Academic literature on the topic 'Feminism – Political aspects'
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Journal articles on the topic "Feminism – Political aspects"
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RIBEIRO (UFPA), Joyce Otânia Seixas. "DIVERGÊNCIAS E CONVERGÊNCIAS ENTRE O FEMINISMO DECOLONIAL DE MARÍA LUGONES, A HISTORIOGRAFIA FEMINISTA E O FEMINISMO PÓS-ESTRUTURALISTA." Margens 16, no. 26 (June 30, 2022): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.18542/rmi.v16i26.11154.
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Our intention is to carry out an introductory comparative analysis of three relevant feminist approaches that divide the gender studies scene. Despite the risks, the methodological decision was made by theoretical research (Salvador, 1986; Apple, 1994), aware that it is politically informed, as theories reveal interests of the class, gender, sexuality, nation, race/ethnicity, generation, and are linked to social practice. To proceed with the study, we highlight three aspects, which are: the assumptions, the notion of gender, and the political commitment. The results we have reached inform about the existence of divergences and convergences between these feminist approaches, confirming the irreconcilable divergence between feminist historiography and poststructuralist feminism, inconsistent convergence between poststructuralist feminism, and decolonial feminism, and convergence between feminist historiography and decolonial feminism.Keywords: Feminist historiography. Poststructuralist feminism. Decolonial feminism.
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Norman, Ishmael D., and Blandina M. Awiah-Norman. "Feminist identity crisis in Africa." International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 1 (June 19, 2024): 216–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25082/ijah.2024.01.003.
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Feminist movement in Africa lacks capable guardians to steer the development of feminine identity or theory, and to operationalize the feminist agenda. The apparent lack of a national or continental feminist theory has not helped to elevate the status of the majority of women beyond the patriarchal controls, particularly in the rural and peri-urban communities, despite improved social modernization. Africa’s feminist crisis involves the lack of leadership, ideological vacuity, absence of structure or movement, and the non-application of cultural; political; class; religious and tribal identities in developing feminist theory. In search of capable feminist guardians, the tendency of feminist groups is to co-opt self-actualized African women into feminism with or without their consent, and without regard to the accidental coincidence of those personalities’ narratives with feminist epistemology. Feminism in Africa is in search of relevance within the public space. This paper interrogates these issues and uses the narrative of several self-actualized women in Africa, who have, apparently, been co-opted into feminism as a result, to discuss aspects of the crisis and the delimiting public policy and legislation against, perhaps, the development of feminine identity.
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Rogan, Frances, and Shelley Budgeon. "The Personal is Political: Assessing Feminist Fundamentals in the Digital Age." Social Sciences 7, no. 8 (August 9, 2018): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7080132.
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The ‘personal is political’ has long been recognised as the definitive slogan of second-wave feminism but can it still inform our understanding of the contemporary practice of feminism? Questioning the importance of this claim now invites us to critically reflect upon the trajectory Western feminism has followed in light of the efforts made by the Women’s Liberation movement to politicise formerly unquestioned aspects of social relations. In this paper, the significance of this feminist slogan will be assessed by locating it within two broadly defined historical periods. Firstly we identify the critical work performed by the ideas expressed in the slogan in the early years of the 1970s and then assess their continued relevance within the context of the early 21st century. Drawing upon the empirical analysis of young women’s experience of and relationship to feminism via their engagement with social media in Britain, this research critically assesses digital spaces as places where young women explore their personal experiences. We aim to understand how this may constitute a contemporary form of feminist practice consistent with the claim that ‘the personal is political’.
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Thorpe, Holly, and Rebecca Olive. "The Power, Politics, and Potential of Feminist Sports History: A Multi-Generational Dialogue." Journal of Sport History 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.379.
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Abstract This article considers the role that feminism has played in the development of sport history. More than writing “women’s sport history,” “feminist sport history” critically (re)engages issues of theory, method, and representation in the ways we approach historical scholarship. However, feminism remains a diverse area of thought that includes both political and personal aspects, which creates differences in the perspectives that feminist scholars bring to the field. After an overview of the development and contributions of feminism to sport history, this article reveals some of the diverse feminist perspectives in the field by constructing a dialogue using comments from interviews and literature from three “generations” of feminist sport historians. Exploring differences in feminist approaches
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Ograjšek Gorenjak, Ida. "Ženska povijest na valovima feminizma." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 1 (December 15, 2022): 165–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.6.
