Academic literature on the topic 'Feminism – Bolivia'

This article analyzes the impact that neoliberal policies have on women and sets out the epistemological fracture that communitarian feminism produces in Western feminism. We discuss the circumstances in which, for the first time in the history of Bolivian public policies for women, a Plan de las Mujeres emerges from within women’s social organizations. This article also offers the conceptual frame that guides such a Plan, which relies on five categories or fields of direct action that help us in defending ourselves from a market that has put our very lives on sale. These categories are our bodies, our space, our time, our memory, and the movements that we are able to articulate.Este trabajo analiza el impacto de las políticas neoliberales en la vida de las mujeres y expone el rompimiento epistemológico que el feminismo comunitario produce en el feminismo occidental. Se discuten las circunstancias en las que, por primera vez en la historia de las políticas públicas para las mujeres en Bolivia, surge un Plan desde la base y las experiencias de las organizaciones sociales de mujeres. El trabajo presenta el marco conceptual que orienta este Plan de las Mujeres y que descansa en cinco categorías o campos de acción directa que nos ayudan a defendernos de un mercado que puso en venta nuestras propias vidas. Estas categorías son: nuestros cuerpos, nuestro espacio, nuestro tiempo, nuestra memoria y los movimientos que articulamos.

Drawing on the description of De cuando en cuando Saturnina by Alison Spedding as “native anarco–feminist science fiction” announced on the back cover of its first edition (2004), this article proposes an interconnected reading of these four axes (futurism, Aymara logic, anarchism, and feminism). I argue that the structure of this “oral history of the future” conveys a critical resolve to avoid positing the reinstatement of Qullasuyu as the utopic horizon of an idyllic society, while the text as a whole remains committed to a radical decolonization of Bolivia anchored in an autonomous cultural grammar. In this sense, the novel offers a critical vision not only of the coloniality that Aymara culture has endured but also of certain challenges internal to Aymara society itself, particularly in regards to gender hierarchy. Partiendo de la descripción de la novela De cuando en cuando Saturnina (Alison Spedding, 2004) como “ciencia ficción originaria anarco–feminista” declarada en la contratapa de la primera edición, el presente trabajo propone una lectura entrecruzada de estos cuatro ejes (futurismo, lógica aymara, anarquismo y feminismo). Leo en la estructura de la “historia oral del futuro” una voluntad crítica que rehúye cualquier tentación de ver la reinstauración de Qullasuyu como horizonte utópico de una sociedad idílica, pero que al mismo tiempo apuesta a una descolonización radical de Bolivia anclada en una gramática cultural autónoma y propia. Así, la novela despliega una visión crítica no sólo de la colonialidad a la que ha estado sometida la cultura aymara sino también de ésta misma y de sus desafíos internos, particularmente en relación a jerarquías de género.

El feminismo comunitario boliviano es una perspectiva política y epistemológica alternativa frente a las formas tradicionales del feminismo, se origina y practica dentro del pensamiento contemporáneo del sur. El objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre la producción teórica de Julieta Paredes a partir de tres ejes de análisis. El primero muestra el vínculo entre el capitalismo, el colonialismo y el patriarcado, con el fin de proponer una ruta de acción política desde el feminismo comunitario que unifique las estrategias de lucha ante esta triangulación de dominación. El segundo presenta las discusiones y críticas que la boliviana efectúa a los feminismos euroccidentales, al cuestionar su vinculación con el sistema capitalista y la condición de superioridad que aquellos asumen con respecto a los feminismos del sur. El tercero sitúa el proyecto emancipador del feminismo comunitario como una alternativa epistémica que retoma el concepto de comunidad. Esto le permite a la autora evidenciar la condición de dominación sobre la naturaleza impuesta por el sistema de producción capitalista, para salir de la relación dicotómica jerarquizada entre hombres y mujeres y proponer la comunidad como un cuerpo político transformador.

