Academic literature on the topic 'Feminism – Western Australia'

This article combines framing analysis and critical textual analysis in a qualitative investigation of the ways in which popular culture texts, in particular articles in Australian women's magazines, frame transnational celebrity activism. Using three recent case studies of commercial representations of popular female celebrities – Nicole Kidman in Marie Claire (Australia), Angelina Jolie in Vogue (Australia) and Emma Watson in Cleo (Australia) – this study dissects framing devices to reveal the discursive tensions which lie beneath textual constructions of celebrity humanitarianism. Through a focus on United Nations Women's Goodwill Ambassadors, and their exemplary performances of popular humanitarianism, I argue that feminist celebrity activists may inadvertently contradict the cause of global gender equality by operating within the limits of celebrity publicity images and discourses. Moreover, the deployment of celebrity women, who have built their vast wealth and global influence through the commodification of Western ideals of beauty and femininity, betrays an approach to humanitarianism, which is grounded in the intersection of neocolonial global capitalism, liberal feminism and the ethics of competitive individualism.

AbstractOver the past two decades significant changes in approaches to gender equity have taken place in the fields of contemporary music and music research. However, women in music are still disadvantaged in terms of income, inclusion and professional opportunities. In Australia a national approach to improving gender equity in music has begun to emerge as once-controversial strategies trialled by four tertiary institutions have become established practices. This article discusses successful inclusion strategies for women in music, including the commitment to gender-balanced programming across all concerts at Queensland Conservatorium of Music by 2025, the introduction of mandatory quotas in recital programmes at Monash University, mentoring programmes for women composers at Sydney Conservatorium of Music, and the development of coursework devoted to women in music at The University of Western Australia, as well as other initiatives that have emerged from them, both within and beyond the institution. Each approach is examined in the context of broader global discussions around gender and feminism. The public willingness to engage in discussions over sexual harassment, sexual assault and gender discrimination in the workplace that has resulted from the #MeToo movement is cited as key in influencing the engagement of students and professionals with these strategies and subsequent influence on performance practices, project development and presentational formats in new music.

*Full article is in FrenchEnglish abstract:Through the metaphor of a bridge of interdependence, this article brings together two traditions—Western ecofeminism and Amerindian feminist thought—focusing on two intellectuals and activists: the Australian philosopher Val Plumwood and yanacona leader, Maria Ovidia Palechor. Drawing on their convergence around territory and attachments between humans and non-humans, the article’s purpose is to show the plurality of feminist voices that characterizes new citizenship and not to stifl e it under the chape of a single Western trend of feminism. Contrary to rationalist conceptions of citizenship based on identical preference (democracy of the brothers), it is a matt er of valuing att achments and relational responsibility as conditions for a dysharmonic democracy based on the plurality of voices.Spanish abstract:A través de la metáfora de un puente de interdependencia, este artículo reúne dos tradiciones—el ecofeminismo occidental y el pensamiento feminista amerindio—centrándose en dos intelectuales y activistas: el filósofo australiano Val Plumwood y la líder yanacona María Ovidia Palechor. Basándose en su convergencia en torno al territorio y los vínculos entre los seres humanos y los no humanos, el propósito del artículo es mostrar la pluralidad de voces feministas que caracteriza a la nueva ciudadanía y no sofocarla bajo la cápsula de una sola tendencia occidental del feminismo. Contrariamente a las concepciones racionalistas de la ciudadanía basada en la preferencia de lo idéntico (democracia de los hermanos), se trata de valorar los apegos y la responsabilidad relacional como condiciones para una democracia disarmónica basada en la pluralidad de voces.French abstract:À travers la métaphore d’un pont de l’interdépendance, cet article met en dialogue deux traditions – l’écoféminisme occidental et la pensée féministe amérindienne –, en se centrant sur deux intellectuelles et activistes : la philosophe australienne Val Plumwood et la leader yanacona Maria Ovidia Palechor. S’appuyant sur leurs convergences autour du territoire et des att achements entre les humains et envers les non humains, le propos de l’article est d’exposer la pluralité des voix féministes qui caractérise les nouvelles citoyennetés, et de ne pas l’étouff er sous la chappe d’une seule tendance occidentale du féminisme. À rebours des conceptions rationalistes de la citoyenneté fondées sur la préférence à l’identique (démocratie des frères), il s’agit de valoriser les attachements et la responsabilité relationnelle comme conditions d’une démocratie dysharmonique fondée sur la pluralité des voix.

