Academic literature on the topic 'Female occupational superiority'

SummaryThe superiority of men over women in chess has been cited as evidence that there are fundamental differences in male and female intelligence (Howard, 2005a, 2006; Irwing & Lynn, 2005). An alternative interpretation of the difference is that it is due to differential male and female participation rates in chess (Charness & Gerchak, 1996; Bilalić & McLeod, 2006; Chabris & Glickman, in press). This has been dismissed by Howard (2006) on the grounds that changes in the difference in skill level between top male and female players in recent years are not correlated with changing relative participation rates. Here it is shown that Howard’s analysis is misleading. The data are consistent with differential participation rates as the explanation of the gap between the performance of women and men in chess.

Objective: To evaluate the incremental efficacy of a Short Message Service (SMS) combined with a brief video intervention in increasing the effects of a health education intervention for cervical cancer prevention, over and beyond a video-alone intervention, with respect to key determinants of health behaviour change – knowledge, motivation and intention. Methodology: Quasi-experimental study design, comparing three conditions – control group, video intervention group and SMS + video intervention group. Participants were 144 Portuguese female college students allocated into one of the three experimental conditions. The effects of the health education interventions were assessed using a theoretically based multidimensional cancer prevention questionnaire. Data were collected at baseline and post-test. Results: Interventions significantly increased the key predictors of adhesion to cancer preventive behaviours. SMS contributed to increases in the expected directions. Evidence of the superiority in efficacy of the combined intervention (SMS + video) over the video-alone intervention was found for cervical cancer screening. Interventions were not as effective in improving intentions and more complex preventive practices such as sexual behaviour as they were in improving knowledge. Conclusion: Results are encouraging in that cervical cancer prevention knowledge and motivation appear modifiable via a one-session video preventive intervention. If, however, the development of intentions is an important predictor of effective behaviour change, study findings point to the added importance of an SMS-based strategy for improving specific cancer preventive behaviours. Findings reinforce the need for specific and tailored health education interventions according to the various determinants of behaviour change, as well as to the particular target behaviour with respect to cervical cancer prevention.

Background Ear irrigation is a commonly used method for removing earwax in general practice. There is no firm evidence if no pre-treatment is as good as pre-treatment with various standard preparations. Aim To assess the effectiveness of no pre-treatment compared to pre-treatment with commercially available cerumenolytics and to assess which preparation is best suited for pre-treatment. Methods This is a pragmatic observational study of patients with cerumen treated from a single GP with 3 different preparations or no preparation prior to standardized ear irrigation. Generalized linear mixed models with logit link function were performed to assess the effectiveness of pre-treatment with different preparations and no pre-treatment. The models were adjusted for age group (<70, ≥70) and sex. Results A total of 168 patients (298 ears, 58 % female, median age 65 years) consulted for obstructive cerumen, some of them several times. The cerumen was successfully removed in 70% (208/298). Comparing any preparation to no preparation (aggregated comparison), the odds ratio for complete clearance was 1.35 (95%confidence interval: 0.69-2.65). Comparing the preparations individually, the odds ratio of the docusate-sodium-based preparation was 1.87 (95% CI: 0.79-4.42) indicating a higher effectiveness. Although, not statistically significant. Ear irrigation was less successful for patients aged ≥ 70 years (OR = 0.48, 95% CI: 0.23-0.98). Conclusions The aggregated comparison indicates a slight trend toward a higher effectiveness of any pre-treatment compared to no pre-treatment. The effect-size of docusate-sodium-based pre-treatment indicates a higher effectiveness of cerumen impaction removal. Nevertheless, superiority could not be shown conclusively according to the statistical significance given the restricted sample size.

Introduction: The central concept of the Adlerian theory of personality is the feeling of inferiority, which main function is to activate compensatory processes that make a person want to improve, grow and overcome their perceived weakness (Adler, 1989). The evidence of such processes is the life choices of people in the sphere of education and occupation. Purpose: The main purpose of the present work is to highlight the study results of inferiority and superiority complexes peculiarities of Ukrainians, their relation to the education and occupation choices. Methodology: The study sample included 449 subjects (282 females, 168 male) between 17 and 85 years old (M=32,96, SD = 13.299). Subjects were recruited from the general population by students who participated in the data collection. Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. Inferiority and superiority complexes were assessed using Adlerian inferiority (COMPIN) and superiority (SUCOMP) complex shortened scales (Čekrlija et al., 2017); socio-demographic variables such as gender, age, education and occupation were included. Results: Results show that approximately 70% of respondents have an average level of inferiority and superiority complexes. There is no significant correlation between the mentioned complexes and gender, but there is a negative correlation between the inferiority complex and age (r=.187). The younger Ukrainians are the more intensive inferiority complex they have. Occupation correlates negatively with the inferiority complex (r=.-120) and positively with the superiority complex (r=. 119). The more intensive superiority complex is, the higher positions occupy the respondents. Only inferiority complex correlates negatively with a level of education (r=.-160). People with higher education have less intensive inferiority complex. Conclusion: In sum, it is peculiar to Ukrainians to overcome inferiority complex with age. The intensity of their inferiority and superiority complexes doesn’t depend on gender. Ukrainians who occupy the high positions have a lower inferiority complex and higher superiority complex. People with low educational level have inferiority complex propensity

