Journal articles: 'Felony disenfranchisement'

1

Lewis, Sarah A. "Felony Disenfranchisement: An Annotated Bibliography." Legal Reference Services Quarterly 37, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0270319x.2018.1522916.

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2

Binnall, James M. "A "Meaningful" Seat at the Table: Contemplating Our Ongoing Struggle to Access Democracy." SMU Law Review Forum 73, no. 1 (April 2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.73.1.6.

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In recent years, felon-voter disenfranchisement has received considerable attention from academics, policymakers, and the media. In turn, a number of jurisdictions have eased record-based voter restriction statutes. And while those efforts represent a significant step toward full civic reintegration for those with a felony criminal history, they are far from comprehensive, as they regularly omit citizens with certain types of felony convictions and typically address only one form of civic marginalization. Focusing on recent reform in the area of civic restrictions, this Article suggests that incomplete civic restoration comes with significant consequences that ought to be considered during legislative negotiations. This Article further suggests that by capitulating to emotive, non-empirical opposition to full civic reinstatement, lawmakers run the risk of validating arguments that have no scientific or logical foundation.

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3

Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod, Leila Mohsen Ibrahim, and Katherine D. Rubin. "The Dark Side of American Liberalism and Felony Disenfranchisement." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (November 23, 2010): 1035–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003178.

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What can the disenfranchisement of people convicted of felonies tell us about the character of American liberalism? Felony disenfranchisement reveals a dark face of American liberal democracy that is distinct from two more familiar narratives: the Tocquevillean story of a triumphal and inclusionary liberalism and the “multiple traditions” account proposed by Rogers Smith that sees liberalism battling with racial and other exclusionary ideologies. The history of felony exclusion points to a third perspective: a hyphenate American liberalism (liberal-ascription; liberal-republicanism) in which an exclusionary politics is embedded within liberalism itself. We develop this argument with specific reference to the ways in which liberalism as an abstraction is reflected in concrete advocacy debates over reform, in court decisions, and in the legislative domain. We identify three strands of liberal argumentation—the conceptualization of discrimination that relies on intentionality; the paradigmatic liberal belief in the social contract; and the liberal-republican adherence to norms of individual responsibility. The three strands show how the purportedly universal and impartial liberal embrace of individuality, contract, and responsibility, that ostensibly transcends the ascriptive barriers of birth has nevertheless fostered laws and policies that buttress the boundaries of an exclusionary American citizenship.

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4

Anoll, Allison, and Mackenzie Israel-Trummel. "Do Felony Disenfranchisement Laws (De)Mobilize? A Case of Surrogate Participation." Journal of Politics 81, no. 4 (October 2019): 1523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704783.

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5

Shineman, Victoria. "Restoring voting rights: evidence that reversing felony disenfranchisement increases political efficacy." Policy Studies 41, no. 2-3 (December 17, 2019): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1694655.

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6

Rothchild, Jonathan. "DISPENSER OF THE MERCY OF THE GOVERNMENT: Pardons, Justice, and Felony Disenfranchisement." Journal of Religious Ethics 39, no. 1 (February 17, 2011): 48–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9795.2010.00465.x.

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7

MORRIS, KEVIN. "Turnout and Amendment Four: Mobilizing Eligible Voters Close to Formerly Incarcerated Floridians." American Political Science Review 115, no. 3 (April 20, 2021): 805–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421000253.

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Recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. Little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. This paper uses Amendment Four, a 2018 Florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investigate whether this turnout disparity can be narrowed by a ballot initiative of particular significance to communities most affected by incarceration. Using prison release records, I identify the neighborhoods and households where formerly incarcerated individuals live and assess the voting history of their neighbors and housemates. I find no evidence that Amendment Four increased these voters’ turnout in 2018 relative to other voters. While ending felony disenfranchisement is necessary, closing the turnout gap resulting from histories of policing and incarceration will require greater investment and engagement.

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8

Shabazz, Sultana, Brian Sohn, Melissa Harness, and Brittany Aronson. "A Prison Education Counternarrative: “Mock Citizenship” in a Women’s Prison." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 3, no. 4 (November 27, 2019): p439. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v3n4p439.