There exists the idea that western societies are now postfeminist, implying that remaining differences between men and women should be understood as a result of the free exercise of individual choice. Yet this postfeminist promise of liberation is overwhelmingly packaged within the crushingly cruel beauty images that western women are judged against and incited to emulate. Theorizing female agency in light of choice and liberation discourses has been the topic of much recent feminist literature, to which this article seeks to contribute. We utilized a feminist post-structuralist framework to examine how young Australian women position themselves as freely choosing and able to throw off oppression. We discuss these findings in relation to the conception of the neoliberal feminine subject; described as someone who playfully expresses herself by freely choosing her level of participation in socially promoted beauty practices; in turn resulting in a resistance to being seen as inflexible, or critical of wider social influences

Women’s presence and role in contemporary mosques in Western countries is contested within and outside Muslim communities, but research on this topic is limited and only a few studies consider women’s roles inside mosques in Australia. There is a complex intersection of gender and religion in public sacred spaces in all religious communities, including Muslim communities. Women’s role in these spaces has often been restricted. They are largely invisible in both public sacred spaces and in public rituals such as congregational prayers. Applying a feminist lens to religion and gender, this article explores how a mosque as a socially constructed space can both enable and restrict Australian Muslim women’s religious identity, participation, belonging and activism. Based on written online qualitative interviews with twenty Muslim women members of three Australian Muslim online Facebook groups, this article analyses the women’s experiences with their local mosques as well as their views on gender segregation.

The ‘pink ribbon culture’ dominates understandings of breast cancer in Western societies. We describe this as an ‘illness culture’, consisting of neoliberal discourses and practices, which construct the breast cancer experience. We take a feminist post-structuralist approach to review current breast cancer lay materials available to women in Australia, to examine how breast cancer is discursively constructed within this context. Further, we consider how women with breast cancer are positioned and what the implications are for women’s lives. We discuss neoliberal discourses of ‘individual responsibility and empowerment’ and ‘optimism’, and the central practices that focus on individual health behaviours and survivorship. This illness culture has productive and restrictive effects for women’s subjectivity. Whilst women are positioned as ‘empowered’ regarding their health, this comes at the price of self-regulation and responsibility. Support and information additionally reposition women in feminine, heteronormative ways, whilst excluding women who do not fit narrow cultural stereotypes.

This research examines the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia and understands it as an instrument to clear a new pathway for populism movement into popular culture. Ummi magazine is one of the religious media used to be political vehicles of stablishing constituencies, especially for the Tarbiyah movement in the Soeharto era to the current tendency to popularize the Tarbiyah identity as a new lifestyle. Historically, The Tarbiyah movement in Indonesia is a social and political movement among Indonesian Muslimah students, especially activists in the Suharto period. Muslim middle class entrepreneurs launched a campaign of ‘economic jihad. This research uses a qualitative approach by interpreting and studying the data contained in Ummi Magazine. Media studies were carried out in the January 2017 to 2018 editions. The data obtained were described and associated with the magazine's transformation as an ideological medium and Muslim women's lifestyle today. The result shows that the magazine's transformation from ideology magazine to lifestyle magazine can influence readers because there are more new readers. Whether Ummi as a media for da'wah and a women's magazine, it is still perceived by the readers to apply ideological coercion or simply provide an alternative lifestyle or consumption where religious independence is the main characteristic of the magazine. We argue that Islamic populism is mainly a medium for coercion ideology to gain tracks to power, while the poor remain as ‘floating mass’, and entrapped in many so-called 'empowerment' projects. Populism can be interpreted as a communication style in which a group of politicians considers themselves to represent the people’s interests contrasted with elite interests. Nevertheless, the populism approach is gaining momentum. Abdullah, I. (1996). Tubuh, Kesehatan, dan Struktur yang Melemahkan Wanita. Kumpulan Makalah Seminar Bulanan. Pusat Penelitian Kependudukan UGM.Al-Abani, S. M. N. (1999). Jilbab Wanita Muslimah. Pustaka At-Tibyan.Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate. Yale University Press.Al-Ghifari, A. (2005). Kerudung Gaul, Berjilbab Tapi Telanjang. Mujahid Press.Armbrust, W. (2000). ‘Introduction’, Mass Mediation: New Approaches to Popular Culture In The Middle East and Beyond. University California Press.Askew, K. (2002). ‘Introduction’, The Anthropology of Media: A Reader.Blackwell.Astuti, S. N. A. . (2005). Membaca Kelompok Berjilbab Sebagai Komunitas Sub Kultur. Universitas Gadjah Mada.BPS. (2017). Statistika Pendapatan. BPS Publication. Banet-Weiser, S. (2006). “I just want to be me again!”: Beauty pageants, reality television and post-feminism. Feminist Theory, 7(2), 255–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700106064423Banna, H. (2011). Majmu’ah Rasail Al Iman As Syahid (Risalah Pergerakan Ikhawanul Muslimin. Era Intermedia. Barthel, D. (1976) . 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INTRODUCTION: The practice and teaching of western social work is shaped within the institutional context of a predominately managerial higher education sector and neoliberal societal context that valorises the individual. Critical feminist social work educators face constraints and challenges when trying to imagine, co-construct, enact and improve ways to engage in the communal relationality of critical feminist pedagogy.APPROACH: In this article, the authors draw upon the literature and use a reflective, inductive approach to explore and analyse observations made about efforts to engage with a subversive pedagogy whilst surviving in the neoliberal academy.CONCLUSION: While the article draws on experiences of social work teaching and research in a regional Australian university, the matters explored are likely to have resonance for social work education in other parts of the world. A tentative outline for thinking about the processes involved in co-creating a critical feminist pedagogical practice is offered.