Manuel GonzÁlez prada (1844-1918), like inca garcilaso de la vega, César vallejo, josé marÍa arguedas, and mario vargas llosa, ranks among the top Peruvian literary figures, but only in Peru, where his work is hotly debated by literati, social scientists, historians, politicians, and journalists. Outside Peru he rates no more than the inclusion in anthologies of one of his poems; his most famous essay, “Nuestros indios” (“Our Indians”); or the occasional critical article on his work. However, with the Cuban José Martí (1853-95), González Prada is a founder of Latin American modernism, a movement that critics generally accept as running roughly from the publication of Rubén Darío's Azul, in 1888, to Darío's death, in 1916. Gordon Brotherston notes that Darío coined the term modernismo the same year he published Azul (vii). There are many reasons there has been less interest in González Prada than in Martí and other modernists. To begin with, Darío, in an 1888 visit to Peru, met with Ricardo Palma but not González Prada (Castro). Palma, writing in a more traditional style—even though he invented a genre, tradiciones—was the establishment's literary darling, while González Prada, always the innovator in style and an agitator in subject matter, remained largely unknown outside his native land. Thus, it made perfect sense that the maker of literary movements would visit the internationally known Palma but not González Prada, who could not add to his fame and expanding literary networks. Furthermore, when Darío later went to New York he turned his epistolary relationship with Martí into a personal friendship (Henríquez Ureña 93). In the United States there is much more interest in Martí, who lived here, than in González Prada, who did not. Hispanic modernism is typically understood to include the like-minded people whom Darío knew personally, such as Martí, Julián del Casal (Cuba), Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera (Mexico), Ricardo Jaimes Freyre (Bolivia), and Juan Ramón Jiménez (Spain), and to exclude those whom he did not, such as Adela Zamudio (Bolivia) and González Prada. Finally, González Prada's anarchism, his feminism, and his tell-it-like-it-is essays did not endear him to many people.

El conocido testimonio de Domitila Barrios de Chúngara se analiza en este ensayo. A la luz de la teoría feminista y del análisis del contexto de la enunciación, se observa la posición de Chúngara como líder que apoya los derechos de la mujer y su simultánea representación como no feminista. Asimismo, se explora el papel de la autora y mediadora Moema Viezzer en relación al contenido feminista de la obra. La autora sugiere que, a pesar de la negación de Chúngara, su testimonio contiene ideas feministas. The well known “testimonio” of Domitila Barrios de Chúngara, by Moema Viezzer, is analized in this essay. In the light of feminist theories and the context of enunciation, the position of Chúngara as a leader who supports women rights is explored, as well as her representation as a non-feminist woman. Moema Viezzer’s role as author and mediator is also analized with regard to the feminist contents of the book. The author suggests that, in spite of Chúngara’s denial, her account includes feminist ideas.

Comparison of feminists’repertoires of interaction in four Latin American countries—Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Chile—reinforces the idea that these interactions may be contentious, collaborative, or even both. The proportions of each kind of interaction are influenced by the dominant political project of the state, the profile of the institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women, the formal channels for participation, support for the feminist and gender agenda by presidents, and female presence in the legislature. A comparação de repertórios feministas de interação em quatro países da América Latina— Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil e Chile—reforça a ideia de que essas interações podem ser contenciosas, colaborativas ou até ambas. As proporções de cada tipo de interação são influenciadas pelo projeto político dominante do estado, o perfil dos mecanismos institucionais para o avanço da mulher, os canais formais de participação, o apoio à agenda feminista e de gênero pelas presidentes e a presença feminina na legislatura.

Focusing on contemporary Bolivia, this article examines promises and pitfalls of political and legal initiatives that have turned Pachamama into a subject of rights. The conferral of rights on the indigenous earth being had the potential to unsettle the Western ontological distinction between active human subjects who engage in politics and passive natural resources. This essay, however, highlights some paradoxical effects of the rights of nature in Bolivia, where Evo Morales’ model of development relies on the intensification of the export-oriented extractive economy. Through the analysis of a range of texts, including paintings, legal documents, political speeches and activist interventions, I consider the equivocation between the normatively gendered Mother Earth that the state recognises as the subject of rights, and the figure of Pachamama evoked by feminist and indigenous activists. Pachamama, I suggest, has been incorporated into the Bolivian state as a being whose generative capacities have been translated into a rigid gender binary. As a gendered subject of rights, Pachamama/Mother Earth is exposed to governmental strategies that ultimately increase its subordination to state power. The concluding remarks foreground the import of feminist perspectives in yielding insights concerning political ontological conflicts.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar alguns elementos da atuação política do grupo feminista anarquista boliviano Mujeres Creando, especialmente, no que se refere às suas elaborações de análises feministas. A escrita teórica, a rádio independente, o jornal alternativo, a produção e a publicização de arte de rua, assim como a tentativa de articular a “tomada” das tecnologias e dos espaços como uma forma de produção discursiva sobre o feminismo, fazem parte da experiência de militância dessas mulheres desde a sua emergência, no ano de 1992. Buscando “tomar la palabra” como modo de pensar e falar sobre elas próprias, tal grupo construiu uma larga apropriação das mídias autônomas e autogestionadas que se tornaram marcas registradas de seu feminismo. Assim, considerando o recente contexto político boliviano, busco discutir historicamente a ideia de feminismo construída pelo grupo, em especial, considerando o desejo por autonomia como questão central de atuação.