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In this article, we develop a perspective on the purposes and possibilities of education in prison through the stories of the first author, a prison educator and critical pedagogue. In the context of today’s prisons, we complicate universalist notions of citizenship by weaving theories of citizenship into the story of education. We share the daily concerns of a prison educator and explore the transformative possibilities that women convict students try on. We question how to shape educational practices in prison and contemplate the construction of a new “mock citizenship” informed by the realities of felony disenfranchisement. Our hope is to bring to the conversation something that has been lacking when discussions of incarceration occur: insight into the ways incarcerated students perform the role of citizen and how the purpose of prison education must extend beyond job readiness toward the creation of full citizens able to participate in the democratic process.

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9

King, Ryan Scott. "Jim Crow Is Alive and Well in the 21st Century: Felony Disenfranchisement and the Continuing Struggle to Silence the African-American Voice." Souls 8, no. 2 (July 2006): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940600680507.

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10

Haley, Danielle F., Andrew Edmonds, Victor J. Schoenbach, Catalina Ramirez, DeMarc A. Hickson, Gina M. Wingood, Hector Bolivar, Elizabeth Golub, and Adaora A. Adimora. "Associations between county-level voter turnout, county-level felony voter disenfranchisement, and sexually transmitted infections among women in the Southern United States." Annals of Epidemiology 29 (January 2019): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annepidem.2018.10.006.

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11

Aviram, Hadar, Allyson Bragg, and Chelsea Lewis. "Felon Disenfranchisement." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 13, no. 1 (October 13, 2017): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-110316-113558.

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12

Schaefer, Brian P., and Peter B. Kraska. "Felon Disenfranchisement." Race and Justice 2, no. 4 (September 27, 2012): 304–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2153368712456211.

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13

Campbell, Michael C. "Book Review: Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy; The Disenfranchisement of Ex-Felons." Theoretical Criminology 11, no. 1 (February 2007): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136248060701100113.

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14

Lippke, Richard L. "The Disenfranchisement of Felons." Law and Philosophy 20, no. 6 (November 2001): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3505156.

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15

CRUTCHFIELD, ROBERT D. "ABANDON FELON DISENFRANCHISEMENT POLICIES*." Criminology & Public Policy 6, no. 4 (November 29, 2007): 707–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2007.00483.x.

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16

Preuhs, Robert R. "State Felon Disenfranchisement Policy." Social Science Quarterly 82, no. 4 (December 2001): 733–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0038-4941.00056.

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17

Miles, Thomas J. "Felon Disenfranchisement and Voter Turnout." Journal of Legal Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2004): 85–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/381290.

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18

Whitt, Matt S. "Felon Disenfranchisement and Democratic Legitimacy." Social Theory and Practice 43, no. 2 (2017): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract20172145.

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19

Wilson, David C., Michael Leo Owens, and Darren W. Davis. "HOW RACIAL ATTITUDES AND IDEOLOGY AFFECT POLITICAL RIGHTS FOR FELONS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 1 (2015): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000332.

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AbstractThis research examines the extent to which negative attitudes toward African Americans influence public reactions to restoring political rights to felons. We argue that race-neutral policies, such as felon disenfranchisement laws, are non-separable from racial considerations, as images of criminals and felons are typically associated with Blacks. Such attitudes produce collateral consequences for felons, hampering the restoration of their full political rights and, ultimately, their citizenship. Predispositions, such as racial attitudes and political ideology, provide both racial and nonracial justifications for supporting these laws, yet, there are no empirical accounts of their relational effects on opinion toward felons’ rights. Using nationally representative survey data, we find that racialized resentment and ideology exert the most influence on the reactions to policies seeking political rights for felons as well as beliefs about the value of doing so. Consistent with much of the literature on attitudes toward ameliorative racial policies, higher levels of racial resentment strongly predict lower support for felons’ political rights among both conservatives and liberals, yet, racial resentment is most influential among liberals. Conservatives exhibit the highest levels of racial resentment, but its impact is depressed more by agreement on both racial attitudes and opposition to political rights of felons.

