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Journal articles on the topic 'Feminism – Canada'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "State Antifeminism." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.315.

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‘State feminism’ is a concept that refers to the integration of feminists and feminist issues into the state apparatus. Yet, while the feminist movement must regularly contend with an antifeminist counter-movement, it is worth considering whether a ‘state antifeminism’ is also present or emerging, and how this presence or emergence is affecting efforts by feminist organizations to address the needs of women and advance women's equality. With this objective in mind, this article focuses chiefly on two Western countries and is based on more than twenty semi-structured interviews with feminists in Belgium and Quebec, Canada.

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2

ZALEWSKI, MARYSIA. "‘I don't even know what gender is’: a discussion of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory." Review of International Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509990489.

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AbstractIn this article I discuss some of the connections between gender, gender mainstreaming and feminist theory. As a global initiative, gender mainstreaming is now well established; but the role of feminism and feminists in achieving this success is questionable. Some, including Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley claim that feminists, particularly in the realm of governance feminism, have been extremely successful. Yet despite this success Halley invites us to ‘take a break from feminism’. I consider this political and intellectual invitation in this article in order to shed some light on the relationship between gender mainstreaming and feminism but also to probe what Robyn Wiegman refers to as a ‘critical incomprehension’ around feminism. My discussion includes a brief analysis of the imagery used in documentation relating to the United Kingdom's Gender Equality Duty Legislation; the latter a contemporary example of a legislative attempt to properly mainstream gender. In conclusion I return to the Halley's invitation to ‘take a break from feminism’ and introduce, by way of contrast, Angela McRobbie's recent discussion of post-feminism ultimately suggesting that we might see Halley's call, as well as the popularity (and ‘failures’) of gender mainstreaming as examples of post-feminist practice. Image 1.Pop-art images advertising the ‘Gender Agenda’ on the Internet {http://www.gender-agenda.co.uk/} which is part of the UK's legislation on gender equality produced by the UK's Equality and Human Rights Commission (formerly the Equal Opportunities Commission).If you look around the United States, Canada, the European Union, the human rights establishment, even the World Bank, you see plenty of places where feminism, far from operating underground, is running things.1Any force as powerful as feminism must find itself occasionally looking down at its own bloody hands.2

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3

Bokina, J. "Radical Feminism in Canada." Telos 1996, no. 109 (October 1, 1996): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0996109177.

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4

Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.

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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

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5

Cattapan. "(Re)Writing "Feminism in Canada": Wikipedia in the Feminist Classroom." Feminist Teacher 22, no. 2 (2012): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/femteacher.22.2.0125.

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6

Dragiewicz, Molly, and Ruth M. Mann. "Special Edition: Fighting Feminism – Organised Opposition to Women’s Rights; Guest Editors’ Introduction." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.313.

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This special issue presents a series of papers by scholars who participated in a workshop entitled ‘Men's Groups: Challenging Feminism’, which was held at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Canada, 26-27 May 2014. The workshop was organised by Susan B Boyd, Professor of Law and Chair in Feminist Legal Studies at the UBC Faculty of Law, and was sponsored by the Peter Wall Institute for Advanced Studies at UBC, the Peter A Allard School of Law, the Centre for Feminist Legal Studies at UBC, and the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. The aim of the workshop was to bring together feminist scholars from multiple disciplines and multiple national contexts to explore a source of resistance to feminism that has been largely overlooked in scholarly research: the growing number of nationally situated and globally linked organisations acting in the name of men's rights and interests which contend that men are discriminated against in law, education and government funding, and that feminism is to blame for this. This special edition presents eight papers inspired by the workshop, authored by scholars from Canada, New Zealand, Poland, Sweden and the United States. A second special issue comprised of eight other papers inspired by the workshop was published in the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law as volume 28(1) in 2016.To find out more about this special edition, download the PDF file from this page.

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7

Vickers, Jill M. "Feminists and Party Politics. By Lisa Young. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 227p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401732017.

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This comparison of the relationship between organized fem- inism and partisan politics in Canada and the United States addresses two questions. First, Young asks how much orga- nized feminism has influenced partisan and electoral politics in each country. Second, she asks how political parties in each country have responded to organized feminism. She answers these questions by examining the relationship between each country's largest feminist organization and its party system and by showing how each relationship changed between 1970 and 1997. The result is an important and readable book that demonstrates the value of feminist political science as an approach, especially in comparative politics. The book is head and shoulders above many other texts about feminist political activism, mainly because of Young's ability to bridge between feminist ideas about politics and the comparative politics literature about political opportunities.

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8

Hutchison, Jessica. "Applying feminist principles to social work teaching: Pandemic times and beyond." Qualitative Social Work 20, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 529–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325020973305.