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The article analyzes the entangled history of feminism and women’s history over the long period from the emergence of feminist thought to the challenges and changes of the 21st century. Based on the concept of four waves of feminism, the paper is organized into four separate chapters that show the development of feminism, women’s history, Croatian feminism, and finally the history of women in Croatia in each phase, while seeking continuities and discontinuities, links and points of divergence. It concludes that women’s history and feminism are intertwined at the theoretical, social and cultural-political level. They open and consider similar questions, and borrow patterns, terminology and arguments from each other. They were supported, conceived and implemented by the same circle of women and men, especially in the second wave, which played a key role in the creation and representation of contemporary feminism. During the third wave, there is a separation of the activist and theoretical aspects of feminism, as well as the emancipation of women’s history from its status as a political tool of feminism. However, the emergence of the fourth wave has shown that feminist criticism of society is not exhausted, nor is its connection to women’s and gender history. Feminism in Croatia developed simultaneously as an indigenous and imported concept. Although feminist ideas undoubtedly come from Western countries and we can follow similar trends in Croatian and global feminism in each wave, they were also implemented and adapted to local political and social circumstances and needs: national movements, socialism, war, transition or European integration. Finally, women’s history in Croatia developed in accordance with the achievements of local feminism, historiography and socio-political circumstances. Numerous similarities with general trends can be traced: a closer intermingling with the women’s movement and feminism, political engagement during the first and second waves, and the heterogeneity of approaches and themes since the end of the 20th century. However, the dynamics of its development, choice of topics and popularity were also determined by political context.
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Iqbaldi, Rd Ananda, and Tri Wahyu Retno Ningsih. "THE SUPPORTING ASPECTS OF POLITICAL FEMINISM OF THE CROWN SERIES." ISLLAC : Journal of Intensive Studies on Language, Literature, Art, and Culture 5, no. 1 (February 3, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um006v5i12021p1-7.
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Feminism is the struggle of women to fight for their voice to be heard is a never-ending struggle that can be seen on media even in literature. Women ask for the equality as men received naturally, even in literature women depicted as someone hysterical and vulnerable however in the late 20th century until today the depiction of strong women is getting common even in Political world. The aspects of Political Feminism in The Crown series is the object of the study in order to uncover the aspects within the ideology itself. There are 30 data within the series that consists of Political Feminism with aspects of Political, Liberal, binary aspect of Political and Liberal. Within political feminism there are aspects that can be found and not political aspect only but also others such as liberal, etc.
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Chebankova, Elena. "Theoretical Debates within Contemporary Russian Feminism." Russian Politics 1, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00103001.
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Feminism emerged as an important ideological trend in contemporary Russia. Different strands of this thought focus on divergent problems experienced by Russian women. Some researchers consider the experience of women representing Russia’s growing middle class. Others tend to focus on the problems of dispossessed and less privileged layers of the Russian society. The difference in the focus of attention is reminiscent of the pre-existing Western division of the feminist thought on the feminism of equality and feminism of difference. This paper will consider the main directions of these debates in Russia focusing on key aspects pondered by feminism in general. It will also argue that the state deploys both strands of feminist thought selectively in situations that suits its ideological and political purposes.
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Harnois, Catherine. "Re-presenting Feminisms: Past, Present, and Future." NWSA Journal 20, no. 1 (March 2008): 120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2008.a236183.
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In this article I investigate what are thought to be generational differences within contemporary American feminism. I identify three dominant approaches to understanding “third wave” feminism: cohort-based, age-based, and theory-based, and then analyze empirical data to discern the extent of difference within and across “waves” of American feminism, using each of these approaches. Drawing from a combination of qualitative and quantitative data, I argue that third wave feminism might be better understood as an identity, rather than a distinct theoretical perspective, age group, or cohort. My findings suggest that feminists of all ages share many important aspects of their gender and political ideologies. Moreover, my analysis of “third wave” feminist texts and those “second wave” texts that directly speak to generational differences reveals that, in many cases, feminist scholarship itself reproduces the very differences it aims to understand. To the extent that feminist scholarship has failed to question adequately dominant portrayals of “other” feminist generations, and has failed to recognize the diversity of people and perspectives within all feminist generations, feminist scholarship has, in effect, reified distinct, static waves of feminism.