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20

Cottrell, David, Michael C. Herron, Javier M. Rodriguez, and Daniel A. Smith. "Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 195–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18754555.

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On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.

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21

Sutton, John. "How to Disenfranchise Black Men and Win Elections." Contexts 6, no. 3 (August 2007): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2007.6.3.64.

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22

Johnson-Parris, Afi S. "Felon Disenfranchisement: The Unconscionable Social Contract Breached." Virginia Law Review 89, no. 1 (March 2003): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3202387.

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23

Hull, E. "Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy." Social Forces 85, no. 3 (March 1, 2007): 1438–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2007.0039.

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24

Potter, H. "Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy." Social Forces 85, no. 3 (March 1, 2007): 1443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2007.0053.

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25

Savolainen, J. "Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy." British Journal of Criminology 47, no. 3 (July 17, 2006): 527–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azm023.

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26

Ward, Geoff. "Locked out: felon disenfranchisement and American democracy." Crime, Law and Social Change 47, no. 2 (May 11, 2007): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9065-5.

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27

Haynie, Kerry L. "CONTAINING THE RAINBOW COALITION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000122.

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AbstractThe emergence of an African American and Latino-dominated coalition with the potential to reconfigure American government and politics at the national, state, and local levels is one of the most noteworthy developments in U.S. politics over the past two decades. Racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement are impediments to this coalition’s political power. Social scientists, legal scholars, and activists have long paid attention to how devices like poll taxes, English competency tests, voter intimidation, racial gerrymandering, and voter identification laws restrict participation and diluted the political influence of racial and ethnic minorities. This essay seeks to direct renewed scholarly attention to racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement as similar devices for suppressing and containing minority group political power.

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28

ALTMAN, ANDREW. "Democratic Self-Determination and the Disenfranchisement of Felons." Journal of Applied Philosophy 22, no. 3 (November 2005): 263–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5930.2005.00309.x.

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29

MASTER, DANIEL L. "The Disenfranchisement of Ex-Felons by E.A. Hull." Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 45, no. 5 (December 2006): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2311.2006.00444_1.x.

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30

Siegel, J. A. "Felon Disenfranchisement and the Fight for Universal Suffrage." Social Work 56, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.1.89.

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31

Reiman, Jeffrey. "Liberal and republican arguments against the disenfranchisement of felons." Criminal Justice Ethics 24, no. 1 (January 2005): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0731129x.2005.9992176.

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32

Bülow, William. "Felon Disenfranchisement and the Argument from Democratic Self-Determination." Philosophia 44, no. 3 (May 23, 2016): 759–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-016-9722-y.

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33

Manza, J. "Public Attitudes Toward Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States." Public Opinion Quarterly 68, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfh015.

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34

Uggen, Christopher. "Felon Voting Rights and the Disenfranchisement of African Americans." Souls 5, no. 4 (December 2003): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080//10999940390463365.

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35

Ewald, Alec. "The Disenfranchisement of Ex-Felonsby Elizabeth A. Hull." Political Science Quarterly 122, no. 2 (June 2007): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2007.tb01620.x.

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36

Mauer, Marc. "Felon Voting Disenfranchisement: A Growing Collateral Consequence of Mass Incarceration." Federal Sentencing Reporter 12, no. 5 (March 1, 2000): 248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20640279.

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37

Purtle, Jonathan. "Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States: A Health Equity Perspective." American Journal of Public Health 103, no. 4 (April 2013): 632–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2012.300933.

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38

Miller, Bryan Lee, and Joseph F. Spillane. "Civil death: An examination of ex-felon disenfranchisement and reintegration." Punishment & Society 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 402–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474512452513.

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39

Gottschalk, Marie. "The Long Reach of the Carceral State: The Politics of Crime, Mass Imprisonment, and Penal Reform in the United States and Abroad." Law & Social Inquiry 34, no. 02 (2009): 439–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2009.01152.x.