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It took a global pandemic for me to recognize how my social work teaching was an act of feminist praxis. I have long identified as a feminist and regularly engage efforts to advance equity for women, primarily centered on the abolition of prisons which disproportionately incarcerate Indigenous and Black women in Canada. Surprisingly, I have never considered how my feminism shows up in my teaching. The following reflexive essay explores the ways in which the feminist principles of centring emotions, rejecting patriarchal hierarchy, and challenging white feminism were embedded into the development and delivery of a graduate level social work research course that was rapidly adapted to being taught online during a global public health crisis. It ends with a call to action for social work educators to incorporate feminist principles into their pedagogies, not only in times of crisis, but as standard practice.

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9

Morton, Sam E., Judyannet Muchiri, and Liam Swiss. "Which feminism(s)? For whom? Intersectionality in Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (September 2020): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020953420.

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The Government of Canada introduced its new Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) to guide its foreign aid programming in June 2017. This feminist turn mirrors earlier adoptions of feminist aid and foreign policy by Sweden and echoes the current Canadian government’s feminist rhetoric. This paper examines the FIAP and its Action Areas Policies to ask what kind(s) of feminism are reflected in the policy and what groups of people it prioritizes. The paper examines the values, goals, and gaps of the policy in order to understand what feminist values and goals are being operationalized and pursued and what gaps and contradictions exist. By examining the FIAP’s Action Area Policies using a discourse network analysis of the groups represented in the policies, we demonstrate the failings of the FIAP to incorporate an intersectional approach. Our results show that the FIAP adopts a mainstream liberal feminism that excludes many peoples and groups from the core of Canada’s aid efforts.

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10

Dobrowolsky, Alexandra, Fiona MacDonald, Tracey Raney, Cheryl N. Collier, and Pascale Dufour. "Finding Feminism(s) in Canadian Political Science Scholarship: Diversity and Resistance in an Era of Global Uncertainty." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (June 2017): 403–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391700049x.

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It is with great pleasure that we present this special issue showcasing contemporary feminist political research, theories and practices in Canada. In an era characterized by global movements and numerous transformations that range from the economic to the environmental, the political to the cultural, from macro- through to micro-scales, including complex debates about the fluidity of gender, and where “backlash” against the symbols and agents of past feminist activism is rife, this special issue queries where do we find feminism(s) today? The responses to this question, as well as to the interrogation of the place of gender in the discipline of political science more generally, are undoubtedly diverse and contested. The collective efforts contained in this special issue feature a mere taste of the rich range of thought-provoking recent scholarship on feminisms. And even with this necessarily condensed portrayal (the articles in this issue are shorter than is normally the case to allow for more work to be featured), the special issue is ground-breaking in that it marks the first time the Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique has dedicated an entire issue to topics of gender and feminisms.

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11

Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Losing Common Ground: Feminists, Conservatives and Public Policy in Canada during the Mulroney Years." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007691.

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AbstractThis article examines relations between organized feminism and the federal Conservative government of Brian Mulroney, focusing on elements of the Canadian women's movement that targeted federal policy change from 1984 to 1993. In questioning the main priorities of both sides and the potential for conflict between them, the discussion uses the conceptual literature on social movement evolution as a base. It assesses formal decision making across five major policy sectors identified by Canadian feminism and presents the perspectives of movement activists on the Mulroney period. Although comparisons with policy action under the Thatcher and Reagan governments indicate a more pro-feminist record in Canada than the United Kingdom or the United States, Canadian materials suggest a narrowing of common ground between the organized women's movement and federal elites during the Mulroney years.

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12

Tancred-Sheriff, Peta, Angela Miles, and Geraldine Finn. "Feminism in Canada: From Pressure to Politics." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 11, no. 2 (1986): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340801.

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13

Carty, Linda. "A Genealogy of Marxist Feminism in Canada." Studies in Political Economy 94, no. 1 (September 2014): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2014.11674960.

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14

Coates, Ken. ":Settler Feminism and Race Making in Canada." American Historical Review 110, no. 5 (December 2005): 1518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1518.

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15

Castagna, Maria, and George J. Sefa Dei. "Un panorama histórico de la aplicación del concepto de raza en la práctica social." La Manzana de la Discordia 5, no. 2 (March 17, 2016): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v5i2.1524.

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Traducción del artículo “An Historical Overview of the Applicaction of the Race Concept in Social Practice”. En: Agnes Calliste y George J. Sefa Dei, eds. Anti-racist Feminism. Critical Race and Gender Studies. Canada: Fernwood, 2000.Traducción por Gabriela Castellanos, autorizada por Fernwood Publishing, Halifax, Canadá.

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16

Arscott, Jane, and Manon Tremblay. "Il reste encore des travaux à faire: Feminism and Political Science in Canada and Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001012x.

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AbstractThis article takes an empirical measure of the extent to which feminism has altered the discipline of Political Science in Canada and Québec since the mid-1980s. The authors, members of the second cadre of female political scientists in the field of women and politics, single out for particular attention the current relation between anglophone and francophone feminist scholarship in the field. They maintain that the two linguistic solitudes remain fundamental to the women and politics field as much as was the case before the emergence of feminist perspectives in the discipline.