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Peng, Niya, Tianyuan Yu, and Albert Mills. "Feminist thinking in late seventh-century China." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 34, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-12-2012-0112.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to offer novel insights into: knowledge of proto-feminism through description and analysis of the rule of the seventh century female Emperor Wu Zetian; postcolonial theory by revealing the existence and proto-feminist activities of a non-western female leader; and the literature on gender and invisibility through a study of a leading figure that is relatively unknown to western feminists and is even, in feminist terms, something of a neglected figure. Design/methodology/approach – In order to examine Wu’s proto-feminist practices as recorded in historical materials, we use critical hermeneutics as a tool for textual interpretation, through the following four stages: choosing texts from historical records and writings of Wu; analyzing the historical sociocultural context; analyzing the relationship between the text and the context; and offering a conceptual framework as a richer explanation. Findings – Wu’s life activities demonstrate proto-feminism in late seventh century China in at least four aspects: gender equality in sexuality, in social status, in politics, and women’s pursuit of power and leadership. Research limitations/implications – Future research may dig into the paradox of Wu’s proto-feminist practices, the relationship between organizational power and feminism/proto-feminism, and the ways in which Wu’s activities differ from other powerful women across cultures, etc. Practical implications – The study encourages a rethink of women and leadership style in non-western thought. Social implications – The study supports Calás and Smircich’s 2005 call for greater understanding of feminist thought outside of western thought and a move to transglobal feminism. Originality/value – This study recovers long lost stories of women leadership that are “invisible” in many ways in the historical narratives, and contributes to postcolonial feminism by revealing the existence of indigenous proto-feminist practice in China long before western-based feminism and postcolonial feminism emerged.
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Miriam, Kathy. "Liberating Practice : A Critique of the Expressivist Turn in Lesbian-Feminist and Queer Practice." NWSA Journal 19, no. 2 (June 2007): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2007.a219841.
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This article reassesses the shift from lesbian-feminism to queer in light of the expressivist turn in feminist thought. The article follows Charles Taylor's theory of expressivism as a modernist, Romantic paradigm of identity and practice. Expressivism defines the self and freedom as a process of self-creation, a poeisis. An expressivist paradigm underlies aspects of contemporary feminist praxis, redefining politics as practices of transforming the subject, self, and/or language. I argue that this paradigm of praxis ultimately works to depoliticize feminism. I criticize two forms of expressivism, namely, lesbian-feminist normative expressivism (based on ethical ideals of liberation) and queer performative expressivism (based on aesthetic ideals of subversion, i.e., "arts of the self"). I argue that feminism needs to break out of the expressivist paradigm and to reconceptualize a praxis that interrelates practices of self-transformation with concrete, political practices aimed at transforming the social order.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Feminism – Political aspects"
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Johnsen, Kristen Brooke. "The influence of gender on foreign policy beliefs and behavior : a literature review." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53130.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.
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Igbaria, Khaled. "Laylá Ba‘albakī and feminism throughout her fiction." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17974.
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A number of Lebanese women writers of the period of 1950s and 1960s have received considerable attention by scholars. This is not the case, however, for Laylá Ba‘albakī, whom the field has failed to address in any substantive manner. In not paying sufficient attention to Laylá Ba‘albakī, the field has failed to appreciate the distinctly feminist dimension of her work. To date, most scholars have only repeated commonly held views about her and her fiction. By addressing Ba‘albakī’s biography and fiction, this thesis hopes to contribute to a fuller understanding of Lebanese women writers of 1950s and 1960s. It shows that Ba‘albakī joined the group Shi‘r, but none of the Lebanese or Syrian political parties; and that she faced conflict not only with her parents, community and the state, but also, unexpectedly, with the Lebanese women’s groups. This study discusses the reasons why Ba‘albakī was brought before the courts, supporting the view that the underlying reason was political, not moral; and it further explores the reasons why the writer ceased publishing. It now seems probable that she will soon release a new work, after a long hiatus, which may be controversial within Muslim and Arab society. Moreover, this thesis shows that throughout her novels and short stories there is diversity in styles and techniques, and the use of poetic and figurative language which displays the influence of several Arab and Western poets (including her father’s own zajal poetry). Furthermore, the study focuses in particular on feminist themes in her work, and the various literary devices she employs for advancing her feminist agenda. The study of these devices further supports the claim that the court case against her was motivated by politics, not ethics. This thesis opens the doors for new discussions such as the impacts of her being Shiite as and when sources become available.
