Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Federation of Labor'
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Milner, Lisa Gow K. Levy Jerome Disher Norma. "We film the facts the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, 1953-1958 /." Access electronically, 2000. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20070410.120748/index.html.
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Pringle, Timothy Edward. "The All China Federation of Trade Unions : the challenge of labour unrest." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3187/.
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This thesis sets out to investigate the possibility that the All China Federation of Trade Unions is capable of reform in the face of the development of capitalist employment relations. The thesis is centred on the examination of hitherto under-researched areas of ACFTU activity by researching the motivations, conditions and actors involved in three local-level pilot projects: collective bargaining, a trade union rights centre and enterprise-level trade union elections. The fieldwork is contextualised by historical summaries of the development of China‟s industrial relations and Party and trade union responses to labour unrest in both the state and private sectors since the establishment of the People‟s Republic in 1949. The results of my research demonstrate that it is no longer appropriate to refer to the ACFTU as a monolithic organisation. Furthermore, my argument departs from mainstream views of the organisation by locating the impetus for trade union reform in the challenge of increasingly sophisticated labour militancy from below, rather than reacting to orders from above. I conclude that while the pilot projects studied each have their own merits and qualifications, taken as a whole they prove that the ACFTU is capable of gradual reform from below. In the light of the improved relations between the ACFTU and the International Trade Union Confederation, this thesis speaks to this fact and aims to contribute to future engagements by expanding the knowledge on which dialogue and trade union exchanges must be based if they are to have any chance of success.
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Lewis, Harold. "The International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) 1945-1965 : an organizational and political anatomy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3700/.
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The thesis is an analytical study of the structure and activities of the International Transport Workers' Federation(ITF) from 1945 to 1965.It gives particular attention to the nature of the ITF's memberships, especially its expansion to the United States and to the Third World; to the ITF's political stance in a period of enormous international tension and to the interrelationship of both those factors. The ITF was founded in 1896 and there are few substantial transport workers' unions which are not yet affiliated. It has long been recognized as the most effective of all the international trade union organizations. The ITF made a significant contribution to the Allied war effort in the Second World War and its membership in every branch of the international transport industry took on great strategic importance during the Cold War. The thesis is based on original research, making special use of the ITF's extensive archives at the Modern Records Centre of the University of Warwick. There is a close and critical focus on the ITFs political engagement, exemplified by its controversial part in countering communist influence in European ports in the early 1950s at the time of the introduction of the European Recovery Programme (the Marshall Plan). This discussion is, however, set in the context of the ITF's structures and its broader social and industrial concerns, such as the defence of trade union and civil rights and assistance to transport workers' unions in the newly de-colonized developing countries. The conclusions draw out the main findings of the research and discuss the dearth of academic literature on the international trade union movement, and especially the almost total neglect of 'International Trade Secretariats', organizations such as the ITF which group together national trade unions in specific industries and services. On this basis, it surveys a poorly served theoretical field and outlines implications for future theoretical analysis.
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Stebbins, Danialle. "Championing Labor: Labor Diplomacy, the AFL-CIO, and Polish Solidarity." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588083656196024.
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Bouev, Maxim Vyacheslavovich. "Essays on labour markets in Russia and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:33dbd198-1755-456d-80a6-31da1eade363.
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This thesis is concerned with various aspects of transitional labour reallocation either between different labour market states, or between less and more efficient enterprises, or between formal and informal sectors. The possibility of irregular employment opportunities receives special attention in this work. The substantive material is arranged in three independent essays. The first, empirical study portrays the most important trends in labour reallocation in Russia, and presents analyses of two types. First, transition probabilities are studied, and some determinants of worker flows are identified using a multinomial logit modelling. Second, a survival analysis of the non-employed is conducted to reveal possible causes of growing stagnancy of unemployment and inactivity. The findings are contrasted with the stylised theory of labour reallocation in transition (Aghion and Blanchard, 1994). The directions in which theoretical modifications should be attempted in future research are suggested. The second and the third essays draw upon some of these suggestions and are aimed at making a contribution on the theoretical front. The second essay puts forward a development of the seminal model of transition from planned to market economy by Aghion and Blanchard (1994). We introduce an informal sector to show that its presence can generate the dynamics qualitatively different from the types considered in the previous literature on the topic. It is argued that convergence to qualitatively different steady states can help explain varying transitional experiences of East European countries and the former Soviet Union republics. Attention is drawn to policy implications of the model, in particular to the creation of conditions favourable for the development of the new private sector as opposed to informal private initiative. Finally, the third essay takes the issue of coexistence of formal and informal sectors in transition further to see if such duality is possible in the long run, and to discuss the role of the government in creating preconditions for it. The study draws on the standard framework of Pissarides (2000) of search in the labour market. It demonstrates that a long-run equilibrium with both formal and informal economies is possible under very mild assumptions. It is also shown that labour market imperfections can create a situation when reduction in informality may be detrimental to economic welfare. Although the foci of the essays differ, the issues raised therein are closely knit so that many threads can be drawn together. In the concluding chapter we discuss the main areas to which this thesis contributes, summarise the main findings, and make some suggestions for future research.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.
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Hulden, Vilja. "Employers, Unite! Organized Employer Reactions to the Labor Union Challenge in the Progressive Era." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/203492.
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"Employers, Unite!" argues that the anti-union campaign of Progressive-Era organized employers molded in crucial ways the shape of labor relations in the United States, and that to understand the development of ideas about work, business, and labor unions, we need to understand how these employers gained and wielded political and societal power.The study concentrates on the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), which spearheaded what it termed the "open-shop'' campaign. Focusing attention on the unions' demand for the closed or union shop, the NAM shifted the debate over labor relations from workplace conditions to the legitimacy of unions as representatives of workers, identifying not employers but union leaders as the source of injustices.At the heart of the study is an analysis of over 100 active members of the NAM, organized through a relational database constructed with the help of recently digitized materials like local histories and biographical compendia. Besides basic information like company size or demographics, the database maps information about NAM members' social and political contacts. Substantial archival materials further ground the study's analysis of the NAM's structure and influence.Research on the membership has allowed me to uncover information that focusing on the leadership would not have revealed. For example, I have found that a high percentage of active NAM members were party activists and officials, mostly in the Republican party; their positions in the party hierarchy gave them influence over political nominations and Congressional committee appointments. Active NAM members also regularly had personal contacts to politicians ranging from governors to Senators; these contacts further bolstered the Association's power, enabling it to torpedo much of labor's legislative project.The study also compares the NAM to other business organizations, especially the National Civic Federation (NCF). The NCF promoted cooperation with moderate unions, a position which the NAM frequently and vehemently criticized. Rhetorical differences, however, masked an underlying agreement among businessmen regarding the undesirability of unions. The rhetorical disjuncture between the organizations served to constrain debate on labor relations: the NAM's stridency made the NCF appear genuinely progressive and thereby undercut other, more far-reaching critiques of existing workplace relations.