AbstractThis paper presents a gender inclusive curriculum model for environmental studies at the senior secondary level. The curriculum model is based on three sources of information about gender and environmental studies: ecofeminist theory concerning Western constructions of the humanity–nature relation, socialist feminist critique of academic and professional practice in the environmental disciplines, and an analysis of syllabus documents produced for senior secondary environmental studies courses in South Australia and Victoria. The model induces recommendations concerning the representation of the concept ‘environment’ in the syllabus, the portrayal of women in the syllabus, and the pedagogic and assessment strategies promoted in the syllabus.

This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
A thesis submitted in full requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, School of Social Ecology and Lifelong Learning, University of Western Sydney, May 2002. Bibliography : p. [369]- 395.

[Truncated abstract] Conservative, incremental and modest approaches to redressing gendered workplace cultures have had limited success in challenging the demographic profile of densely masculinist workplaces. In this thesis I draw on a study of women in police work to argue that combating highly institutionalised, entrenched masculinist practices calls for more than modesty. Indeed the study shows that ambitious, even contentious, recommendations for new procedures can play an important role when the goal is tangible change in cultures where there is an excess of men. In conclusion I posit the need for some bold risk-taking, alongside incremental tactics, if the aim is to change the habits and practices of masculinist organisations . . . This dissertation maps that interventionist process across a four-year period. In assessing the role played by the feminist methodology I analyse what people can learn to see and say about organisational practices, how they participate in or seek to undermine various forms of teamwork, as well as how individual team members display their new understandings and behaviours. I conclude that the techniques for supporting women in authoritarian, densely masculinist workplaces should include some bold and highly visible ‘critical acts’, based on commitment from the top coupled to strongly motivated and highly informed teamwork.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2007.
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, School of Communication Arts. Includes bibliography.

The study sought to uncover the constitution of migrant women's agency as they rebuild their lives in Australia, and to explore how contact with any publicly funded services might influence the capacity to be self determining subjects. The thesis used a framework of lifeworld theories (Bourdieu, Schutz, Giddens), materialist, trans-national feminist and post colonial writings, and a methodological approach based on critical hermeneutics (Ricoeur), feminist standpoint and decolonising theories. Thirty in depth interviews were carried out with 6 women migrating from each of 5 regions: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Horn of Africa, the former Soviet Union and the Philippines. Australian based immigration literature constituted the third corner of triangulation. The interviews were carried out through an exploration of themes format, eliciting data about the different ontological and epistemological assumptions of the cultures of origin. The findings revealed not only the women's remarkable tenacity and resilience as creative agents, but also the indispensability of Australia's publicly funded infrastructure or welfare state. The women were mostly privileged in terms of class, education and affirming relationships with males. Nevertheless, their self determination depended on contact with universal public policies, programs and with local community services. The welfare state seems to be modernity's means for re-establishing human connectedness that is the crux of the human condition. Connecting with fellow Australians in friendships and neighbourliness was also important in resettlement. Conclusions include a policy discussion in agreement with Australian and international scholars proposing that there is no alternative but for governments to invest in a welfare state for the civil societies and knowledge based economies of the 21st Century.

Chapter 6 examines what authority is given to specific feminist actors to speak and what authority is imagined lying within the domain of legal acts. A study of the convergence of the women, peace, and security agenda and the counterterrorism agenda is offered in this chapter, as is a study of alternative sites of feminist engagement with law, from the use of protest in Uganda to the manipulation of digital spaces by Chinese feminist activists. Connecting to the larger theme of the book as a feminist dialogue, the chapter evolves into a study of how different discourses converge to give the author voice and authority, questioning whose silences that authority depends upon. The chapter draws upon Black British feminists and indigenous Australian authors to question white, Western feminist’s complicity in the production of privilege and to explore the steps that are necessary to commence feminist dialogues on international law.