to be vilified. As one of the pre-eminent ‘writers of the enemy occupation’ (lunxian zuojia), Mei Niang was persecuted by a Maoist regime (1949–1976) dedicated to the refutation of the Japanese colonial order in its entirety.
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Eckert, Stine. "Fighting for recognition: Online abuse of women bloggers in Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States." New Media & Society 20, no. 4 (January 29, 2017): 1282–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816688457.
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Women who blog about politics or identify as feminist in Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States face great risks of online abuse. In-depth interviews with 109 bloggers who write about feminisms, family, and/or maternity politics revealed that 73.4% had negative experiences due to blogging and/or social media use. Most of these negative experiences involved not only abusive comments but also stalking, trolls, rape threats, death threats, and unpleasant offline encounters. Response strategies included moderating comments, exposing abuse, adaptation, and solidarity. I argue that the democratic potential of social media in democracies remains haphazard because online abuse is not fully recognized as entangling online and offline communication, constituted and constructed through technological, legal, social, and cultural factors. Using the theoretical approaches of digital feminisms, I call for more systematic empirical work on global recognition of online abuse as punishable crime.