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Avidzba, L. L., E. N. Kamyshanchenko, and S. G. Gorelik. "Socioeconomic effectiveness of implementation of anti-aging (workplace wellness) programs in companies of Russian Federation." Thesis, Sumy State University, 2016. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/48720.
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Today rates of chronic diseases are on the rise among adults and children in
Russia as well as in many foreign countries. And the issue of national health is
becoming more and more actual. Anti-aging medicine is the branch of medical
science, which studies national health related issues.
The purpose of the article is to offer scientifically grounded proof of
workplace wellness programs’ social and economic effectiveness.
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Domange-Brown, Kathleen-Ann. "Etendue et limites du contre-pouvoir syndical aux Etats-Unis : l'AFL-CIO de George Meany, 1955-1979." Paris 9, 1987. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1987PA090078.
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Cette thèse évalue l'étendue et les limites du contre-pouvoir syndical aux Etats-Unis à travers l'analyse de certaines prises de position de la fédération syndicale américaine AFL-CIO, et des différents syndicats qui lui sont affiliés, au cours des années 1955 à 1979, soit sous la présidence de George Meany. Elle analyse certains aspects de la stratégie politique et économique de L'AFL-CIO, elle étudie l'étendue des moyens mis en œuvre par la centrale pour atteindre ses objectifs, et cerne les limites de son champ d'action, afin d'éclairer l'évolution des rapports de force entre le gouvernement, le monde des affaires et le monde du travail et d'en tirer certaines constantes valables pour le mouvement syndical dans son ensemble. Elle montre, à travers les succès et les échecs de L'AFL-CIO tant au niveau du gouvernement qu'au niveau de l'entreprise, comment les syndicats ont tenté d'accéder au pouvoir, ou tout du moins d'éviter une trop grande inégalité dans la répartition de ce dernier. Elle apporte, enfin, certains éléments permettant d'expliquer le déclin actuel du mouvement syndical dans l'ensemble des pays industrialisésThis thesis studies the extent and the limits of the power of the trade unions in the united states by analysing certain attitudes of the American labor federation, AFL-CIO, and of the various trade-unions affiliated to it over the years 1955 to 1979, that is to say during George Meany’s terms of office as president. It analyses certain aspects of the political and economic strategies of the AFL-CIO, studies the extent of the human and financial resources used by the federation to achieve its objectives, and defines the limits of its influence in order to throw light on the changing balances of power between the government, the business world and organized labor, thus identifying certain constants which hold good for the entire trade-union movement. The thesis shows, by describing the successes and failures of the AFL-CIO both at government and grassroots levels, how the union tried to achieve power, or at least to avoid a too great imbalance in its distribution. Finally, it offers an explanation of the present decline of the trade union movement throughout the whole industrialized world
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Weaver, Janet Kay. "Pearl McGill and the promise of industrial unionism: button workers, the women's trade union league and the AFL." Diss., University of Iowa, 2019. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6876.
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This dissertation explores the boundaries of industrial unionism within and outside of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in the struggle over what direction the American labor movement would take in the Progressive Era. The experiences of Iowa button worker and labor activist Pearl McGill in two nationally significant strikes between 1911 and 1912 enable us to see more clearly the nuances and ambiguities of these boundaries as industrial workers sought to build more inclusive unions. McGill’s advocacy for both the AFL-affiliated and industrially organized button workers in Iowa and the campaign of textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, assisted by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), to organize on an industrial basis, shine a light on the conundrum faced by AFL leaders. The AFL and its craft union affiliates held fast to an anachronistic approach to organizing in an environment of rapid and technologically transformative industrialization in which the labor of women and ethnic and racial minorities was critical. The AFL’s early federal labor unions, for which Iowa button workers provide a case study, exemplify the strength of the impulse for unionization among mass production workers and show how AFL leaders fostered an institutional response to the growing demand for industrial unions while ensuring that craft unionists continued to dominate the AFL.
The Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) walked a fine, and sometimes precarious, line between its loyalty to the AFL and the demand of working women—notably in the garment and textile industries—for new, inclusive forms of organization. The strikes of women button workers and Lawrence textile workers illustrate the predicament faced by WTUL leaders. Pearl McGill’s short but prominent career as a youthful leader of the Muscatine button workers, a spokesperson for the WTUL, an advocate for women strikers, and a prominent activist with the IWW in Lawrence illuminates these tensions and the appeal of industrial unionism for young working women.
This study elevates the importance of Progressive Era federal labor unions as a bridge connecting the local assemblies of the Knights of Labor of the 1880s to the industrial unions that would emerge in the 1930s. It examines the institutional history of the AFL and its bitter struggle with the Knights and establishes the link between the local assemblies of the Knights and the first generation of AFL-affiliated federal labor unions that provided a precedent for later industrial unions. The arc of industrial unionism in the United States can thus be seen as a long, interconnected movement rooted in the principles of general unionism embodied by the Knights and animated by the vital impulse for industrial unionism carried forward by industrially-organized workers of which Iowa button workers provide an important example.
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Appell, Henni [Verfasser]. "Workers of Europe unite!? Explaining the form of European labor organization – the construction industry : How Critical Junctures and Competing Organizational Logics Explain the Organizational Form of a European Trade Union Federation / Henni Appell." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1227926006/34.
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Martin, G. M. "The Bolivian Mineworkers Federation (FSTMB), 1952-1965: Labour, politics and economic development." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484272.