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17

Hough, Janet. "Mistaking Liberalism for Feminism: Spousal Support in Canada." Journal of Canadian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1994): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.29.2.147.

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18

Briskin, Linda. "Leadership, Feminism and Equality in Unions in Canada." Labor Studies Journal 39, no. 3 (September 2014): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x14554509.

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19

Fakayode, Omotayo I. "Translating Black Feminism: The Case of the East and West German Versions of Buchi Emecheta’s The Joys of Motherhood." Revista Ártemis 27, no. 1 (July 11, 2019): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.1807-8214.2019v27n1.46703.

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Feminism in Translation Studies has received a considerable amount of attention in the West, most especially in Canada from where it emanated. Also, studies in translation and Black Feminism have been carried out by scholars such as Silva-Reis and Araujo (2018) and Amissine (2015). There has, however been few studies focusing on the translation of literary texts by African feminist writers into German. This study therefore examined how Womanism in Buchi Emecheta’s The Joys of Motherhood was transferred into German. Against this backdrop, the two translations published during the division of Germany into two states by different political ideologies were analyzed. In doing this, Postcolonial Theory of translation as conceived by Spivak (2004) was employed. The study aimed at determining how translation mechanisms have influenced the manner in which black feminist activism is represented in a distinct socio-cultural environment. This is with the focus to indicate how Womanism is represented differently in the two German translations of the African novel.

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20

McGinnis, Janice Dickin. "Whores and Worthies: Feminism and Prostitution." Canadian journal of law and society 9, no. 01 (1994): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100003525.

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AbstractFeminism has a particular problem in dealing with questions of sexuality. This is directly tied to the fact that it is our sexuality which has so often been used to deny us rights. Our ambivalence has led some of us to make strange choices. For instance, some of us have joined with conservatives, our natural enemies, campaigning against pornography. This paper looks at another area in which conflicts within the feminist philosophy have worked to confuse our responses and allowed them to be used to undermine the very people we proclaim ourselves the protectors of: women. In two major cases since 1990, the Supreme Court of Canada has quoted feminist words to undermine the position of prostitutes in our society. In addition, LEAF failed to apply for intervenor status on behalf of prostitutes in either case. What does it mean when mainstream feminism finds itself unable to listen to the demands of prostitutes' rights groups and to help them get rid of the laws that make their work more difficult and dangerous? What does it say about feminism as a true “women's movement” that we find ourselves unable to honor other women's assessment of their position in society and their desires for change.

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21

Hall, Rebecca Jane. "Reproduction and Resistance." Historical Materialism 24, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341473.

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In Northern Canada, Indigenous mixed economies persist alongside and in resistance to capital accumulation. The day-to-day sites and processes of colonial struggle, and, in particular, their gendered nature, are too often ignored. This piece takes an anti-colonial materialist approach to the multiple labours of Indigenous women in Canada, arguing that their social-reproductive labour is a primary site of struggle: a site of violent capitalist accumulation and persistent decolonising resistance. In making this argument, this piece draws on social-reproduction feminism, and anti-racist, Indigenous and anti-colonial feminism, asking what it means to take an anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism. It presents an expanded conception of production that encompasses not just the dialectic of capitalist production and reproduction, but also non-capitalist, subsistence production. An anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism challenges one to think through questions of non-capitalist labour and the way different forms of labour persist relationally, reproducing and resisting capitalist modes of production.

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22

Sewali-Kirumira, Jane Namuyimbwa. "Living on the Margin:." Cultural and Pedagogical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18733/cpi29528.

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This article uncovers the hidden stepdaughter’s odyssey to Black African Feminism against the backdrop of Kigandan subservient womanhood and Euro-Canadian racism. The first section recounts early childhood experiences of an othered stepchild, followed by teenage anti-misogynist resistance to structural second-class citizenship in a majoritized boy’s school. Subsequent sections narratively capture the lived experiences of transitioning to racialized and subjugated Black womanhood in Germany and Canada, and the becoming of a proud Black African Anti-racist Feminist. Using personal photographs in the narratives makes the experience more present while the Luganda proverbs call forth the uniqueness of an African experience. This article uncovers different strategies of how a young Black African female combats multiple layers of Kigandan cultural subordination and systemic racism in order to excel as a professional immigration consultant and emerging anti-racism and Black feminism scholar.

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23

Cadesky, Jessica. "Built on shaky ground: Reflections on Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 3 (September 2020): 298–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020953424.