El siguiente texto explora la vinculación entre el discurso de Julieta Paredes -feminista indígena aymara, y una de las fundadoras del Colectivo Mujeres Creando Comunidad en Bolivia-, con algunas de las poetas mapuche, quienes sitúan el ‘cuerpo’ como topos de resistencia activa a la normatividad social, proponiendo no solo rupturas al canon tradicional, sino también realizando una crítica a la cultura patriarcal indígena y un cuestionamiento activo al feminismo occidental. Estos discursos van tensionando esa suerte de ‘deber ser’ que se transfiere a las mujeres de estos pueblos al representar una cultura en estado prístino, como expresión de aquello que se denomina tradición y que ha sido mantenido por la “colonialidad”.

Este artículo mostrará el proceso tecnopolítico y de conectividad que construyó el movimiento “Ni Una Menos Bolivia” en Facebook a partir del 2016, año en que se constituyó este colectivo para hacer frente mediante el activismo feminista a los casos de violencia de género y feminicidios ocurridos en este país. Se juntarán estas dos perspectivas teóricas ya que, un proceso tecnopolítico va de la mano de una cultura de conectividad (Van Dijck, 2013). La importancia de contar la experiencia del proceso tecnopolítico y de conectividad que construyó este movimiento en el caso boliviano es fundamental para entender el papel que juegan hoy en día los movimientos feministas en América Latina

This Bachelor’s thesis is the result of a field study conducted in urban Bolivia. The aim of the study was to get a deeper understanding of the factors that can endorse or limit the potential for the women in a women’s group to influence social and economic agendas. It is a qualitative study that concerns the international social work with a women’s group, whose purpose seek to serve professional management in the production and selling of handicrafts. Participant observations in the women’s group, as well as interviews with two of the international social workers involved with the group were conducted. The results were analysed using a feminist theory perspective, with intersectionality theory as the main tool for analysis. The findings show that the access to income-generating activities can widen the elements of social identification for the women through active learning-processes, and further move towards an image where they become social actors. Concerns regarded if decision-making power were equally distributed among all women in the group.

Femicides are not a new phenomenon. Marches involving thousands of people all around the Latin American continent to fight them, however, is. Ni Una Menos - Not one woman less - is the slogan that also mobilized Bolivians to mass-based protests in November 2016.This thesis investigates the counterpublic of #NiUnaMenosBolivia for the purpose of understanding its discursively articulated identities. A multidisciplinary discourse theoretical analysis combines Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory with Nancy Fraser’s contributions to the struggle over needs of counterpublics to examine textual, photographic and ethnographic data.Two levels of identities of #NiUnaMenos are extracted from the investigation: Internal agonistic identities pinpoint at the friction between the representors and the represented identities of the counterpublic. A collective identity evolves in the context of the struggle for justice, freedom and dignity through the construction of an antagonistic “Others” who are held responsible for femicidal violence.This study builds a bridge between feminist activism and academic discourse for feminist studies of the region. It further develops and exemplifies a methodological toolkit for a theoretically based discourse analysis on contemporary women’s movements.