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Clark, Andrew Robert. "Higher education reforms in the Russian federation : institutional and labour market responses." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/470.
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Jonsson, Thomas. "Essays on agricultural and environmental policy." Doctoral thesis, Umeå, Sweden : Umeå University, 2007. http://www.econ.umu.se/ues/ues719.pdf.
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Choi, Inyi. "Organizing negotiation and resistance : the role of Korean union federations as institutional mediators /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3161969.
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Zou, Chen. "Guarding the territory of labor rights protection : a "socialized" approach by the Yiwu Federations of Trade Unions." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1384.
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Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana Omolayo. "South African and Nigerian workers' perceptions of their trade union federations : a comparative analysis of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2085.
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Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2012.South Africa and Nigeria are both African countries, while the former is located in the southern region of the continent, the latter can be found in the western region. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is the largest trade union federation in South Africa with twenty-nine affiliate unions. The trade union federation entered into an alliance with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government owing to their long-standing involvement in the struggle for freedom during the Apartheid era in South Africa. Conversely, the Nigeria labour Congress (NLC) is the only trade union federation in Nigeria with forty-two affiliates. Their political alliance is with the have the Labour Party. The study examines and compares the two trade union federations' administrative and leadership styles. Also, economic, political and social involvements of the unions are examined and members' perceptions with regards to these two union federations promote the interest of their members are compared. Quantitatively designed close-ended questionnaires were distributed to members of (COSATU) and NLC affiliates. The members were drawn from South Africa Municipality Workers Union (SAMWU), South Africa Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), Nigeria Union of local Government Employees (NULGE) and Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT). Various questions were asked about the trade unions federation's performances regarding some union-specific areas. Participants were required to grade the unions' performance based on their opinions with regard to assessment of their functions. This study also, discusses the unions' performances in the past, and relates it with their present activities, as well as areas, which union members hope to improve. Results from the questionnaire were coded, cleaned and cross-tabulated by using SPSS. A chi-square test of association was used to determine significant levels of association. Levels of significant differences were determined at p≥ 0.05. The overall result shows that workers still believe in trade unions activities and representation.
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Hearn, Mark Graeme. "Hard Cash, John Dwyer and his Contemporaries, 1890-1914." University of Sydney. School of Philosophy, Gender, History and Ancient World Studies, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/847.
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John Dwyer (1856-1934) was a London docks foreman who emigrated to Australia in 1888. Leaving his London employment on his 'own accord', Dwyer embarked upon a quest for recognition - recognition of his rights as a worker and his identity as an individual. Dwyer and his family arrived in New South Wales to be greeted by the economic depression of the 1890s, and state and employer mobilisation against organised labour and working class radicals. Dwyer was soon reduced to scraping together a living as a boarding house manager in Sydney's poorest districts, as he helped organise the Active Service Brigade, which agitated on behalf of the unemployed. Dwyer's surviving papers - twenty-one boxes of correspondence, manuscripts, minutes, handbills, tracts and newspaper clippings, plus several other volumes - document the life of a working class political radical and autodidact who embraced temperance, and who was fascinated by new ideas in religion and science - Darwinism, Theosophy and occult spiritualism. This thesis places Dwyer in the context of the intense ideological ferment of new ideas in politics, theology and science that characterised the period 1890-1914. Ideas that aggressively challenged the old certainties, and which Dwyer embraced in his project to 'change the face of the world.' Changing the world contested with the need to endure its conditions. Theosophy and temperance appealed to Dwyer's notion of duty, and an instinct to rationalise the social and economic roles he seemed unable to escape. The fragmented nature of his papers, and stop-start bursts of public activism - in politics, theosophy and temperance - reflect the tension between an urge to fight, to understand, to create - struggling against the daily demands of making a living and feeding a family. The thesis explores Dwyer's relationship with fellow radicals and workers, the labour movement and members of Sydney's social and political elite - men and women who shared and contested with his vision. Dwyer's complex and at times apparently contradictory values can be found amongst radicals and labourites alike - for example, William Lane, W.G. Spence and Bernard O'Dowd. Nor was Dywer's interest in theosophy or the occult as unusual as it might seem to modern readers. Dwyer's papers provide important insights into dilemmas that have challenged historians: the problem of alienation, the role of the individual in the historical process, the nature of working class radicalism. Issues often analysed in theoretically abstract terms, or at a broad level of historical inquiry, across a national or class-wide scale. Broad analyses of social forces or ideologies tend to distort their historical impact and meaning, failing to capture the complex relationship of phenomena such as class or ideology with individual experience. Working from Dwyer's experience, this thesis argues that it is possible to build a complex picture of working class life in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Australia.
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Strouthous, Andrew George. "A comparative study of independent working-class politics : the American Federation of Labour and third party movements in New York, Chicago and Seattle, 1918-1924." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361658.
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Berger, Jane Alexandra. "When hard work doesn't pay gender and the urban crisis in Baltimore, 1945-1985 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1195075936.
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Sjölander, Jonas. "Solidaritetens omvägar. : (LM) Ericsson, svenska Metall och Ericssonarbetarna i Colombia 1973-1993." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-528.
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This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.
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Silva, Diogo Dantas da. "Terceirização de mão de obra, desigualdade social e extrema pobreza: uma análise da terceirização à luz do artigo 3º, Inciso III, da CF/1988." Universidade Catolica de Salvador, 2017. http://ri.ucsal.br:8080/jspui/handle/prefix/364.