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In October 2017, Canada launched its Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). While Canada’s explicit use of the words “feminist” and “feminism” may be refreshing, critical questions on the FIAP’s interpretation and application of these concepts remain. These challenges are not unique to the FIAP. Rather, the central weaknesses of the FIAP can be seen as symptomatic of several endemic challenges that persist in the current policies and practices that seek to promote gender equality in the developing world and beyond. This article presents the theoretical and conceptual lineage that has informed the FIAP, drawing from challenges present within literature on security, gender equality, and gender mainstreaming. Three main shortcomings relevant to both the literature and the FIAP are explored: first, the assumptions and essentialization of “gender” to mean “women ”; second, the frequent conflation of “gender equality” with “women’s empowerment”; and last, the paradox of gender, gender equality, and feminism being simultaneously over-politicized and depoliticized to suit prevailing policy environments, with particular implications for the global coronavirus pandemic, as well as impacts in fragile and conflict-affected states. This analysis sheds light on persistent challenges in feminist foreign policymaking and offers insights for the development of Canada’s White Paper on feminist foreign policy.

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24

Mann, Ruth M. "The Harper Government's New Right Neoliberal Agenda and the Dismantling of Status of Women Canada and the Family Violence Initiative." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i2.308.

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This paper situates the Harper government’s 2006 restructuring and effective dismantling of Status of Women Canada and its 2011 take down of the approximate 12,000 volume online library of the federal Family Violence Initiative in relation to two developments. These are the ascendant influence of men’s rights and other antifeminist activism in Canada and globally; and the concurrent rise of a Hayekian-animated New Right neoliberal agenda intent on subordinating civil society and democratic rule to the forces of twenty-first century global capitalism. The paper contends that anti-feminism is among a host of neoconservative forces that the New Right instrumentalizes to augment and advance and its neoliberal agenda. For the New Right, however, the enemy is not gender equality or feminism per se but rather the market inhibiting commitment to social justice that feminism participates in and advances.

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25

Hartnagel, Timothy F. "Feminism and Religious Behavior: Greeley Revisited in Western Canada." Review of Religious Research 33, no. 2 (December 1991): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511911.

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26

Authier, Jillian. "Transforming Conversations: Feminism and Education in Canada since 1970." Journal of Teaching and Learning 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/jtl.v12i2.5950.

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27

Schwartz, Andi, and Morgan Bimm. "Review of Secret Feminist Agenda, Season 4." Engaged Scholar Journal: Community-Engaged Research, Teaching, and Learning 8, no. 2 (November 27, 2022): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15402/esj.v8i2.70813.