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McGrath, Shelly A. "Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.
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Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.Department of Sociology
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Swart, Marthane. "Piecing the puzzle : the development of feminist identity." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1345.
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Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.
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The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology.Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Meyer, Christa. "Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.
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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
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McEwen, Caryn. ""How did I get this lucky?" : issues of power, intimacy and sexuality in the construction of young women's identities within their heterosexual relationships." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007595.
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This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.
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Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
Books on the topic "Feminism – Political aspects"
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Staudt, Kathleen A. Political science & feminisms: Integration or transformation? New York: Twayne, 1997.
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Friducha, Friducha Collective/Collectivo. Feminismo No Mierda - Feminism Not Chicken Shit. Washington: The collective, 2016.
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Kukarenko, N. N. Filosofskie i politicheskie kategorii v feministskom diskurse: Monografii︠a︡. Arkhangelʹsk: Pomorskiĭ gos. universitet, 2006.
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Wintergerst, Theresia. Skepsis und Freude: Politische Selbstorganisation und die Philosophie Luisa Muraros. Königstein im Taunus: Helmer, 2006.
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Haug, Frigga. Briefe aus der Ferne: Anforderungen an ein feministisches Projekt heute. Hamburg: Argument, 2010.
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Haug, Frigga. Briefe aus der Ferne: Anforderungen an ein feministisches Projekt heute. Hamburg: Argument, 2010.
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Voet, Maria Christine Bernadetta. Feminism and citizenship: Feminist critiques of the concept of social-liberal citizenship. [Leiden: M.C.B. Voet, 1995.
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Chopra, J. K. Gender politics. Jaipur, India: Book Enclave, 1999.
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Asenjo, Marta Postigo. Género y ciudadanía: El discurso feminista en la ciudadanía liberal. [Málaga]: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Málaga, 2007.
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Haussman, Melissa. Federalism, feminism and multilevel governance. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Feminism – Political aspects"
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Atallah, Sandrine, and Aida Martín Redón. "Relevant (Sexual) Aspects of Cultural Differences." In Midwifery and Sexuality, 271–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18432-1_23.
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AbstractCulture is one of the most important elements influencing the sexual lives of people. Factors like traditionalism, religion, polygamy, machismo, and feminism influence sexuality and cultural ideas about motherhood and sex roles. This chapter focuses on those cultural aspects. Cultural differences exist not only by merit of geographical distance since cultures get intermingled through economic migration, political refugees, and global traffic. Even in midwifery, there are significant cultural differences between one country and another. In some countries, midwives independently guide childbirth at home, whereas, in other countries, the law prohibits such an approach. In some countries, the midwife provides postpartum contraception, whereas, in others, they don’t.This book is written in English and focuses relatively strongly on Western maternity care. It certainly has a European touch since most authors work in Europe. An advantage of Western and Northwestern Europe is the more open and pragmatic approach to discussing sexuality. While sexuality is essential everywhere, some basic health and luxury seem needed before it becomes relevant to tackle the problematic aspects of sexuality. We believe this book to be precious to midwives in middle- and high-income countries (Atallah et al., J Sex Med 13:591–606, 2016). On the other hand, much of the information will also be handy for urban midwives in low-income countries.This chapter is part of ‘Midwifery and Sexuality’, a Springer Nature open-access textbook for midwives and related healthcare professionals.
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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Tausch, Arno. "Discussion and Conclusions of This Study in the Context of the Empirical Results Obtained." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 77–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_6.