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Os novos métodos de produção e organização da força de trabalho, surgidos a partir do início do século XX, deram origem, para além do enfraquecimento da classe trabalhadora, a uma progressiva sofisticação dos métodos de exploração do trabalho e, por consequência, a um grandioso aumento dos níveis de obtenção da mais valia em todo o mundo. Conjuntamente ao progresso capitalista-industrial e a sua ascendente e assombrosa lucratividade nunca visto antes na história, se percebeu um crescimento grandioso da chamada precarização do trabalho – tendo na terceirização um dos seus principais instrumentos -, bem como das desigualdades sociais, da extrema pobreza e de todos os seus reflexos sociais. Não por outro motivo, aliás, a Constituição Federal de 1988 passa a prever, no artigo 3º, inciso III, a erradicação da pobreza e a redução dos índices de desigualdade como um dos objetivos fundamentais da República Federativa do Brasil. Diante deste cenário, o presente estudo tem por fim analisar se a terceirização de mão de obra, fenômeno mais atual da progressiva organização produtiva e do trabalho, possui uma tendência maximizadora das desigualdades sociais e da extrema pobreza, com vistas a verificar a sua compatibilidade com o art. 3º, inciso III, da Constituição Federal de 1988. Para tanto, se fará uma abordagem da categoria trabalho, da sua concepção concreta à abstrata; o modo de produção capitalista, suas transformações e repercussões no modo de organização da força de trabalho; a precarização social do trabalho e seu mais recente instrumento: a terceirização e, por fim, se analisará a repercussão do instituto da terceirização no mundo do trabalho, com vistas a se concluir pela compatibilidade ou não do mencionado fenômeno com o art. 3º, inciso III, da Constituição Federal de 1988.
The new methods of production and organization of the labor force, which emerged from the beginning of the twentieth century, have given rise, in addition to the weakening of the working class, to a progressive sophistication of the methods of labor exploitation and, consequently, to a grandiose Increased levels of surplus value in the world. Together with industrial capitalist progress and its astonishing and unprecedented profitability never before seen in history, there was a great increase in the so-called precariousness of labor - in outsourcing one of its main instruments - as well as social inequalities, extreme poverty and of all its social reflexes. On the other hand, the Federal Constitution of 1988 now foresees article 3, item III, eradicating poverty and reducing inequality rates as one of the fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil. Given this scenario, the present study aims to analyze whether the outsourcing of labor, a more current phenomenon of the progressive organization of production and labor, has a tendency to maximize social inequalities and extreme poverty, in order to verify their compatibility with The art. 3, item III, of the Federal Constitution of 1988. To do so, an approach will be made to the work category, from its concrete to abstract conception; The capitalist mode of production, its transformations and repercussions on the organization of the labor force; The social precarization of labor and its latest instrument: outsourcing and, finally, the repercussion of the outsourcing institute in the world of work will be analyzed, with a view to conclude whether or not the mentioned phenomenon is compatible with art. 3, item III, of the Federal Constitution of 1988.
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O'Malley, Timothy Rory. "Mateship and Money-Making: Shearing in Twentieth Century Australia." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5351.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.
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Verschueren, Nicolas. "Fermer les mines en construisant l'Europe: une histoire sociale de l'intégration européenne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210001.
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Cette recherche a pour ambition de contribuer aux études sur l’histoire sociale de la construction européenne. En prenant pour point d’appui le cas de l’industrie charbonnière, il a été possible de mettre en évidence une tentative de préservation et de prolongement des politiques sociales d’après-guerre à l’intérieur de la Communauté. Les débats sur le logement ouvrier, les discussions paritaires et la tentative d’instauration d’un statut européen du mineur reflètent cette continuité entre les niveaux nationaux et européens. L’échec de politiques sociales d’envergure sonnait le glas d’un élan initié par quelques syndicalistes et militants européens pour un approfondissement de l’Europe sociale dont l’expression commençait à prendre consistance. La crise charbonnière de 1958 allait transformer les politiques de la Haute Autorité où la réponse aux crises régionales prenait une place majeure. En ce sens, la reconversion du Borinage était le premier test social d’envergure pour le maintien du consensus politique d’après-guerre. Malgré les mesures nationales et européennes pour la relance économique du bassin borain, aucune industrie n’est parvenue à remplacer les fosses tant du point de vue économique qu’identitaire. Les conflits sociaux apparus dans les années 1970 ont alors mis en lumière les transformations sociales et culturelles du Borinage en reconversion.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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Simson, William Ronald. "Removing Reds from the Old Red Scar: Maintaining and Industrial Peace in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the Great War through the Second World War." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/17.
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This study considers industrial society and development in the East Tennessee Copper Basin from the 1890s through World War II; its main focus will be on the primary industrial concern, Tennessee Copper Company (TCC 1899), owned by the Lewisohn Group, New York. The study differs from other Appalachian scholarship in its assessment of New South industries generally overlooked. Wars and increased reliance on organic chemicals tied the basin to defense needs and agricultural advance. Locals understood the basin held expanding economic opportunities superior to those in the surrounding mountains and saw themselves as participants in the nation’s industrial and economic progress, and a vital part of its defense. The study upends earlier scholarship contending local industrial concerns acted proactively to challenges from farmers harmed by industrial pollution; investigation shows firms hesitated to initiate new production processes and manipulated local elections. Partisan developments woven amid all this underscore errors in assuming ancient regional affinity for Republicans. Confederate heritage gave Democrats an historic advantage that fractured before New Deal progressivism and expanding basin Republican power. Markets forced basin firms to merge and embrace technological change affecting working people’s relationships, forcing workers to improve skills or settle for low-skill jobs. Excepting TCC managers and supervisory staff, provincialism ruled; suspicions and competitiveness among workers grew as most miners lived a few scattered villages and most managers and craftsmen settled in the basin’s “Twin-cities” district. Early union efforts collapsed before union mismanagement, rational management and a company union based upon Sam Lewisohn’s ideals. Management managed to wrest control of its industrial relations despite the effects of Depression and the New Deal’s empowerment of workers. Workers’ infighting, reflecting neighborhood demographics and ideological differences, benefitted TCC; it convinced locals TCC could best protect industrial peace. The submissive AFL union installed fit of ownership’s nationally recognized program for industrial relations reliant on federal power. After competition crippled local industry, locals continued their reliance on government: to investigate the medical consequences of extraction work and coordinate environmental restoration. Recent regional anti-government populism makes the basin’s peculiar historic reliance on federal help engaging.
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Dufresne, Anne. "Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel: étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.
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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.
Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
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Baker, Norma Jo. "The politics of irresponsibility liberalism and labour in Yeltsin's Russia /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11545.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-307). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11545.
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Cohen, Andrew Wender. "The struggle for order : law, labor, and resistance to the corporate ideal in Chicago, 1900-1940 /." 1999. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9934037.