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Review of Secret Feminist Agenda, Season 4 By Andi Schwartz and Morgan Bimm The Secret Feminist Agenda podcast was first encountered by then-graduate student Andi Schwartz as assigned ‘reading’ in a Queer Pedagogies seminar. The seminar was part of a student-run initiative facilitated by co-reviewer, Morgan Bimm, who started the seminar series as a critical response to a lack of teaching resources available to graduate students. The podcast’s aims and sensibilities spoke to our experiences and values both then, as first-generation university students and now, as emerging feminist media scholars. Secret Feminist Agenda is recorded and produced by Dr. Hannah McGregor, an Assistant Professor of publishing at Simon Fraser University. Secret Feminist Agenda is McGregor’s second podcast, which she began in 2017 with the aim of bridging academia and feminism and forging connections between feminists.[1] In addition to producing the Secret Feminist Agenda podcast, podcasting has become an integral part of McGregor’s pedagogy[2] and research; she co-founded the SSHRC-funded Amplify Podcast Network to develop guidelines for peer reviewing podcasts. The original goals of the podcast, bridging academia and feminism and forging connects with feminists, remain the driving force behind season four, which is further organized around the principle of “keeping it local.” Season four consists of 30 episodes, half of which offer long-form interviews with feminists in academia, art, sex therapy, podcasting, Canadian literature, comedy, and more, which effectively highlight the various forms that feminism can take and offer a window into feminist friendships and community. While the theme “keeping it local” was challenged by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic (interviews could no longer be conducted in person), the podcast consistently succeeded in prompting listeners to think about space and place as they relate to feminism and community. In our review, we were struck by the following three themes: 1) critiquing the expert(ise); 2) the spaces and places of feminist thought; and 3) the politics and affects of community space. In form, the scholarly podcast acts as a critique of the existing structures of academia. Through interviews with feminists like Dawn Serra and Khairani Barokka, the notion of expertise is critiqued alongside academia’s role in perpetuating myths of excellence through citational and syllabi-building practices. Such critiques highlight the importance of DIY media, like podcasts, as spaces through which expertise can be critiqued and other points of view are circulated. Solo-recorded “minisodes” often engage with more personal or affective topics; though we debated the merits of these episodes, we came to the conclusion that introducing affect and the personal into scholarship is both an important feminist project and a vital challenge to existing ideas about academic rigour.[3] Through interviews with feminists across fields, including sex therapy (Episode 4.2), comedy (Episode 4.6), podcasting (Episode 4.8), and art (Episode 4.4), the podcast demonstrates the many places and spaces in which feminist thought is fostered; indeed, that feminist thought and critique does not belong solely to the academy. The complexities of public intellectualism or public feminism are compellingly discussed in Episode 4.7: Trans Rights are Human Rights through the lens of cancelled and protested “gender identity debates” scheduled for public spaces across Canada. Campaigns to cancel these events are framed by some as an attack on ‘free speech’ and thus, perhaps, an attack on healthy public intellectual exchange, but these activist efforts are themselves an example of public modes of feminist thought. This and other discussions throughout season four of Secret Feminist Agenda highlight the multiple spaces of feminist thought and the multiple complexities of thinking feminism in public. In the spirit of “keeping it local,” season four offers rich discussions of the politics and affects of community space. A favourite example is episode 4.14 with Hilary Atleo of Iron Dog Books in Vancouver, which explores the connection between small business and housing costs as well as the power of systems to foster or destroy community and communal affinities. Episode 4.15, a minisode about World Obesity Day, further demonstrates the malleability of (virtual) space via political intervention, and how the political occupation of space can foster solidarities and positive, communal feelings. The COVID-19 pandemic hit Canada midway through the season, around episode 4.16 with Kai Cheng Thom, whose work frequently engages with notions of disposability, accountability, and harm within queer communities. The intersection of Thom’s work and COVID-19 serves as an acute reminder of both the affective and material significance of community, and the potential devastation of losing it. In addition to these themes, the podcast incites interesting questions about the feminist and scholarly potential of the podcasting form. McGregor and colleagues have developed podcast peer review guidelines as a mechanism for folding podcasts into the institutional understanding of rigour, and we further understand Secret Feminist Agenda as rigorous in its feminist politics of accessibility and the feminist practice of critique. Podcasts can be understood as a feminist medium in that they often feature grassroots and DIY production, have a wider reach than more sanctioned forms of scholarship, and have the capacity to bolster women’s, feminized, and otherwise marginalized voices. The feminist and scholastic merits of podcasting were explicitly discussed in episode 4.20 with Stacey Copeland and minisode 4.21, “Introducing the Amplify Podcast Network.” As Copeland and McGregor discuss, women’s voices have long been interpreted as unintelligent and unauthoratitive. Podcasting, with its grassroots and DIY sensibilities, has the potential to instill confidence in women, feminized and otherwise marginalized folks through building a practice of speaking; McGregor notes how podcasting has bolstered her own confidence in both academic and non-academic spaces.[4] Oriented toward low theory and feminist media scholarship, we are perhaps already primed to welcome podcasts into the scholarly fold. In our view, Secret Feminist Agenda is exemplary of the benefits wrought by bridging traditional academic knowledges with low theory, community, and collaborative practices. It is our hope that, as academia becomes better acquainted with podcasts, they retain their radical potential, rather than become another research output taxing already overburdened academics. [1] McGregor started her first podcast, Witch, Please, as a collaboration with her friend and former colleague, Marcelle Kosman, in 2015. [2] In a review of season two of SFA, Anna Poletti suggests that the work done through the podcast is more akin to teaching than research (Poletti, 2019). [3] In a review of season two of SFA, Carla Rice noted that the minisodes are where the podcast “shines,” writing with admiration of McGregor’s ability to address these more affective topics from both a personal and “big picture” perspective (Rice, 2019). [4] Similar arguments have been made by podcaster-academics, Raechel Tiffe and Melody Hoffman, who hosted the podcast, Feminist Killjoys, Phd, among others (Tiffe & Hoffman, 2017).

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28

Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Facing a Renewed Right: American Feminism and the Reagan/Bush Challenge." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 4 (December 1994): 669–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900021983.

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AbstractAmerican feminism at the point of Ronald Reagan's first election to the White House in 1980 appeared to merge the mobilizational strengths of social movement activism with the institutional professionalism that comes from interest-group experience. Unlike the British women's movement at the time of Margaret Thatcher's first majority in 1979, or organized feminism in Canada at the point of Brian Mulroney's first majority in 1984, the American movement appeared virtually unassailable. Yet observers who documented the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment, the unravelling of reproductive choice provisions and sustained resistance to affirmative action policies during the Reagan/Bush years would tend to question this assumption. The author evaluates the clash between right-of-centre and feminist interests in the United States, providing one of the first empirical assessments of legislative and judicial decision making in the Reagan/Bush years in key policy areas identified by the American women's movement.

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29

Goddard, Angela, Sabina Kielow, Joe Trotta, Monica Malm, Ronald Paul, Sirkku Aaltonen, Cayo Gamber, Martin Todtenhaupt, and Lars-Olof Nyhlén. "Reviews." Moderna Språk 92, no. 2 (December 1, 1998): 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v92i2.9799.