The Status of Women in Leadership Tahani H. Alqahtani PhD student, Management at Aberdeen University – Lecturer, College of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Imam Mohamed Ibn Saud University. Abstract Even though females have indeed entered jobs previously closed to them, many occupations remain as gender-gapped now as they were half a century ago. Gender-segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because, they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Descriptive stereotyping describes what men and women are like and prescriptive stereotyping defines defining what women and men should be like. This literature review provides a broad understanding of the gender differences in leadership and the gender gap in organization. This literature review founds that gender-segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Introduction The current literature concerning leadership from a variety of Eastern and Western countries highlights that, regardless of a recent global increase in the number of females entering the labour market, only a small number of professional women hold top management or leadership positions. In spite of the fact that the growth pattern of women in the labour force and their representation in leadership roles does differ across countries and regions, and although a number of women in leadership positions worldwide are making contributions both within and beyond their communities (Percupchick, 2011), the overarching observation can be made that a substantive gender gap exists in female’s representation in relation to leadership positions and decision-making across many sectors of society (Catalyst, 2016). Moreover, studies indicate that a large number of sometimes highly qualified women are choosing to step down from positions of authority and leave their careers (Rabas, 2013). This literature review provides a broad understanding of the gender differences in leadership and the gender gap in organization. Literature Review Research has identified the reasons for the persistence of women having a less expressive presence in management and leadership positions (Acker, 1991; Kolb et al., 1998; Simpson, 2004; Williams, 2001; England, 2010; Kellerman and Rhodes, 2014; Gipson, et al., 2017). Among these, the existence of a male-normed corporate culture and organizational structure is posited as a formidable obstacle to female progress in the workplace. The literature abounds with evidence of the way organizational norms, values and structures, disadvantage females in their career advancement at the institutional level (Morrison, 2012; Keohane, 2014). Looking specifically at the field of academia, for Nguyen (2012), “Policies and process in higher education can act as barriers against women assuming leadership and management positions” (p. 127). Acker (1990) suggests the existence of an organizational attitude behind these gender contrasts as a result of organizational structure, rather than any differences held to exist in the characters of males and females. Goveas and Aslam (2011, p. 236) state that a further important factor with the potential to hinder female's opportunities for development consists of “the unavailability of structured human resource policies and strategies addressing women workers, [which] has proven to be a major obstacle to women’s progress and development”. Referring specifically to the field of educational management, for Sui Chu Ho (2015), “Gender inequalities in staff recruitment, appointment and promotion exist in educational institutions, such as universities” (p. 87). She goes on to note how this evidence and claim to support it are actually routinely dismissed, both by those in authority and the general public. It is likely that hierarchal organizational structures create a setting in which women feel out of place due to gender variances (Morrison, 2012; Al-Shanfari, 2011; Keohane, 2014), resulting in many females stepping down or leaving from a post in a workplace at which their leadership abilities are being questioned. This conflict is further compounded by many jobs being designed around men’s objectives, and that many organizations are reluctant to support women within their workforce when potential career conflicts arise (Kellerman, and Rhode, 2012). Therefore, the ideal worker is male: “Images of men’s bodies and masculinity pervade organizational processes, marginalizing women and contributing to the maintenance of gendered segregation in organisations” (Acker 1990, p. 139). A key impact of organizational masculinity is the emotional labor expended by women in order to succeed. Connell (1987) states that gendered structures and practices operating within organizations result in very different career experiences and outcomes for women and men, and the most senior organizational positions are considered sites of hegemonic masculinity. Thus, organizational structure is not gender neutral and organizational culture reflects the wishes and needs of powerful men. In reviews of research into gender and leadership, limiting women’s progress in organizations is a well-documented phenomenon, including the persistence of gender stereotypes. Kanter (1977) identifies the ‘masculine ethic’ as part of the early image of leaders and managers. This masculine ethic elevates the traits assumed to be exclusive to men as requirements for effective management: a tough-minded approach to problems; analytical planning abilities; a capacity to set aside personal emotional considerations in the interests of task accomplishment; and cognitive superiority in problem-solving and decision-making (Kanter, 1977). Thus, even with regards to Kanter, (1977), although social construction presumes that these traits and characteristics supposedly belong to males only (or are at least more likely to be held by males), if practically all leaders and managers are men from the beginning, it should come as no surprise that when females attempt to enter leadership or management occupations the masculine ethic is invoked as an exclusionary principle Acker (1991) sees the ‘masculine ethic’ referred to earlier as the structural basis of organizations, in the sense that allegedly ‘masculine characteristics’ are built into the very fabric of organizations. As a result, the workplace itself is stacked against the equalization of opportunities for women. Acker (1991, p. 289) defines gendered organizations as occurring when “advantage and drawback, control and exploitation, emotion and action, identity and meaning, are patterned through and in terms of a distinction