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Nutter, Kathleen Banks. "'The necessity of organization': Mary Kenney O'Sullivan, the American Federation of Labor, and the Boston Women's Trade Union League, 1892-1919." 1998. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9823761.
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One of the early leaders of the Women's Trade Union League (WTUL) was working-class woman and veteran trade union organizer Mary Kenney O'Sullivan (1864-1943). When she joined with several other trade unionists and social reformers to form, in 1903, the WTUL, Kenney O'Sullivan had already spent more than a dozen years attempting to forge a coalition between male-dominated organized labor and the social reform community in which Progressive-minded women played a vital role. Throughout, her primary goal was to improve the conditions of labor for women such as herself, primarily through trade unionism. In the early 1890s, then Mary Kenney was living in Chicago, working as a bookbinder. Frustrated by low wages and poor working conditions, Kenney formed Women's Bookbindery Union No. 1 as early as 1890. She went on to organize women in other trades, utilizing her connections with both the Chicago labor community and the social reform community, especially with the Chicago settlement, Hull House, and its founder, Jane Addams. In 1892, Kenney was briefly appointed the first national woman organizer for the American Federation of Labor (AFL). After her 1894 marriage to Boston labor leader, John O'Sullivan, and now known as Mary Kenney O'Sullivan, she would continue her trade union activity in that city, repeating the pattern of coalition building by relying upon both the Boston Central Labor Union and the local social reform community, particularly the settlement Denison House and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. While she had some success in organizing women workers, Kenney O'Sullivan's personal efforts at coalition building were often frustrated by the sharp class and gender distinctions of her day. In 1903, she joined several other trade unionists and social reformers in an attempt to institutionalize this fragile coalition of labor and social reform through the formation of the WTUL. The WTUL, on the national level and through its principal local branches in New York, Chicago and Boston, sought to cooperate with the AFL in organizing wage-earning women into trade unions, as well as provide education and agitate for protective labor legislation. It also attempted to bridge the gap between working-class and reformist middle-class women. Kenney O'Sullivan was a leader in both the National WTUL and its Boston branch and, as such, she attempted to insure that the WTUL concentrate on trade unionism for women. The possibilities and limits of doing so within a cross-class, cross-gender alliance are especially evident during the WTUL's early years. From the Fall River strike of 1904 to the Lawrence strike of 1912, the efforts of Kenney O'Sullivan and other like-minded women continued to be frustrated by the class and gender contraints of this period. This dissertation attempts to reveal the complexity of those gender and class constraints during the Progressive Era by focusing on the efforts of Mary Kenney O'Sullivan at organizing wage-earning women.
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Stephenson, Scott. "Oligarchy contested and interconnected: The New South Wales Labor Party and the trade unions from 1910 to 1939." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/132077.
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The period from 1910 to 1939 was one of the most turbulent chapters in New South Wales labour history. It was defined by intense ideological conflict, winner-take-all factional warfare, widespread accusations of corruption and multiple Labor Party splits. Intertwined within these issues were questions of democracy and oligarchy within the labour movement. To what extent should members control labour institutions? Democracy within unions and parties means control by the ordinary members and, where necessary, their accountable representatives. Oligarchy sits at the opposite end of the spectrum from democracy and entails organisational domination by a small group of leaders. This thesis examines the tensions and struggles between democracy and oligarchy within three key labour organisations. Events inside one major organisation affected what happened inside the others and my study is therefore relational and comparative, examining the Australian Workers Union (AWU), the Miners Federation and the NSW Labor Party. Both the AWU and NSW Labor Party were oligarchies and became more oligarchical over time. Conversely, the Miners Federation was highly democratic, although it too became less democratic over time. The NSW Labor Party was an interconnected oligarchy, both influencing and influenced by its affiliated trade unions. These influences were complicated and sometimes counterintuitive. At times the effects were straightforward, with organisations and leaders transposing their own methods into another organisation, but in other instances the participation of oligarchical unions and union leaders enhanced democracy within the Labor Party and vice versa. Oligarchy predominated in the AWU and NSW Labor Party but it was always contested. Countervailing tendencies against oligarchy were continuously operating in some form, even when the organisations were at their least democratic. My analytical framework comes from the sociological literature on trade union and political party democracy and I compare each organisation’s community, rules, local autonomy, rank-and-file decision-making, internal opposition, free communication and equality between officials and members. The key factor that separated the democratic Miners Federation from the oligarchical AWU and Labor Party was that the miners worked and lived within united, stable occupational communities in which the majority of union members and officials believed in democracy and worked towards its realisation.
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Moore, Aidan. ""It was all about the working class” : Norm Gallagher, the BLF and the Australian Labor Movement." Thesis, 2013. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/22018/.
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The deregistration and dismemberment of the Builders Labourers’ Federation (BLF), which
was executed by Federal and State Labor Governments, was one of the most significant
events in Australian industrial relations history. The union and its general secretary, Norm
Gallagher, continue to excite passionate debate whenever their names are invoked. Portrayed
as the ugly face of trade unionism, Gallagher and the BLF provided national and state Labor
Party reformers with a timely mechanism through which they could both assert their
dominance over the Party and broaden its electoral appeal. This thesis incorporates BLF
activities into the larger story of Labor Party transmutation that occurred between the 1960s
and 1980s. By examining these shifts in the Labor Party through the prisms of Gallagher and
the BLF, we can better understand Labor’s decision to deregister and ultimately destroy the
union. The thesis argues that the trajectories taken by the BLF and the ALP were sufficiently
divergent that conflict was inevitable. Drawing on a range of key sources, this thesis provides
a new assessment of BLF deregistration, the schisms it opened up within both the Labor Party
and Conservative interests, and the way in which destruction of a union represented a critical
moment in Australian political and industrial history.
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Byrne, Sian Deborah. ""Building Tomorrow Today" : a re-examination of the character of the controversial "workerist" tendency associated with the Foundation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu) in South Africa, 1979-1985." Thesis, 2014.