L'époque qui va de la fin de la guerre menée contre le Paraguay, appelée Guerre du Chaco, en 1935, à la Révolution Nationale conduite par Je MNR (Mouvement Nationaliste Révolutionnaire) en 1952 est une période de bouleversements majeurs pour la Bolivie au niveau politique, économique, social et culturel. Ce conflit qui aboutit à une défaite catastrophique pour le pays marqua le point de départ de l'écroulement du système de gouvernement oligarchique qui avait été en place dans le pays depuis la fin du XIXe siècle et qui explosa finalement avec la Révolution de 1952. Dans l'historiographie sur cette période ne sont mentionnées les femmes ni le rôle qu'elles peuvent avoir joué dans les sphères politique et publique à ce moment d'effervescence politique où des secteurs de la population qui avaient été invisibles auparavant, acquirent une visibilité et un poids politiques. C'est précisément le cas des femmes qui émergèrent après la guerre en tant qu'actrices politiques d'importance que ce soit à travers le féminisme, le syndicalisme, ou encore les mobilisations de femmes catholiques. Ce travail rend compte du rôle que les femmes jouèrent dans les sphères publique et politique pendant cette période cruciale de l'histoire de la Bolivie
The period from the end of the war against Paraguay, called the Chaco War, in 1935, to the National Revolution led by the MNR (Revolutionary Nationalist Movement) in 1952 is a period of major upheavals for Bolivia. This was true at the political, economic, social and cultural level. The conflict, which Jed to a catastrophic defeat for the country, was the starting point for the collapse of the oligarchy system of government. This system had been in place in the country since the end of the nineteenth century and finally collapsed with the 1952 Revolution. The historiography of this period scarcely mentions women, and the role they played in the political and public spheres during this time of political turmoil. Sectors of the population that had been previously invisible, including women, gained visibility and a political weight during this time of turmoil. Women emerged after the war as important political actors, whether through feminism, trade unionism or the mobilization of Catholic women. This study reflects the role that women played in the public and political spheres during this crucial period of Bolivian history

This thesis is analysing the abortion debate in Bolivia and questions a supposed contradiction of being simultaneouslyfeminist and Catholicregarding opinions on abortion. By analysing texts from three important actors in the abortion debate in Bolivia, the studyshows on what arguments and discourses that are used within the debate, as well asconsideringthe interesting role of Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (CDD -Catholics for the Right to Decide),that isa feminist organisation fighting for a complete decriminalisation of abortion in Bolivia, but are also Catholics. The two other actors analysed are Colectivo Rebeldía as a representative of the feminist movement, and the Catholic Church asthe greatest abortion opponent. The thesis has a feminist perspective and use a critical discourse analysis in orderto provide different perspectives on the abortion debate in Bolivia. The results indicate that the rights discourse is frequently used by all three actors, although promoting different rights.Whereas the Church promotes the foetus’ right to life, the twofeminist organisations speak of rights in terms of a woman’s right to decide.The Church is using a conservative traditional language and aims to maintain status quo, whereas the feminist organisations use a variety of discourses with the objective of social transformation. Moreover, the fact that the organisation CDD is both feminist and Catholic, might not seem that contradictive when explainedwith the help of feminist theology.