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Includes the following reviews: pp. 228-230. Angela Goddard. Cameron, D. (ed.), The Feminist Critique of Language. p. 230. Sabina Kielow. Fergusson, M. (ed.), Nine Black Women: An Anthology of Nineteenth Century Writers from the United States, Canada, Bermuda and the Caribbean. pp. 230-232. Joe Trotta. Schneider, R., The Explicit Body in Performance. + Phelan, P., Mourning Sex. pp. 232-233. Monica Malm. Scott, J.W., Kaplan, C. & Keates, D. (eds), Transitions, Environments, Translations: Feminism in International Politics. pp. 233-234. Ronald Paul. Digby, T. (ed.), Men Doing Feminism. pp. 234-235. Sirkku Aaltonen. Gullin, CH., Översättarens röst. pp. 235-236. Cayo Gamber. Mintz, B. & Rothblum, E.D. (eds), Lesbians in Academia: Degrees of Freedom. pp. 236-238. Martin Todtenhaupt. Kanz, CH. (Hgb.), Gegenwelten. Zur Geschlechterdifferenz in den Kulturwissenschaften. pp. 238-240. Lars-Olof Nyhlén. Müller, W., Das Gegenwort-Wörterbuch. Ein Kontrastwörterbuch mit Gebrauchshinweisen.

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Tungohan, Ethel. "The Transformative and Radical Feminism of Grassroots Migrant Women's Movement(s) in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (June 2017): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000622.

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AbstractI argue in this article that migrant workers’ resistance to neoliberalism, as seen through their participation in the migrant organizations highlights their ability to establish ‘spaces of power’ amid debilitating living and working conditions. This, then, illustrates how feminism in the 21st century is alive and well. In fact, the strengths of their activism show the transformative and radical possibilities of feminism by highlighting that structural transformations, and not only liberal attempts at inclusion, are necessary for gender justice.

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Brim, Connie. "Settler Feminism and Race Making in Canada by Jennifer Henderson." Western American Literature 41, no. 3 (2006): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wal.2006.0014.

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Johnstone, Marjorie. "Settler Feminism, Race Making, and Early Social Work in Canada." Affilia 33, no. 3 (April 19, 2018): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109918762518.

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Canada was one of the civilizing outposts that formed part of the British plan of imperial hegemony. This liberal democratic white settler society is the context where the new female-dominated social work profession developed. Using various historical archives of the mission statements and practice of early Canadian social work, I critically examine how first-wave feminisms, hegemonic imperial discourses, and settler colonial structures of governance worked as formative factors in the birth of Canadian social work and illustrate this with the life of an early Toronto social worker, Joan Arnoldi (D.O.B. 1882).

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McKenna, Emma. "“The Freedom to Choose”: Neoliberalism, Feminism, and Childcare in Canada." Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies 37, no. 1 (January 2015): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714413.2015.988529.

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Everitt, Joanna. "Public Opinion and Social Movements: The Women's Movement and the Gender Gap in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 4 (December 1998): 743–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900009628.

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AbstractLittle research provides concrete evidence of relationships between socialization by the women's movement and support for feminism and equality. Support for these issues has increased in Canada since the early 1970s, and using cohort analysis this study demonstrates clear generational differences in this support. The greatest support appears among women's movement and post-women's-movement cohorts. Furthermore, this article identifies gender differences on feminism and equality not appearing in the aggregate data. These differences increase with added controls for education and employment, suggesting links between women's attitudes and the development of a gender consciousness.

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RICHARDS, SANDRA L. "In the Kitchen, Cooking up Diaspora Possibilities: Bailey and Lewis's Sistahs." Theatre Research International 35, no. 2 (May 27, 2010): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883310000064.

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This article analyses Maxine Bailey and Sharon M. Lewis's play Sistahs (1994) as an instance of African diaspora feminism in the Americas. The drama's focus on five women in a Canadian kitchen displaces the hegemony enjoyed by African Americans as signifiers of blacknesss, challenging spectators as well as readers to remember instead the long history of blacks in Canada and the existence of multiple African diasporas in the Americas. Further, its rewriting of a 1970s cultural feminism dramatizes the labour of fostering an African diasporic sensibility and subverts that paradigm's conventional emphasis on heteronormativity.

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Bird, Kym. "Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament." Theatre Research in Canada 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.13.1.168.

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The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.

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Hartman, Michelle. "Gender, Politics and Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1817.