Find full textAbstract:
This report is concerned with unpacking the influential yet misunderstood “workerist”
phenomenon that dominated the major independent (mostly black) trade unions born in the
wake of the 1973 Durban strikes. “Workerism” is widely recognized as being concentrated in
the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu). Workerism remains a source of much
controversy in labour and left circles; this is due to the massive influence it commanded within
the with black working class in its brief heyday, and the formidable challenge it presents to the
legitimacy of nationalist movements and narratives attempting (then and now) to stake claims
on the leadership of the liberation struggle. This controversy has yet to be resolved: both
popular and scholarly attempts to theorise its politics are marked by demonstrable
inconsistencies and inaccuracies, often reproducing existing polemical narratives that conceal
more than they reveal. This paper contributes to that debate by deepening our understanding of
the core politics of the important workerist phenomenon – through an examination of primary
documents and interviews with key workerist leaders.
I argue that workerism was a distinctive, mass-based and coherent multiracial current,
hegemonic in the black trade unions but spilling into the broader anti-apartheid movement in
the 1970s and 1980s. It stressed class struggle, non-racialism, anti-capitalism, worker selfactivity
and union democracy, and was fundamentally concerned with the national liberation
of the oppressed black majority. However, it distanced itself from the established traditions of
mainstream Marxism and Congress nationalism – coming to a quasi-syndicalist1 position on
many crucial questions, although this ran alongside a far more cautious “stream”, akin to
social democracy. It fashioned a radical approach to national liberation that combined anticapitalism
with anti-nationalism on a programme that placed trade unions (not parties) centrestage
– a notable characteristic that made it the object of much suspicion and hostility.
In the longer term, workerists developed a two-pronged strategy. This centred on,
first, “building up a huge, strong movement in the factories” – strategically positioned at key
loci of power in the economy (key sectors, plants and regions), with a view to “pushing back
the frontiers of control”; second, it incorporated an extensive programme of popular education
to ignite the growth of a “counter-hegemonic” working class politics, consciousness, identity
and culture, thereby “ring-fencing workers from the broader nationalist history of our country”
and continent. Right at the epicentre of this radical project was the creation of a conscious,
accountable and active (in workplaces and communities) layer of worker leaders or “organic
intellectuals”.
I contend that a simple conflation of workerism with a form of Marxism, although
prevalent in the literature, is misleading and inaccurate. Rather, workerism cannot be
understood unless in relation to the far more eclectic and varied international New Left –
through which it drew influence (direct and indirect) from a variety of sources, including
revolutionary libertarian currents like anarchism, syndicalism and council communism, as well
as others such as social democracy, and dissident forms of Marxism.
But the unhappy co-existence of these contradictory tendencies (quasi-syndicalism
and social democracy) interacted with a New Left-inspired, at times anti-theoretical,
pragmatism to leave workerism weakened - hampered by inconsistencies and
contradictions, expressed in ambivalent actions that were at once libertarian and more
statist, revolutionary and reformist, spontaneous and premeditated, “boycottist” and
“engagist”. This left a vacuum in the liberation struggle, paving a way for the
resurgence of nationalism under ANC leadership.
1 Here I refer to the historical tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism, not the so-called
“Leninist critique”.
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Hoflich, Gabriel. "The competency passport as an asset based approach for empowerment in Bosnia-Herzegovina : an empirical case study." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25424.
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Text in EnglishThis study examines the successes and limitations of the Competency Passport (CP) for the empowerment of unemployed citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The CP was designed to identify formally, informally and non-formally acquired competencies of people with the help of a counsellor. In the process, the CP uses the asset-based approach which focuses on the strengths of people. The investigation was conducted on the basis of qualitative interviews and a focus group discussion. The results have shown that the CP was able to identify competencies and, thereby, has helped to increase the self-confidence of people. In the area of employment, the impact of the CP showed some limitations as it was not yet sufficiently recognized by the society of BiH. Employers have given little feedback on the CP. The public sector, especially, needs a paradigm shift in the recognition of informally and non-formally acquired competencies by the CP.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)
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Lieres, Bettina von. "Between civil Society and the state: the political trajectories of South Africa's independent trade union movement from 1970-1993." Thesis, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/27608.
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Thesis submitted to the faculty of arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of arts.This thesis examines the political trajectories of the Independent union movement from 1970-1993. It argues that the political strategies adopted by tbe unions' leadership reflected significant difterences with regard to the political contest over the democratic form of South African society. The political ideology of the unions' leadership was made up of two contrasting 'logics' of political struggle. The one, which we characterise as "simple polarisation", viewed the objective of the unions' struggles primarily in terms of a competition for political dominance which involved a simple dichotomy between the apartheid state and a unified opposition movement. In this view the opposition was conceived of as a homogenous, collective subject, unified in its common assault on the state. Underlying this logic of opposition was a denial of specific and different identities and interests and democracy was seen to be directly associated with the destiny of one distinct social actor. The logic of "simple polarisation" was dominant within the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) throughout the 1980's. It was nourished primarily by COSATU's close relationship with the charterist section of the wider opposition movement There existed within the unions a second political tradition which emphasised a logic of "institutionalised pluralism". This current viewed the organisation of opposition primarily in institutional terms. It emphasised the building of union independence outside the aegis of the wider opposltlon movement. Underlying this tradition was a pluralist conception of democracy, Associated with the early Federation of South African Trade Unions legacy of institutional independence, this logic reared its head within COSATU towards the late 1980's when the federation entered a series of corporatist arrangements with employers and the state. Although there seems to be evidence that there existed (at least some) support within the ranks of FOSATU of a form of workers' control more easily reconellable with an anti-pluralist than pluralist conception of democracy, the nature of FOSATU was such, that. when sufficiently pressed on the issue of which logic of democracy - "simple polarisation" or "institutionalised pluralism" - it endorsed, the latter would have been selected over the former.
Andrew Chakane 2019
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Lopez, Elena. "Migrant construction workers and global union federations: the Malaysian context." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/10900.