La relació entre el populisme i la política feminista està rebent cada vegada més atenció científica, principalment a causa de l'ascens que experimenten els partits populistes a l’Amèrica Llatina i a Europa des de principis del segle XXI. No obstant això, aquesta literatura presenta dues grans febleses. Primer, fins ara no ha aconseguit establir una relació específica entre populisme i política feminista. Segon, la literatura s'ha centrat de manera desproporcionada en els partits populistes d'extrema dreta, fet que ha introduït un desequilibri en aquesta línia de recerca – la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista ha estat poc estudiada. La present tesi contribueix a omplir aquest buit analitzant la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista, centrant-se en el cas paradigmàtic del Moviment al Socialisme (MAS) i el govern d'Evo Morales a Bolívia entre 2006 i 2018. Algunes de les investigacions més influents sobre populisme i política feminista sostenen que tots dos projectes polítics són essencialment incompatibles: d'acord amb aquesta literatura, els partits populistes mai promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere ni mantenen bones relacions amb moviments de dones, al marge que siguin populistes d'esquerra o d'extrema dreta. En aquesta tesi, qüestiono aquesta afirmació analitzant tres aspectes específics de la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. Primer, investigo si els partits populistes d'esquerra promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere, qüestionant la idea d'una incompatibilitat general entre la ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En segon lloc, analitzo com aquests partits formen les seves coalicions per elaborar polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere. En tercer lloc, investigo quant impacte tenen els moviments de dones institucionalitzats en les polítiques públiques quan els populistes d'esquerra estan en el poder. L'anàlisi empírica realitzada en aquesta tesi està basada en l'anàlisi qualitativa de contingut de documents i entrevistes semi-estructurades amb activistes de moviments de dones, responsables polítiques i expertes i experts. Les troballes i conclusions de la tesi poden sintetitzar-se de la següent forma. En relació a la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern populista d'esquerres d'Evo Morales va promoure ambicioses polítiques d'igualtat de gènere sobre violència política contra les dones, violència masclista en l'àmbit domèstic i drets de les treballadores de la llar, entre altres àmbits. Aquesta troballa mostra que els populistes d'esquerra poden promoure polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. Això contradiu la literatura que sosté que hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre qualsevol ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En relació a la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern bolivià i el partit en el poder – el MAS – van experimentar una contradicció entre el seu discurs anti-elit i el seu pragmatisme en la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques públiques – van incloure ONGs feministes en les coalicions per a elaborar polítiques d'igualtat, encara que prèviament el govern havia qualificat a aquestes ONGs d'elitistes. Respecte a la relació entre partits populistes d'esquerra i moviments de dones, m'he centrat en el cas del moviment bolivià de treballadores de la llar. L'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern de Morales va mantenir una relació pròxima i col·laborativa amb el moviment. El govern va satisfer totes les demandes simbòliques del moviment (orientades a millorar la imatge social de les treballadores de la llar) però només algunes de les seves demandes substantives (les que tenien un impacte directe en les condicions laborals i de vida de les treballadores domèstiques). Les troballes esmentades ajuden a comprendre la complexa relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. No hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre populisme i política feminista. La ideologia associada al populisme en cada cas – i no el populisme en si mateix – sembla ser el factor explicatiu central de la posició de cada partit populista respecte a la política feminista. En resum, la present tesi convida a relativitzar la importància del caràcter més o menys populista d'un partit polític quan analitzem la seva posició sobre la política feminista, una conclusió que pot ser útil per a altres línies de recerca sobre populisme.
La relación entre el populismo y la política feminista está recibiendo cada vez más atención científica, en gran parte debido al ascenso de partidos populistas en América Latina y Europa desde principios del siglo XXI. Sin embargo, esta literatura presenta dos grandes debilidades. Primero, hasta ahora no ha conseguido establecer una relación específica entre populismo y política feminista. Segundo, la literatura se ha centrado de manera desproporcionada en los partidos populistas de extrema derecha, lo que ha introducido un desequilibrio en esta línea de investigación – la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista ha sido poco estudiada. La presente tesis contribuye a colmar este vacío analizando la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista, centrándose en el caso paradigmático del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) y el gobierno de Evo Morales en Bolivia entre 2006 y 2018. Algunos de los trabajos más influyentes sobre populismo y política feminista mantienen que ambos proyectos políticos son esencialmente incompatibles: de acuerdo con esta literatura, los partidos populistas nunca promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género ni mantienen buenas relaciones con movimientos de mujeres, al margen de que sean populistas de izquierda o de extrema derecha. En esta tesis, cuestiono esta afirmación analizando tres aspectos específicos de la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. Primero, investigo si los partidos populistas de izquierda promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género en algunos casos, cuestionando la idea de una incompatibilidad general entre la ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En segundo lugar, analizo cómo estos partidos forman sus coaliciones para elaborar políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género. En tercer lugar, investigo cuánto impacto en las políticas públicas tienen los movimientos de mujeres institucionalizados cuando los populistas de izquierda están en el poder. El análisis empírico realizado en esta tesis está basado en el análisis cualitativo de contenido de documentos y entrevistas semiestructuradas con activistas de movimientos de mujeres, responsables políticas y expertas y expertos. Los hallazgos y conclusiones de la tesis pueden sintetizarse de la siguiente forma. En relación a la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno populista de izquierdas de Evo Morales promovió ambiciosas políticas de igualdad de género sobre violencia política contra las mujeres, violencia machista en el ámbito doméstico y derechos de las trabajadoras del hogar, entre otros ámbitos. Este hallazgo muestra que los populistas de izquierda pueden promover políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, lo que contradice la literatura que mantiene que hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre cualquier ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En relación a la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno boliviano y el partido en el poder – el MAS – experimentaron una contradicción entre su discurso anti-élite y su pragmatismo en la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas públicas – incluyeron ONGs 9 feministas en las coaliciones para elaborar políticas de igualdad, aunque previamente el gobierno había calificado a estas ONGs de elitistas. Respecto a la relación entre partidos populistas de izquierda y movimientos de mujeres, me he centrado en el caso del movimiento boliviano de trabajadoras del hogar. El análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno de Morales mantuvo una relación cercana y colaborativa con el movimiento. El gobierno satisfizo todas las demandas simbólicas del movimiento (orientadas a mejorar la imagen social de las trabajadoras del hogar) pero solo algunas de sus demandas sustantivas (las que tenían un impacto directo en las condiciones laborales y de vida de las trabajadoras domésticas). Los hallazgos mencionados arrojan luz sobre la compleja relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. No hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre populismo y política feminista. La ideología asociada al populismo en cada caso – y no el populismo en sí – parece ser el factor explicativo central de la posición de cada partido populista respecto a la política feminista. En resumen, la presente tesis invita a relativizar la importancia del carácter más o menos populista de un partido político cuando analizamos su posición sobre la política feminista, una conclusión que puede ser útil para otras líneas de investigación sobre populismo.
The relationship between populism and feminist politics is increasingly receiving more scholarly attention, largely due to the rise of populist parties both in Latin America and in Europe since the beginning of the 21st century. However, this stream of literature presents two major shortcomings. First, it has so far failed to establish a specific relationship between populism and feminist politics. Second, the literature has overwhelmingly focused on right-wing populist parties, which has introduced an imbalance in this stream of research: the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics is understudied. The present thesis contributes to filling this gap by analysing the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics, focusing on the paradigmatic case of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) and Evo Morales’ government in Bolivia between 2006 and 2018. Some of the most influential works on populism and feminist politics uphold that these two political projects are essentially incompatible: according to this literature, (e.g. Blofield, Ewig, and Piscopo 2017, Shea Baird and Roth 2017, Kampwirth 2010), populist parties never promote gender equality policies or keep good relations with women’s movements, regardless of whether they are left-wing or right-wing populists. I challenge this assertion by analysing three specific aspects of the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. First, I investigate whether left-wing populist parties promote gender equality policies in some cases, against charges of a general inconsistency between populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. Second, I analyse how these parties form their policy-making coalitions in the field of gender equality. Third, I investigate how much impact on policy institutionalised women’s movements have when left-wing populist parties are in power. The empirical analysis carried out in this thesis is based on the qualitative content analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews with women’s movements’ activists, policy-makers and experts in women’s movements. The findings and conclusions of the thesis can be synthetized as follows. Regarding the promotion of gender equality policies, the analysis has revealed that Evo Morales’ leftwing populist government promoted ambitious gender equality policies on violence against women in politics, gender-based domestic violence, and domestic workers’ rights, among other fields. These findings show that left-wing populists can promote gender equality policies, and contradicts the literature that upholds that there is an essential incompatibility between any populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. In regards to populist governments forming policy coalitions in the field of gender equality, the analysis has shown that the Bolivian government and governing party MAS experienced a contradiction between their anti-elitist discourse and their pragmatism when forming policy coalitions – they included feminist NGOs in the coalitions for the formulation of gender equality policies, even though the government had previously labelled those NGOs as elitist. As far as the relationship between left-wing populist parties and women’s movements is concerned, I have focused on the case of the Bolivian domestic workers’ movement. The analysis has 5 revealed that Morales’ government kept up a close collaborative relationship with the movement. The government satisfied all the movement’s symbolic demands (oriented towards improving the social image of domestic workers), but only some of its substantive demands (those that had a direct impact on the domestic workers’ living and working conditions). The findings mentioned shed light on the complex relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. There is not an essential incompatibility between populism and feminist politics. The ideology attached to populism in each case – and not populism in itself – seems to be the key explanatory factor of the position of each populist party in relation to feminist politics. In a nutshell, the present thesis invites us to relativize the importance of the more or less populist orientation of a political party when we analyse its position on feminist politics, a conclusion that can be also useful for other streams of research on populism.