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This essay reviews five books as they relate to the causes and political consequences of mass imprisonment in the United States and the comparative politics of penal policy: Ruth Wilson Gilmore's Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (2007); Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen's Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (2006); Jonathan Simon's Governing Through Crime: How the War on Crime Transformed American Democracy and Created a Culture of Fear (2007); Michael Tonry, ed., Crime, Punishment, and Politics in a Comparative Perspective (2007); and Bruce Western's Punishment and Inequality in America (2006). The essay first examines the enormous and growing political repercussions of having a vast penal system embedded in a democratic polity, including the political and electoral consequences of felon disenfranchisement; increasing political, social, and economic inequality for people marked by the penal system; and the phenomenon of “governing through crime.” It also analyzes emerging strategies of resistance to US penal policies and mass incarceration, why some countries are more vulnerable to hard‐line penal policies than others, and what it will take to reverse the US prison boom.

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40

Uggen, Christopher, and Jeff Manza. "Democratic Contraction? Political Consequences of Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States." American Sociological Review 67, no. 6 (December 2002): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088970.

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41

Burmila, Edward M. "Voter Turnout, Felon Disenfranchisement and Partisan Outcomes in Presidential Elections, 1988–2012." Social Justice Research 30, no. 1 (February 7, 2017): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11211-017-0277-2.

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42

Binnall, James M. "Pippa Holloway, Living in Infamy: Felon Disenfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship." American Journal of Legal History 58, no. 2 (May 30, 2018): 282–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njy007.

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43

Marshall, Pablo. "Book Review: Living in Infamy: Felon Disenfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship." Social & Legal Studies 23, no. 4 (December 2014): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663914546586d.

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44

Randle, Judith. "Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy. By Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen." Law & Society Review 41, no. 2 (June 2007): 500–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5893.2007.00309.x.

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45

Whittle, Tanya N. "Book Review: African American felon disenfranchisement: Case studies in modern racism and political exclusion." Criminal Justice Review 40, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734016814550821.

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46

Phillips, Anthony Jamal, and Natalie Deckard. "Felon Disenfranchisement Laws and the Feedback Loop of Political Exclusion: the Case of Florida." Journal of African American Studies 20, no. 1 (September 28, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-015-9314-0.

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47

Ruth, Terrance, Jonathan Matusitz, and Demi Simi. "Ethics of Disenfranchisement and Voting Rights in the U.S.:Convicted Felons, the Homeless, and Immigrants." American Journal of Criminal Justice 42, no. 1 (April 13, 2016): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12103-016-9346-6.

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48

Speck, Sloan G. ""Failure to Pay Any Poll Tax or Other Tax": The Constitutionality of Tax Felon Disenfranchisement." University of Chicago Law Review 74, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 1549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20141870.

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49

Harvey, Alice E. "Ex-Felon Disenfranchisement and Its Influence on the Black Vote: The Need for a Second Look." University of Pennsylvania Law Review 142, no. 3 (January 1994): 1145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3312504.

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50

Rothchild, Jonathan. "FEDERALISM, SUBSIDIARITY, AND VOTING RIGHTS: CRITIQUING THE SHELBY COUNTY DECISION THROUGH JOHANNES ALTHUSIUS AND CATHOLIC SOCIAL TEACHING." Journal of Law and Religion 32, no. 1 (March 2017): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2017.15.

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AbstractThis article develops a legal and theological critique of the Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder decision that dismantled portions of the Voting Rights Act. Defending the Voting Rights Act in light of four basic features of voting rights—access, participation, empowerment, and expression of conscience—I refute the Shelby decision in terms of its oversimplified notions of discrimination and its overly narrow construal of federalism as state sovereignty and equality. I draw upon Catholic social teaching's subsidiarity and Johannes Althusius's federalism to defend the individual and communal dimensions of voting rights. I examine post-Shelby developments, including voter-identification laws, and I argue that such laws are unfounded and have deleterious effects. I conclude by offering modest recommendations for a post-Shelby world, including continued roles for Congress and the Department of Justice, the use of intermediary organizations, and the rescinding of felon disenfranchisement laws.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Felony disenfranchisement'

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