between female and male, feminine and masculine”. Thus, masculinity assumes control of the workplace environment or the business sphere in the subtlest of ways (Acker, 1991). Additionally, masculinity also appears to affect employees’ characters. The preferred employee presents her/himself as a masculine character in choice of clothes, language, and presentation (Acker, 1991). Furthermore, job opportunities and hierarchies are also filled in accordance with gender preferences, meaning that the positions should concur with what is deemed relevant and suitable for the gender that fills them (Kolb et al., 1998). In this way, gender implications have negatively influenced the progress of women in their working lives (Acker, 1991). Informal occupational segregation due to gender stereotypes as well as the gender biases commonly held by the wider society entail the trend of hiring women and men in different types of working areas and positions (Fitzsimmons, Callan, and Paulsen, 2014). Simpson (2004) argues that gender representation in social discourse and social perceptions of gender play a significant role in sustaining and promoting gendered employment. Consequently, these biased stereotypes, embedded in deep-rooted ideologies, automatically view job placement through the lens of gender (Simpson, 2004). Thus, work related to masculine organizations draws on the notion of a job requiring allegedly masculine qualities such as analytical skills, assertiveness and physical strength, in turn reinforcing more the idea of being ‘manliness’ being something distinct and unattainable for women. Unsurprisingly, as Britton and Logan (2008) note, these jobs, in turn, naturally attract more male applicants than females. At the same time, stereotypical assumptions that females pay more attention to detail, are more caring, and place value on physical attractiveness confine them to roles as teachers, nurses, administrators, and jobs in the beauty industry (Britton and Logan, 2008). Moreover, men are more likely to be selected for any ‘male-type’ position in a company even when women and men possess the same qualifications because of the implicit bias that, like for like, men perform better than women (Omar and Davidson, 2001). This leads individuals to believe that women do not have the necessary skills and so are unable to work effectively in male-type jobs. For example, because women are associated with activities that do not involve much in the way of physical strength (such as taking care of their children and families), they have traditionally been considered a second choice to men when it comes to jobs that involve working outdoors (Britton and Logan, 2008). England’s (2010) research has shown that in the twentieth century women have progressed at a sluggish pace in terms of workplace equality. Despite the fact that females have indeed entered jobs previously closed to them, many occupations remain as gender-gapped now as they were half a century ago. Moreover, she notes that at any level of the employment pyramid, females continue to lag behind males in terms of authority and pay, regardless of the closing gap between men and women in workplace seniority and educational attainment. Acker (1990) argues that such gender segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because, as noted, they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Stereotyping means generalizing behavioural characteristics of groups of individuals and then applying the generalization to people who are members of the group (Heilman, 2012). Recently, researchers have investigated gender stereotyping by dividing the generalizations into two properties, descriptive and prescriptive. Heilman (2012) concentrated on the importance of each of those properties. Descriptive stereotyping describes what men and women are like and prescriptive stereotyping defines defining what women and men should be like. For instance, descriptive stereotyping of women creates negative expectations about a woman’s performance as a leader owing to there is a lack of fit between the characteristics assigned to traditionally male leadership roles and the societal roles assigned to females. Prescriptive stereotypes, or ascribing behaviors women ought to emulate, and the agentic characteristics of leadership create an incongruity with expected women behavior (Wynen et al., 2014). Furthermore, Heilman argues that irrespective of whether gender stereotyping is prescriptive or descriptive, the practice impedes the progress of females into leadership roles. One source for gender inequalities in the work force is gender stereotyping in the form of occupational segregation (Wynen et al., 2014). Occupational segregation occurs because there is a separation of women or men in certain occupations or employment sectors (Wynen et al., 2014). This gender separation is seen in occupations such as doctors , nursing, lawyers and teaching. Often, teachers or nurses are portrayed as women, while, lawyers and doctors are portrayed as men. According to scholars in social role theory, such as Franke, Crown, and Spake (1997) and Eagly (1987) gender stereotyping in certain occupations is deeply inherent in societal roles for female and male. Although both women and men have been shown to exhibit biases toward women in high management positions (Eagly and Carli, 2007; Ellemers, Rink, Derks, and Ryan, 2012; Ryan et al., 2011), Ellemers et al. (2012) pointed out that most individuals prefer to believe in a just world where gender differentiation is rare and success is based on merit; thus, in most instances, they will treat allegations of unequal treatment unfavourably. This result lead to fewer reports for fear of negative repercussions, and consequently inequity is often not noticed, challenged, or addressed (Ellemers et al., 2012). Moreover, Ibarra et al (2013) believe that when organizations advise females to seek leadership positions without addressing the subtle biases that exist in practices and policies, the companies undermine the psychological development that should take place to become a leader. Conclusion In conclusion, this literature review has outlined how women face obstacles in different organizational context, limiting their ability to achieve empowerment by aspiring to and achieving leadership. Historically, certain factors have hindered women from being accepted as leaders, regardless of their achievements, which leads to an underestimation of their capabilities. This under-representation of qualified women in leadership roles is symbolic of the gender gap in the workplace.