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AbstractWe have emphasised in this chapter that our findings do not fit into any simple political template of thinking that has existed for many years on the topic of “Islam” and “migration”. Our findings show that surveys authoritatively designed by Arab social science clearly measure “political Islam”, but that the phenomenon is less pronounced in the population that says it wants to emigrate to the West than in the Arab population as a whole. We have also clearly pointed out that the RMPE cannot be separated from the climate of lawlessness that many observers unfortunately now see rampant, especially in Western industrialised countries, and secondly, that the drivers of the key variables of the RMPE are rooted in such patterns of thought and values as the demand for a redistributive state, the apolitical young generation, the rejection of the neoliberal market economy, corruption and lawlessness as well as racism and xenophobia. The best blockades against the RMPE are feminism and secularism. An honest examination of the phenomenon of RMPE will also not be able to ignore the fact that especially in Catholic countries, where the decay of traditional values is progressing particularly fast, not only the acceptance of corruption but also of political violence is on the rise again. This problem also arises in countries with a confessional orientation towards Eastern religions. The rejection of free-market competition (competition is harmful) is also clearly linked to a higher acceptance of political violence, according to the World Values Survey. The results of our study on political Islam in the Arab world certainly also have some very shocking aspects that cannot simply be swept under the carpet. Weighted by population, the Arab Barometer data show that more than 70% of Arabs have a (sympathetic) understanding of the anti-American terror that culminated in 9/11 in Manhattan. More than 44% of Arabs favour Sharia with corporal punishment, more than 37% want the rights of non-Muslims in society to be less than those of Muslims, and more than 34% also want Sharia to restrict the rights of women. We finally highlight that following the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Danisi, Carmelo, Moira Dustin, Nuno Ferreira, and Nina Held. "A Theoretical Framework: A Human Rights Reading of SOGI Asylum Based on Feminist and Queer Studies." In IMISCOE Research Series, 51–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69441-8_3.
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AbstractSince SOGI considerations have started to inform the interpretation and the implementation of the Refugee Convention (Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-69441-8_1), a broad range of scholars from different disciplines have explored how questions of sexual orientation and gender identity can be effectively addressed within international, supranational and domestic asylum systems. The debate around aspects of RSD and beyond generated by this theoretical exchange within the same discipline and between different research areas has contributed to the (ongoing) normative movement towards a more inclusive Refugee Convention framework. In an attempt to nurture this continuous debate, we outline the theoretical and analytical frameworks that shape the subsequent analysis. We take advantage of the authors’ diverse experience in different academic fields to apply an interdisciplinary approach, addressing our subject from various perspectives. We start from the recognition that a detailed understanding and application of the Refugee Convention is vital as the floor for addressing SOGI asylum claims, but not in itself sufficient to ensure that these are fairly treated. Section 3.2 therefore looks to human rights to show how interweaving human rights frameworks with refugee law heightens understanding in this field of asylum. To this end, the main body of this chapter develops an approach that addresses the failings from a SOGI asylum perspective of international human rights law (IHRL) and international refugee law (IRL) individually. However, we then argue that, without explicitly recognising the gendered and sexualised nature of SOGI asylum, IHRL is only part of the solution. In Sects. 3.3 and 3.4 below, we claim that feminist and queer theories, and particular threads of debate within these broad disciplines, can help to understand the experiences of SOGI minorities fleeing persecution and, importantly, to explain why, despite improvements to the law and guidance that recognise the right to protection on this basis, there has been insufficient progress on the ground. In this way, combining a human rights-based approach that is largely legal with political and sociological contributions from feminism and queer theories facilitates a more holistic analysis.
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Ekowati, Dian, Marlene Gómez, Iliana Monterroso, and Ankita Shrestha. "Perspectives on Decoloniality for FPE." In Contours of Feminist Political Ecology, 207–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20928-4_9.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we engage some of our intimate understandings of decolonial thought. We reflect on aspects of our personal intellectual journeys and epistemic relationships with coloniality. Our aim is to be transparent with the reader about the ‘places we come from’ and to bring our multiple voices and perspectives underlying the different colonial realities we all live as researchers from the ‘global’ South. Our perspectives are therefore an outcome of thinking through decoloniality. We acknowledge that our individual and unique trajectories have shaped how we understand coloniality and how we subsequently attempt to decolonise our areas of research and ourselves, with the help of overlapping concepts (in feminist political ecology) of subjectivity, the body, and the other. Our aim is to expose our different interpretations as a necessary step to engaging, thinking about, and articulating thoughts on decoloniality in FPE research.