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Though women’s studies and Islamic studies have not often met in scholarlydiscourse, Gender, Politics and Islam is evidence that they should. Thisbook is a testament to the breadth and quality of scholarship in Muslimwomen’s studies. All of its articles originally appeared in Signs: Journal ofWomen in Culture and Society, of which Therese Saliba, Carolyn Allen, andJudith A. Howard, previously served as editors and associate editors.Saliba’s competent introduction summarizes the articles and promptlydebunks simplistic understandings of Muslim women and their lives, and highlights their diverse and complex engagements with religion, politics,society, and culture. Not only does this introduction speak for and tonuanced understandings of Islam and Muslims, it also links feminist strugglestransnationally and explicitly positions itself against the exceptionalismof Muslim women.Although all nine chapters were previously published, this volumemerits separate publication for several reasons. First, it promotes goodscholarship on Muslim women. Second, it undoubtedly will reach a largeraudience as a collection than as individual articles. This audience includesnot only those outside academia, but also academics who might not normallyread specialized women’s studies journals – many in the field ofIslamic studies, traditionally defined, for example. Moreover, the bookcould be used effectively in teaching Islamic studies and women’s studies;indeed, some of its articles are already being used this way. Though thearticles were not written for a general audience, many could easily appealto the interested nonspecialist.Finally, these serious, scholarly essays complement each other and representa breadth of disciplinary approaches (e.g., literary studies, sociology,history, anthropology, and political science), geographical regions (e.g.,Iran, Pakistan, Palestine, Lebanon, Yemen, Bangladesh, and Canada), andissues (e.g., legal rights, religious rituals, political empowerment, receptionpolitics, and Islamic feminism, among many others). Despite this breadth,each essay speaks extremely well to at least several others and highlightsMuslim women’s strategies and practices of crafting spaces for action andengagement in politics and society.Valentine Moghadem’s “Islamic Feminism and its Discontents:Towards a Resolution of the Debate” provides an overview of Iranianwomen’s many contrasting positions in relation to their rights in theIslamic Republic. She also draws useful comparisons between U.S. liberalfeminists and Iranian Islamic feminists, thereby providing an analysisof current trends, issues, and debates. “The Politics of Feminism inIslam,” by Anouar Majid, continues this inquiry into women crafting afeminist theory and practice that engages Islam. Like Moghadem, he seesa positive side to Iran’s Islamic feminist movement, as it resists “theeffects of global capitalism and contributes to a rich egalitarian polycentricworld” (p. 87) ...

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O'Connor, Julia S., and Leslie A. Pal. "Interests of State: The Politics of Language, Multiculturalism and Feminism in Canada." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 4 (July 1994): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076386.

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Maroney, Heather Jon, and Leslie A. Pal. "Interests of State: The Politics of Language, Multiculturalism, and Feminism in Canada." Labour / Le Travail 35 (1995): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143960.

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Fleras, A., and Leslie A. Pal. "Interests of State: The Politics of Language, Multiculturalism, and Feminism in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 20, no. 1 (March 1994): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551849.

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Greenup, Erica. "Women Rally for Action 1976: Politically Engaged Feminism in British Columbia." Graduate History Review 10, no. 1 (September 20, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ghr101202119921.

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This article situates a 1976 feminist rally in Victoria, British Columbia, Women Rally for Action, within the context of Canada’s national feminist movement. The rally was a legislative lobbying event aimed at the newly elected Social Credit government and their cuts to the social services that supported gender equality in the province. By tracing the development of the second wave feminist movement in Canada and in BC, this article explores how the organizers of the BC rally employed a national feminist strategy of organized political pressure. In doing so, they worked towards the politicization of the women’s movement on a national and provincial level, and developed an invaluable framework for future women’s organizing in BC.

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Sangster, Joan. "Radical Ruptures: Feminism, Labor, and the Left in the Long Sixties in Canada." American Review of Canadian Studies 40, no. 1 (March 4, 2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722010903536920.

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Stasiulis, Daiva K. "Rainbow feminism: The complex nexus of gender, race, ethnicity and class in Canada (*)." International Review of Sociology 2, no. 2 (July 1991): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906701.1991.9971089.

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Mannoe, Meenakshi. "Supporting Joint Effort." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 43 (September 1, 2021): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia.43-009.

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In 2018, several members of Joint Effort, a solidarity group rooted in principles of prison abolition and anti-carceral feminism, gathered to share their work. Current restrictive policies being imposed by the Correctional Service of Canada have meant that Joint Effort’s valuable inreach services at the Fraser Valley Institution for Women are being eradicated through bureaucratic requirements. The current clearance system requires that members of Joint Effort submit to an invasive screening process, in order to obtain permission to enter the correctional site. This article explores the roots of abolitionist organizing in Canada, the importance of prison inreach, and the ways that correctional bodies stymie prisoner support and solidarity movements. Several suggestions for community-based responses are described, as the clearance issue impacts any allies who support people held in detention facilities across Canada.

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Gu, Anqi. "An Analysis of Munro’s Works from the Post-colonial Perspective." Learning & Education 10, no. 5 (March 13, 2022): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/l-e.v10i5.2707.

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Alice Munro is an outstanding Canadian short story writer, Nobel Prize winner in Literature for Runaway in 2013. Most of Munro’s works are set in the remote towns of southern Ontario, highlighting unique indigenous nature of Canada. It is noteworthy that Canada is a post-colonial country, and Munro’s works are deeply influenced by the post-colonial characteristics of Canada. So far, domestic and foreign scholars tend to study Munro’s stories from two main aspects of narrative strategy and feminism, but they often neglect the post-colonial nature of Munro’s writing. Therefore, starting from the post-colonial perspective, this paper attempts to deeply explore the construction of post-colonial features reflected in Munro’s writing for the purpose of having a deeper understanding of her works.

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Hampton, Jean. "Punishment, Feminism, and Political Identity: A Case Study in the Expressive Meaning of the Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 11, no. 1 (January 1998): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900001673.