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As increased mobility of workers challenges the ability of the traditional labour movement to protect workers’ rights, global union federations such as Building and Wood Workers’ International (BWI) attempt to organize migrant workers across borders. The construction sector in Malaysia is one example of a domestic industry reliant upon the labour of migrant workers. Through surveys with migrant construction workers and interviews conducted at BWI’s Asia-Pacific office, the exploitation of migrant construction workers and the effectiveness of BWI’s advocacy work are examined. Factors identified as facilitating the exploitation of migrant workers include the historic legacy of colonialism and post-colonial transformation, and the obstructive impact of Malaysia’s contemporary laws and policies. As a global actor, BWI’s strategies for incorporating migrant workers within transnational advocacy initiatives include the development of migrant support groups, SMS helplines, and local capacity building for migrant workers.Graduate
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May, Jo. "The labour movement in Newcastle during the Great War, 1914-1918." Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1403745.
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Bachelor Honours - Bachelor of Arts (Honours)This thesis is an attempt to tell the story of the labour movement in Newcastle during the First World War. The period was chosen because of its interest and because it was remote enough in time to be unclouded by contemporary prejudices. The author was provoked into considering the topic by Professor James Hagan of Wollongong University, who was writing a history of the New South Wales Labor Party. He complained that there was nothing written on the A.L.P. in Newcastle although it was the largest non-capital city in Australia, except J.C. Docherty's Honours Thesis on the Newcastle Conscription debates. The challenge was interesting, due to a long-standing involvement in Labor Party politics in Newcastle, and a curiosity whether the local perspective has been accurately reflected in the history written from the state and federal levels.
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Isitt, Ben. "The search for solidarity: the industrial and political roots of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in British Columbia, 1913-1928." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4912.
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Born out of the industrial and political struggles of organized labour at the end of the
First World War, the BC CCF was a product of organizational and ideological conflict in
the 1910s and 1920s. This study explores the shift of BC socialism towards industrial
action, which culminated in the One Big Union and the sympathetic strikes of 1919. It
then examines the emergence of anti-Communism on the Left, shaped by the experience
of political unity and disunity during the 1920s. These two factors fundamentally
influenced the ideology and strategy adopted by the Cooperative Commonwealth
Federation (CCF) in British Columbia.
The ideological and tactical divisions of the 1930s were contested during the
1910s and 1920s. The collapse of the One Big Union, combined with deteriorating
relations with the Communist Party, shifted BC socialists away from industrial militancy
and toward parliamentary forms of struggle.Graduate
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Walker, Andrew Gordon. "Pursuing the radical objective : discourse, ideology and the text : a study of the archive of the Australian Waterside Workers' Federation." Thesis, 2002. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33021/.
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The texts of the Waterside Workers' Federation offer a valuable insight into
the beliefs and activities of one of Australia's more powerful and militant unions. This
investigation focuses on the period following the end of the 1930s and the years of
World War 2 when the WWF was going through a rebuilding phase under a strong
Communist leadership. Seen as an essential tool for the organizational rebuilding of a
battered and fragmented Federation, the leaders of the union saw the establishment of
a journal as a priority. The product of this vision was the widely distributed, monthly
Maritime Worker. This newspaper became the masthead of a politically re-awakening
union and through it historians have been able to access the ideological directions the
WWF took to achieve its industrial and political objectives.
This investigation places the texts of the Waterside Workers' Federation under
the scrutiny of a post-structuralist analysis that has the work of Michel Foucault as one
of its principal features. The object of this project is to develop a critique of the
organising processes that inform historical knowledge. These processes are recognised
as the constraints that discourse functions place on all meaning and understanding.
By focussing on the texts of the Waterside Workers' Federation and interrogating the
interpretative features that support the notions of text, ideology and discourse, this
investigation introduces the need for a re-examination of the constitutive and
organisational features that have constrained and limited historical knowledge in the
modem period.
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Martins, Christian Coelho. "Emprego x empregabilidade?: uma análise da flexiseguranca das reformas laborais à luz da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 e dos sistemas laborais na União Europeia." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/74452.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito da União EuropeiaA presente Dissertação está inserida na L inha de P esquisa Constitucionalismo e Produção do Direito e tem com o objetiv o analisar a aplicação da F lexisegurança nas R eformas L aborais com base na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 e do s S istema s L abora is da União Europeia. A Dissertação se justifica pelo crescimento no pensamento Político Neoliberal no Br asil e na Europa, e pela busca da redução da Taxa do Desemprego através de reformas nas Legislações Trabalhistas Nesse sentido, considerando o avanço das Políticas Neoliberais com foco em tornar o Direito do Trabalhador menos rígido, cabe apresentação de ressalvas objetivas que garantam um "mínimo existencial", isto é, observar prestações mínimas a que todo o Ser Humano deve ter acesso de modo a garantir lhe uma vida digna e um Meio Ambiente do Trabalho Equilibrado. Para tanto, o Capítulo 1 abarca um a bre ve histórica do Direito do Trabalho e uma discussão sobre a Globalização e o Neoliberalism o, seus fundamentos e consequências . O Capítulo 2 trata das Fontes do Direito do Trabalho, seus Princípios e sua colocação dentro dos Direitos Fundamentais, bem como a previsão destas Fontes e Direitos dentro da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 e dos Direitos Sociais do Trabalho na Carta de Princípios Fundamentais da União Europeia . O Capítulo 3 dedica se a apresentar as Reformas Trabalhistas ocor ridas nos últimos 30 anos e que estão em discussão nesta Dissertação, com foco específico nas Reformas Trabalhistas de Brasil, Espanha, Portugal e Dinamarca, mas sem deixar de apontar outras reformas ocorridas em Países europeus. Ao fim , observou se que no caso do Brasil as Reformas não atingiram o objetivo desejado, tendo apenas precarizados os postos de trabalho, todavia, no Contexto Europeu o resultado foi diferente. Embora tivessem flexibilizado as Normas Trabalhistas e facilitado a Dispensa de Empregad os, não afrontaram diretamente as Fontes do Direito do Trabalho, mas apenas mudaram a forma de atingir os resultados pretendidos. Ainda há impedimento de Dispensas Sem Justa Causa ou Arbitrárias e os Direitos dos Trabalhadores seguem bem estabelecidos, sen do que o Estado compensou as fragilidades criadas com prestações positivas, assistencialismo e capacitação profissional . O que permitiu observar que a Flexisegurança e as Reformas , inegavelmente reduz iram Direitos d os Trabalhadores, mas não necessariamente os deixar ão desassistidos ou vulneráveis e não necessariamente afronta rão as Fontes do Direito do Trabalho. O método utilizado será o indutivo através da pesquisa bibliográfica.