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The research focuses, within the studies of communication, consumption and socio-cultural contexts, on the possible displacements of representations on women, migrants and Bolivians. We emphasize as a guiding question of the research: Which representations do the rappers of Santa Mala construct about being a woman, a migrant and a Bolivian from the uses and appropriations of the media that suggest the displacement of the dominant representations about the Bolivian migrants in the city of São Paulo? The theoretical reference of this study is anchored in the interfaces between production, consumption and media reception and the understanding of the notions of uses and appropriations (CANCLINI, 1999). The theoretical framewor of this study is anchored in Hall's concept of representation (2016), who argues that representation is constructivist and that meanings and senses are produced. The research contemplates the issue of migration from a gender perspective, based on Alencar-Rodrigues, Strey and Espinosa (2009), who seek to understand that being a woman entails specificities in all stages of the migratory process. In methodological terms, the research is qualitative and is developed through a case study, with a combination of data collection techniques with three procedures: (1) Documentary research; (2) Semi-structured interviews; (3) Observation. The analysis of the different collected materials is carried out in two main categories, the first one being related to representations of Bolivian migrants and the second one to women and rappers. From the analysis, it was possible to perceive that the members of Santa Mala use rap to propose representations about the Bolivian woman, migrant and rapper, which do not correspond to the hegemonic stereotypes circulating in society, highlighting the female autonomy and criticizing representations of gender that establish fixed roles for these subjects.
A pesquisa tem como foco, dentro dos estudos de comunicação, consumo e contextos socioculturais, os possíveis deslocamentos das representações sobre mulheres, migrantes e bolivianas. Destacamos como pergunta orientadora da pesquisa Quais representações as rappers integrantes do Santa Mala constroem sobre ser mulher, migrante e boliviana a partir dos usos e apropriações das mídias que sugerem o deslocamento das representações dominantes sobre as migrantes bolivianas na cidade de São Paulo? O referencial teórico desse estudo se ancora nas interfaces entre produção, consumo e recepção midiáticas e a compreensão das noções de usos e apropriações (CANCLINI, 1999). Utilizamos o conceito de representação de Hall (2016), defende que a representação é construtivista e que os sentidos e significados são produzidos. A pesquisa contempla a questão da migração através da perspectiva de gênero, com base em Alencar-Rodrigues, Strey e Espinosa (2009), que buscam entender que ser mulher acarreta especificidades em todas as etapas do processo migratório. Em termos metodológicos, a pesquisa é qualitativa e se desenvolve a partir do estudo de caso, com uma combinação de técnicas de coleta com três procedimentos: (1) Pesquisa documental; (2) Entrevistas semi-estruturadas; (3) Observação. A análise dos diferentes materiais coletados é realizada por duas principais categorias, sendo a primeira relacionada às representações de migrantes bolivianas e a segunda às de mulheres e rappers. A partir da análise, foi possível perceber que as integrantes do Santa Mala utilizam o rap para propor representações sobre a mulher boliviana, migrante e rapper que não correspondem aos estereótipos hegemônicos circulantes na sociedade, destacando a autonomia feminina e criticando representações de gênero que estabelecem papeis fixos para esses sujeitos.