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Pazi, Hanoch Ben. "Teaching As An Internalization of Feminine Aspects." In Levinas In Jerusalem: Phenomenology, Ethics, Politics, Aesthetics, 171–200. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-6248-3_11.
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Egan, Suzanne. "Deploying Rose and Abi-Rached to ‘Make Sense’ of the Rise of the ‘Brain Sciences’ in the Field of Violence Against Women." In Using Social Theory in Higher Education, 77–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39817-9_6.
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AbstractThe neurosciences have been afforded increasing explanatory power in relation to a broad range of social issues, in fields as diverse as education, health, child protection, and criminal justice. Rose and Abi-Rached (2013) have termed the 2000s the decade of the ‘brain sciences’, the decade in which neuroscience dispersed from the laboratory and entered key sites of social and political discourse. This chapter engages with Rose and Abi-Rached’s work to explore aspects of the uptake of a neurobiological approach to trauma in feminist sexual assault organisations. This is a field of practice, which with its origins in the second wave women’s movement continues to be governed by an explicitly political social change agenda. Yet, in the Australian context, it has also been an ‘early adopter’ of the neuroscience of trauma. In this chapter, I first briefly the source of my interest in this issue as well as my engagement and discomfort with the positioning of trauma discourse in much feminist academic work. I then share some of my struggles in deciding how to use Rose and Abi-Rached’s ideas to help me progress my own thinking and research.
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Ruonakoski, Erika. "The Affective, Social and Bodily Situation." In Sisters of the Brotherhood: Alienation and Inclusion in Learning Philosophy, 49–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16670-9_4.
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AbstractThis chapter deals with the affective, social and bodily situation of learning and teaching philosophy, starting with a discussion of the views articulated by both students and professional philosophers in the interviews and answers to the questionnaire on attitudes to studying philosophy. The discussions of women students’ “love” or “passion” for philosophy and of the dynamics of alienation from philosophy lead to an examination of the alienation related to students’ social class, raceand sexual orientation. As we saw earlier, feminist pedagogy has typically tried to surpass the idea of reason that operates as separate from the feeling, sensing and moving body. In this chapter, I discuss the aspect of the senses and how they are and could be integrated in processes of learning more comprehensively. At the end of the chapter, I describe two summer schools. The first of these is the Icelandic one, Philosophy of the Body, which examined the possibility of teaching philosophy “through the body”. The second is the Danish summer school titled Feminist Political Philosophy.
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Wasshede, Cathrin. "Rainbow Flag and Belongings/Disbelongings: Öckerö Pride and Reclaim Pride in Gothenburg, Sweden 2019." In Pluralistic Struggles in Gender, Sexuality and Coloniality, 147–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47432-4_6.
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Abstract In spite of the rainbow flag’s importance as a symbol for transnational queer belonging and its meanings for the survival of queers all over the world, much critical queer Anglo-Saxon research and activism concerning the rainbow flag and the celebration of Pride claims that it has lost its radical potential through processes of normalisation, mainstreaming, homonationalism and commercialisation. In order to address other queer political issues, alternative Pride events are organized in parallel with conventional Pride celebrations. This chapter will discuss two Pride events held in Gothenburg, Sweden, in 2019, Reclaim Pride and Öckerö Pride, drawing on auto-ethnographic methods. It will reflect on two connected questions: What meanings, emotions, actions and temporalities are (re)produced as a result of the relationship between the events, the rainbow flag, the concept of Pride and the activists/participants—including the author? In what ways do the rainbow flag and the concept of Pride work as co-producers of belongings as well as disbelongings—and how does the author’s position as a Swedish, middle-class, white, lesbian, feminist, mother, former activist and now sociologist affect her feelings of belonging and disbelonging? It is shown that the rainbow flag is a very topical and heated cultural artefact in the Swedish political arena, in which racism, homophobia and Islamophobia are growing. The author’s experiences and emotions at the two Pride events reflect the ambivalent struggle that takes place at the borders of belonging and disbelonging. Temporality and space are important aspects of the contextualisation that needs to be applied in order to grasp the different effects that processes of inclusion and exclusion have on queer people in different places and situations.