This Dissertation is part of the Constitutionalism and Law Production Research Line and aims to analyze the application of Flexicurity in Labor Reforms based on the Constitution of the Federative Republi c of Brazil of 1988 and the Labor Systems of the European Union. The Dissertation is justified by the growth in Neoliberal Political thought in Brazil and in Europe, and by the search for the reduction of the Unemployment Rate through reforms in Labor Laws . In this sense, considering the advancement of Neoliberal Policies with a focus on making Worker's Law less rigid, objective reservations should be made that guarantee an "existential minimum", that is, observe minimum benefits to which every Human Being must have access in a guaranteeing you a dignified life and a balanced work environment. To that end, Chapter 1 covers a brief history of Labor Law and a discussion of Globalization and Neoliberalism, its foundations and consequences. Chapter 2 deals with the Sources of Labor Law, its Principles and their placement within Fundamental Rights, as well as the provision of these Sources and Rights within the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988 and the Social Labor Rights in the Charter of Fundamental Principles of the European Union. Chapter 3 is dedicated to presenting the Labor Reforms that took place in the last 30 years and are under discussion in this Dissertation, with a specific focus on the Labor Reforms of Brazil, Spain, Portugal a nd Denmark, but without forgetting to point out other reforms that occurred in European Countries. In the end, it was observed that in the case of Brazil, the reforms did not achieve the desired objective, having only made jobs precarious, however, in the European context the result was different. Although they relaxed the Labor Standards and facilitated the dismissal of employees, they did not directly confront the Sources of Labor Law, but only changed the way to achieve the desired results. There are sti ll impediments to Unjustly Caused or Arbitrary Dismissals and Workers' Rights are still well established, with the State compensating for the weaknesses created with positive benefits, assistance and professional training. This allowed us to observe that F lexicurity and Reforms undeniably reduced Workers' Rights, but will not necessarily leave them unattended or vulnerable and will not necessarily face the Sources of Labor Law. The method used will be inductive through bibliographic research.
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Royle, Tony, and E. Cotton. "Transnational organizing: a case study of contract workers in the Colombian mining industry." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6582.
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NoThis article examines recent organising successes in the Carbones del Cerrejón coal mine, reversing the organisational crisis of the Colombian mining union, Sintracarbon. Using Wever's concept of ‘field-enlarging strategies’, we argue that these events were facilitated by the dissemination of organising experiences between affiliates of a Global Union Federation, International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM), which recently merged to form IndustriALL. Additionally, we argue that this articulation between international and national unions, based on the principle of subsidiarity, was facilitated through sustained ICEM educational project activity, providing multiple entry points for Sintracarbon to operationalise its strategy and re-establish bargaining with multinational employers.
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Harford, Shelley. "A trans-tasman community : organisational links between the ACTU and NZFOL/NZCTU, 1970-1990 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20061220.102547.
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Fortier, Marie-Kathryn. "Au-delà de l'appât du gain et des pommes pourries : corruption organisationnelle et conflits d'intérêts à la FTQ." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19554.
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Mayorova, Natalia. "Imigrační politika a pracovní migrace v Ruské federaci: případ Petrohradu." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357511.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis focuses on the problem of legal and illegal labor migration in the Russian Federation, both at federal and local levels, namely in St. Petersburg. The thesis has two main objectives and firstly focuses on the federal level. There it attempts to map current migration trends in the Russian Federation with an emphasis on labor migration, its legislation and rights and the status of working migrants in Russian society. It examines the development of migration policy of the Russian Federation from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present towards a particular group of people. The author of this thesis tries to analyze it critically and to evaluate the effectiveness and the adequacy of taken measures. In order to fulfill the first objective, some additional questions were put. An integral part of the thesis is an analysis of the integration policy of the Russian Federation vis-à-vis working migrants and problems faced by labor migrants on Russian territory. The second objective is to monitor development and current migration situation in the second largest city of the Russian Federation - St. Petersburg. This is a case study, where the emphasis is placed on labor migration and the way how the amendments to federal immigration laws affect the situation in the regions.
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Meth, Charles. "Manufacturing sector productivity in South Africa in the 1980's : error and ideology in a contested terrain." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4965.
Full textAbstract:
Estimates of the value of manufacturing sector output enter into many economic indices, especially those measuring productivity. The South African Central Statistical Services has twice made substantial errors in the output series. Revisions to correct the first of these raised the growth rate in manufacturing over the period 1970-80 from 2,6 per cent per annum (compound) to 5 per cent. This episode is not common knowledge. After examining the conceptual difficulties involved in producing output stimates, a practical technique for detecting errors in the series , the Euler Consistency Test, is presented. Developed, refined, and then applied to the South African data, it predicted, retrospectively, the first set of errors (using only the information available at the time those errors were made), then detected another set of errors , not previously known to exist. The study records the process by which the CSS was made to concede this second error. Acknowledgement only came after protracted correspondence and an examination conducted by a special committee formed to investigate my complaints. With 1979 set equal to 100, the output level in 1988 was originally given as 113,8. After investigation, the CSS raised this to 126,1. The magnitude of this second error is equivalent to the omission of the total output of the two SASOL plants commissioned during the early 1980s. Estimates of productivity growth by the National Productivity Institute using these incorrect figures are shown to have created a misleading picture of the sector's performance, especially in the sensitive debate over the relationship between wage and productivity growth. An attempt is made to lay the groundwork of an analytical framework for comprehending (from a Marxist point of view) the activities of ideological state apparatusses like the NPI. A review of the literature on theory choice is conducted, and the necessarily political nature of this activity is explored. The relative impotence of I science' in the face of ideology in a conflict-ridden society is considered. The question of the significance of disagreements between economists is examined, and prospects for convergence and consensus on certain issues are weighed.Thesis (Ph.D.)-Unversity of Natal, 1994.
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Huxtable, David. "The International Trade Union Confederation and Global Civil Society: ITUC collaborations and their impact on transnational class formation." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7738.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation.
What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation.Graduate
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