Male violence against females most often occurs within intimate relationships, and when that occurs during youth, it is termed adolescent dating violence (ADV). A scoping review focused on male perpetration of ADV was conducted to synthesize existing evidence and offer insights about what influences male adolescents to perpetrate ADV. The current scoping review explored the findings drawn from 16 research studies conducted in the United States, Spain, South Africa, and Italy, to distil modifiable factors related to male perpetration of ADV. Three themes were extrapolated from the 16 studies: (a) entitlement; (b) adverse childhood experiences (ACE); and (c) ineffective conflict management. Entitlement as a theme was characterized by attitudes and beliefs aligning to violence, hierarchical and marginalizing masculine norms, traditional gender roles, and male superiority, which in various configurations influenced the perpetration of ADV. ACE as a theme highlighted how male adolescents who had experienced, observed, and/or initiated abuse were at increased risk of perpetrating ADV. Male adolescents with ineffective conflict management (theme 3), including alcohol use and/or emotional dysregulation, were also at higher risk of perpetrating ADV. Tailored prevention efforts are often delinked from issues of male entitlement, ACE, and ineffective conflict management; therefore, we make suggestions for trauma-informed care to guide primary care providers (PCPs) in the assessment and management of ADV.

The objectives of this study were to: 1) develop a dynamic 2D link segment model for lifting using the constraints of four sensors from an electromagnetic motion analysis system; 2) evaluate the magnitude of shoulder movement in the sagittal plane during lifting; and 3) investigate the effect of shoulder translation on trunk acceleration and lumbar moments calculated by the developed model and comparing it with two separate 2D dynamic link segment models. Six women and six men lifted loads of 2 kg, 7 kg, 12 kg and 2 kg, 12 kg, 22 kg respectively, under stoop, squat and freestyle conditions. Trunk orientation and position, as well as shoulder position were monitored during all lifts using the Polhemus FASTRAK\trdmk. Results indicated that average range of motion was 0.05 ± 0.02 m in the horizontal direction and 0.03 ± 0.02 m in the vertical direction. Shoulder position relative to T1 was located 0.07 ± 0.02 m anteriorly, and 0.02 ± 0.04 m superiorly (0.06 and 0.00 m for males and 0.08 and 0.04 m for females, respectively). To estimate the effect of shoulder motion on trunk acceleration and L5/S1 moments, three two-dimensional dynamic link segment models were developed within the constraints of the electromagnetic tracking system and compared. Trunk segment endpoints were defined as L5/S1 and either T1 or shoulder depending on model type. For trunk accelerations, average differences between models were greater than 40 deg/s² in 70.4% trunk accelerations did not translate into significantly different moment calculations between models. Average peak dynamic L5/S1 moment differences between models were smaller than 4 Nm for all lifting conditions which failed to be statistically significant (p>0.05). The model type did not have a statistically significant effect on peak L5/S1 moments. Therefore, despite important shoulder joint translations, peak L5/S1 moments were not significantly affected.