abstract: The surge of the chola alteña in Bolivia as a woman who, after being historically discriminated, has achieved her empowerment through her practices of resistance and agency is a very particular and new phenomenon hardly studied. The contribution of this research is in principle to describe and discover the complexity of this occurrence, but at the same time to open a field of understanding the works of the chola as a preliminary input for alternative feminisms, in accordance to the particularity of each context. As a result, an eclectic perspective from different non-canonical theories stemming from the Americas has been adopted. For example, intersectionality stemming from various social, cultural, racial, and gender contexts is addressed by Kimberlé Crenshaw, Dora Inés Munévar, Ann Phoenix, Breny Mendoza y Sonia Montecinos. Research from Aníbal Quijano, Walter Mignolo and María Lugones proposes the decolonization of knowledge. From a Bolivian perspective, the proposal of communitarian feminism by Julieta Paredes and the chi’xi approach by Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui. At the same time, the documenting of the chola practices has been obtained from non-conventional digital and oral sources. Thus, this research becomes a referent for future feminist research about the chola, but also for understanding other movements and practices of subaltern and discriminated women in similar or different contexts. The chola is characterized by her peculiar garment which was imposed by the colonizer in the XVIII century, nullifying her indigenous identity. However, this woman has continued to wear it to the present day as much as a tactic of resistance as of empowerment and agency and has transformed it into a current fashion for the valorization of her identity. She is a chi’xi subject who complements or antagonizes opposites without subsuming them. Finally, what guides her practices and strategies are her native cultural values, such as the principle of Living Well, cooperation, reciprocity, and godfatherhood. .
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2019