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In the Spring of 1995,1 was asked to testify as an expert witness in a case in Canada that raised a number of different philosophical and jurisprudential issues. The case concerned whether prisoners sentenced to two years or more in a Canadian penitentiary had the right to vote. For many years, Canada has denied those incarcerated in its prisons voting rights (following the British practice of doing so), but after the enactment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, which grants each citizen of Canada the right to vote, that practice was challenged; in a series of court cases, prisoners maintained that denying them the right to vote during their incarceration amounted to denying them one of their basic constitutional rights as Canadian citizens.One of the most important issues raised by this case was the nature of Canada’s political identity. The fact that the political identity of a state can be partly at stake in a law is, I believe, important and insufficiently recognized. A law can be not only a tool for the organization of the community (e.g., by promoting order, or coordination, or public wellbeing), but also a significant expressive force in that community, symbolizing the community’s sense of its values and (what I will call) its “political personality”. Indeed, for countries which are not culturally homogeneous and in which the unity of the community is primarily purchased through the principles of its polity, the expressive nature of certain laws can be essential in the creation, maintenance or revision of a unifying identity for that society; this is an identity that not only helps to hold the pluralist society together but also helps people to have a sense of themselves as members of that political community. I hope to argue that the controversy surrounding the issue of whether or not prisoners’ voting rights should be suspended reflects controversy about what kind of state Canada is and shows the ways in which law can be expressive.

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Ranaware, Ravindra. "Feministic Analysis of Shauna Singh Baldwin’s selected stories in English Lessons and Other Stories." Feminist Research 4, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21523/gcj2.19010102.

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The present paper aims at exploration of Shauna Singh Baldwin’s specific technique implemented to present women predicament in selected stories from feministic point of view. The feministic point of view has developed out of a movement for equal rights and chances for women society. The present search is based on analytical and interpretative methods. Shauna Singh Baldwin is a writer of short fiction, poetry, novels and essays. Her ‘English Lessons and Other Stories’ explores the predicament of earlier neglected women of Sikh community by putting them in the context of globalization, immigration to West and consumerism at Indian modern society. “Montreal 1962” presents a Sikh wife’s attachment, love, determination, struggles and readiness to do anything for survival in Canada where her husband is threatened to remove his turban and cut his hair short to get the job. “Simran” presents the story of sacrifice of individual desire by a young Sikh girl because of her mother’s fundamentalist attitude. The title of story “English Lessons” presents injustice to an Indian woman who has married to an American, who compels her to become a prostitute and a source of his earnings in the States. The fourth selected story “Jassie” tells us about the timely need of religious tolerance in the file of an Indian immigrant old woman. Being a feminist writer, though Baldwin has never claimed directly to be, she has very skillfully presented the issues of feminism through her own technique of presentation. She has used technique of presenting absence or opposite to highlight it indirectly. Thus, true to her technique, though not explicitly declared, Baldwin is one of the feminist writers who skillfully deals with feminine concerns.

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Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Party Talk: Assessing the Feminist Rhetoric of Women Leadership Candidates in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2009): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090325.

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Abstract.This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975–2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions.Résumé.Cette étude survole la littérature conceptuelle sur la représentation politique et examine ainsi les déclarations publiques faites par les candidates lors des courses à la direction des principaux partis politiques fédéraux pendant la période allant de 1975 à 2006. La volonté des politiciennes d'exprimer la rhétorique féministe était-elle davantage apparentée à la dynamique extra-parlementaire, notamment la force des mouvements féministes et antiféministes, ou plutôt aux facteurs parlementaires comme l'idéologie et la compétitivité de leur parti? La discussion empirique suggère que le contenu féministe était particulièrement important dans le vocabulaire utilisé par Rosemary Brown pour le NPD en 1975, par Kim Campbell pour le PPC en 1993 et par Martha Hall Findlay pour le PLC en 2006. Les résultats indiquent qu'il est utile, pour ce type d'étude, de considérer une fusion des deux approches. La première est une perspective parlementaire, qui suggère que les partis se situant sur le spectre politique entre le centre-gauche et le centre-droit, de même que ceux qui se trouvent dans une position d'opposition ou de gouvernement faible ou minoritaire, sont les plus réceptifs aux discours féministes. La deuxième approche (movement-focused) porte son attention sur les mouvements sociaux pour expliquer la diminution de l'utilisation de la rhétorique représentationnelle pendant cette période, et ce, même dans les partis relativement réceptifs au féminisme organisé. Contrairement à la situation aux États-Unis, les candidates à la direction des partis de droite au Canada n'ont pas utilisé la course à l'investiture de leur parti comme tremplin pour exprimer de fortes positions antiféministes.

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Ghobadzadeh, Naser. "A multiculturalism–feminism dispute: Muslim women and the Sharia debate in Canada and Australia." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 48, no. 3 (July 2010): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2010.489747.

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Ruck, Nora. "Liberating minds: Consciousness-raising as a bridge between feminism and psychology in 1970s Canada." History of Psychology 18, no. 3 (2015): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0039522.

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