Background: Gender inequality and men’s perceived sexual and economic superiority over women are central to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection. The farming community in which the participants in the study live operates along such patriarchal lines, with the men making the important decisions for their families.Aim: To explore and describe the role of gender in the spread of HIV and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) among farmworkers in South Africa.Setting: The study was conducted in the Levubu farms, Vhembe district, Limpopo Province, South Africa.Methods: The researchers adopted a qualitative, explorative and descriptive research design with in-depth semi-structured interviews. Purposive and convenience sampling methods were used to select participants who met the inclusion criteria. Data collected were thematically analysed using Creswell’s data analysis method. Lincoln and Guba’s model to ensure trustworthiness and ethical standards were applied.Results: The findings of the study clearly indicated that powerlessness and lack of decision-making by female farmworkers was common as female farmworkers were dependent on their male partners to make decisions in the workplace as well as decisions regarding sexual matters in a relationship.Conclusion: The main conclusion drawn from the findings were that farmworkers are continuously exposed to exploitation and disempowerment in a variety of ways with very little support from their supervisors, which makes them vulnerable to contracting HIV.

BackgroundThe US Food and Drug Administration requires six text-only warnings for cigar products, including cigarillos. Research has demonstrated the superiority of pictorial over text-only cigarette warnings, yet the relative effectiveness of pictorial warnings for cigarillos has not been examined. We examined the impact of pictorial cigarillo warnings compared with text-only warnings.MethodsData were collected from a nationally representative sample of US young adult (18–29) cigarillo users and susceptible non-users. Participants were randomised to one of three experimental conditions: text-only or one of two pictorial conditions (combined for analyses). For each warning, we assessed negative emotional reactions, cognitive elaboration (ie, thinking about cigarillo risks) and perceived message effectiveness (PME).ResultsParticipants (N=661) were 46.5% female, 64.7% white and 21.9% Hispanic; 34.1% reported past 30-day cigarillo use; 41.4% were lifetime users (excluding past 30-day use); and 24.4% were susceptible non-users. Pictorial warnings elicited more negative emotional reactions and higher PME than text-only warnings (p values<0.01), with interactions showing the largest effects for past 30-day users (emotional reactions: d=0.99, PME: d=0.63). For cognitive elaboration, there was no main effect of warning type, but an interaction revealed effects for past 30-day users (p<0.05, d=0.46).ConclusionsPictorial cigarillo warnings elicited greater negative emotional reactions and PME compared with text-only warnings. These effects and the effects on cognitive elaboration were strongest for past 30-day users. Our findings extend research on cigarette warnings to cigarillos, demonstrating that pictorial warnings are superior to text-only warnings for cigarillos in eliciting beneficial responses.

PurposeThis paper investigates the extent, the determinants and the change in the gender pay gap in Vietnam in the period 2010–2016 in order to provide suggestions for policy adjustment to narrow gender pay inequality more effectively.Design/methodology/approachThis study employs the propensity score matching (PSM) method to examine inequality in pay between female and male earners sharing identical characteristics. The analysis is conducted for both the full sample and various characteristic-based subsamples. This procedure is conducted for 2010 and 2016 separately to discover the change in gap and inequality during this period.FindingsThe matching results based on the data sets taken from the Vietnam Household Living Standards Survey (VHLSS) 2010 and 2016 affirm that gender income inequality in Vietnam, though persisted, decreased significantly in 2016 compared to 2010, and was insignificant in many subsamples in 2016. In addition to the observable determinants including educational level, occupation, economic sector and industry, unobservable factors are proved to also play an important role in creating the gender pay gap in Vietnam.Practical implicationsThe research findings suggest that policies aimed at mitigating gender pay inequality should take into account both observable characteristics and unobservable factors such as unobservable gender differences that affect wages and gender discrimination in pay.Originality/valueThis is the first study using a matching technique to investigate gender wage gap in Vietnam. With up-to-date data, longer research period and the superiority of the method used in dealing with sample selection bias, the results obtained are more robust, more detailed and reliable.

What did it mean to be able to speak another language in early modern England? Linguistic competence was more complicated than a simple binary between fluent and not. Just as historians have argued for the existence of multiple literacies in early modern England, so too were there multiple linguistic competences, depending on the speaker’s status, age, gender, origin, and occupation. Male and female language-learners had to master different ways of expressing superiority or deference and of managing ritualised interactions. Immigrants to England had to learn a new vernacular while accommodating themselves to new customs and rules of conversation. Reading the corpus of conversation manuals alongside broader discourses of gender, civility, speech, and behaviour, this chapter uncovers the dynamics of multilingual speech and silence in an age of encounter. More broadly, it offers a new framework for thinking historically about linguistic competence.