abstract: In the last years of the twentieth century, while the narrative of women in other Latin American countries has received critical attention, Bolivian women's narrative has been widely ignored. The fact that the voice of Bolivian women in Latin American feminist discourse is rarely discussed in Latin American criticism is enough to justify the present study. This work focuses on three prominent Bolivian writers: Gaby Vallejos, Giovanna Rivero Santa Cruz, and Erika Bruzonic. The short stories of these three authors are characterized by accentuating certain telluric features revealed in the background of their feminine/feminist narratives. At the same time, based on the American and European feminist literary critique, this work analyzes the feminine/feminist themes mounted in the narrative of these authors. Gaby Vallejos, with a cinematic style, chronicles the life and customs of the "valluno" context, building a mosaic of different voices in dialogue. Her topics revolve around binaries: life-death, and pain and pleasure, voicing condemnation for a patriarchal society. Ericka Bruzonic deals with women and identity, memory and the breaking of lineage as an imposing structure. Her themes are built around the cosmopolitism of "paceña" urban life, and her voice transgresses the binomials established by a patriarchal society. Finally Giovanna Rivero Santa Cruz takes the life and customs of the Santa Cruz and the Guarani culture and her plots weave these elements reaching for myths and taboos, involving the reader into her stories. In this manner, her narrative makes an incursion into the conscious and unconscious realm of the readers questioning their wealth of moral and social values, their notions of heterosexuality, and sexual taboos. The three writers, with different narrative styles yet dialogical, narrate various experiences of women from different regions, social classes, ages, education, and sexual orientations. Our authors give high value to the word and the body embedded in the culture, thereby affirming their woman's voice as Bolivians and their literary presence in the context of Latin American literature.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. Spanish 2013

This chapter concludes the book by bringing together the findings at the comparative level and the within-case level. The integrated theoretical framework of institutional anomie theory, migration systems theory, and critical global feminism drew attention to the ways that historical processes of development and social change at a global level have impacted countries globalization and the dominance of the economy. These shifts have resulted in deepening inequalities and increasing rates of migration that work at the local level to make individuals vulnerable to trafficking. The case studies of Cambodia, Bolivia, and Gambia demonstrate the importance of considering how there may be more than one pathway through which human trafficking flows originate. The implications of this research are explored for both researchers and policy makers. Avenues for the future research include exploring the links between policy and individual migration decisions and pathway distinctions such as urban versus rural trafficking, or labour versus sex trafficking. The findings highlight the need for policy to move beyond a law-and-order approach to anti-trafficking efforts, and instead focus on the root factors identified. This includes understanding the migration-trafficking nexus and crafting initiatives that are highly localized and specific.

The introduction examines some of the mythology and misconceptions surrounding the International Women’s Year (IWY) conference. It particularly considers the fictional confrontation between the US feminist Betty Friedan and the Bolivian labor activist Domitila Barrios de Chungara and why that imagined encounter came over time to stand in for the conference itself. It describes the ways that IWY was shaped by debates of the 1970s over questions such as sovereignty and geopolitics, the meanings of development and feminism, and the changing nature of civil society. It explains how the three UN-designated IWY themes—equality, development, and peace—stood in for geopolitical divides but had become widely contested concepts.

After Friday’s chaotic session, the United Women of the Tribune were determined to show that women could come together behind a core set of concerns, countering all the media representations of women fighting over microphones and exchanging barbs in press conferences. In an effort to counter the media image of women engaged in a “global catfight,” IWY tribune organizers staged a “unity panel” to showcase broad agreement on a range of issues. The plan backfired when Bolivian labor activist Domitila Barrios de Chungara confronted the panel chair, Mexican feminist Esperanza Brito de Martí, to insist that calls for unity were simply another form of imperialism.