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Wacks, Raymond. "14. Feminist theory." In Understanding Jurisprudence, 370–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198864677.003.0014.
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Many of the theories discussed in the previous chapters neglect or even ignore the position of women in society, and how they are treated by the law, the legal system, and other aspects of social, economic, and political life. Feminist writers have, in various ways, sought to correct this imbalance or prejudice. This chapter examines several key elements of feminist legal theories, and explores the origins of feminism; legal feminisms (liberal feminism, radical feminism, postmodern feminism, and difference feminism) and their impact on legal philosophy. It discusses the enormous literature on the subject, and its criticism of conventional jurisprudence.
Conference papers on the topic "Feminism – Political aspects"
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Sell, Lígia, and Cristina Meinhardt. "Análise do Comportamento Histórico do Perfil de Gênero em Cursos de Computação na UFSC." In Women in Information Technology. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/wit.2022.222847.
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Este trabalho analisa o perfil de estudantes de cursos de computação na UFSC, comparando com os comportamentos reportados de inversão de maioria de gênero feminino em outros cursos de computação e com dados gerais de estudantes na área no Brasil. Além disso, são discutidos aspectos relacionados a raça nos cursos avaliados. O mapeamento do perfil de estudantes na instituição alvo permite planejar ações e politicas mais eficientes para aumentar a inclusão feminina na área de tecnologia da informação.
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Kochukov, Sergey, and Olga Kochukova. "Feminine Ethno-national Personifications in the Austrian Political Caricature of the Period of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878)." In Woman in the heart of Europe: non-obvious aspects of gender in the history and culture of Central Europe and adjacent regions. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0475-6.13.
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Meškova, Sandra. "THE SENSE OF EXILE IN CONTEMPORARY EAST CENTRAL EUROPEAN WOMEN’S LIFE WRITING: DUBRAVKA UGREŠIČ AND MARGITA GŪTMANE." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b1/v3/22.
Full textAbstract:
Exile is one of the central motifs of the 20th century European culture and literature; it is closely related to the historical events throughout this century and especially those related to World War II. In the culture of East Central Europe, the phenomenon of exile has been greatly determined by the context of socialism and post-socialist transformations that caused several waves of emigration from this part of Europe to the West or other parts of the world. It is interesting to compare cultures of East Central Europe, the historical situations of which both during World War II and after the collapse of socialism were different, e.g. Latvian and ex-Yugoslavian ones. In Latvia, exile is basically related to the emigration of a great part of the population in the 1940s and the issue of their possible return to the renewed Republic of Latvia in the early 1990s, whereas the countries of the former Yugoslavia experienced a new wave of emigration as a result of the Balkan War in the 1990s. Exile has been regarded by a great number of the 20th century philosophers, theorists, and scholars of diverse branches of studies. An important aspect of this complex phenomenon has been studied by psychoanalytical theorists. According to the French poststructuralist feminist theorist Julia Kristeva, the state of exile as a socio-cultural phenomenon reflects the inner schisms of subjectivity, particularly those of a feminine subject. Hence, exile/stranger/foreigner is an essential model of the contemporary subject and exile turns from a particular geographical and political phenomenon into a major symbol of modern European culture. The present article regards the sense of exile as a part of the narrator’s subjective world experience in the works by the Yugoslav writer Dubravka Ugrešič (“The Museum of Unconditional Surrender”, in Croatian and English, 1996) and Latvian émigré author Margita Gūtmane (“Letters to Mother”, in Latvian, 1998). Both authors relate the sense of exile to identity problems, personal and culture memory as well as loss. The article focuses on the issues of loss and memory as essential elements of the narrative of exile revealed by the metaphors of photograph and museum. Notwithstanding the differences of their historical situations, exile as the subjective experience reveals similar features in both authors’ works. However, different artistic means are used in both authors’ texts to depict it. Hence, Dubravka Ugrešič uses irony, whereas Margita Gūtmane provides a melancholic narrative of confession; both authors use photographs to depict various aspects of memory dynamic, but Gūtmane primarily deals with private memory, while Ugrešič regards also issues of cultural memory. The sense of exile in both authors’ works appears to mark specific aspects of feminine subjectivity.