Journal articles: 'Federal politics'

1

Norwood, Janet L. "Politics and Federal Statistics*." Statistics and Public Policy 3, no. 1 (January 2016): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2330443x.2016.1241061.

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McDonnell, Lorraine M., Beryl A. Radin, Willis D. Hawley, Thomas B. Timar, and David L. Kirp. "The Politics of Federal Reorganization." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 8, no. 4 (1989): 688. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3325059.

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AUERBACH, ROBERT D. "POLITICS AND THE FEDERAL RESERVE." Contemporary Economic Policy 3, no. 5 (September 1985): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.1985.tb00821.x.

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Pentecost, Michael J. "Medical malpractice reform: federal politics." Journal of the American College of Radiology 1, no. 1 (January 2004): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1546-1440(03)00021-8.

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Weiher, Greg, Lawrence D. Brown, James W. Fossett, and Kenneth T. Palmer. "The Changing Politics of Federal Grants." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 16, no. 4 (1986): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330166.

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Mariner, Wendy K., and George J. Annas. "Health Insurance Politics in Federal Court." New England Journal of Medicine 363, no. 14 (September 30, 2010): 1300–1301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejmp1009054.

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Steinbrook, Robert. "Science, Politics, and Federal Advisory Committees." New England Journal of Medicine 350, no. 14 (April 2004): 1454–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejmhpr033416.

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Rhodes, R. A. W., and Anne Tiernan. "Court politics in a federal polity." Australian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (February 5, 2016): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2015.1127890.

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Corder, J. Kevin. "The Politics of Federal Credit Subsidy." American Review of Public Administration 28, no. 2 (June 1998): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027507409802800204.

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OLIVEIRA, Marcos Antônio Bessa. "(Des)política para corpos-política na arte, na cultura e na educação." INTERRITÓRIOS 6, no. 10 (April 14, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i10.244891.

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RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica indissociação entre a tríade arte, educação e política, mas também a atual e fascista dissociação das políticas em relação aos corpos que atuam nas artes e na educação em contexto brasileiro contemporâneo, este artigo discuti, por uma perspectiva descolonial de abordagem bi(os)bliográfica, a falta de arte em política, educação em política e corpos em política que consideram as diferenças culturais e coloniais porque não contemplam o padrão de arte, educação, corpo e política modernos. Arte. Educação. Política. (Dis) politics for political bodies in art, culture and education ABSTRACT Art, Education, Politics make up a triad historically understood in the West as interdependent. However, Western art, education and politics are not understood for bodies below the standards of race, gender and class built by thought that architected the modern European project led to expansion around the world in the sixteenth century. Similarly, historically and contemporatically, policies have defined, in the case of Brazil at federal, state and municipal levels, actions and actions of bodies and on bodies in art, education and politics itself. Considering the historical indissociation between the triad art, education and politics, but also the current and fascist dissociation of policies in relation to the bodies that work in the arts and education in a contemporary Brazilian context, this article discussed, for a decolonial perspective of bi(os)bliographical approach, lack of art in politics, education in politics and bodies in politics that consider cultural and colonial differences because they do not contemplate the standard of modern art, education, body and politics.Art. Education. Politics. (Des) política para cuerpos-políticos en arte, cultura y educación RESUMENArte, educación, política producen un trío históricamente entendido en el Occidente como interdependientes. Pero, el arte, la educación y las políticas occidentales no están incluidas para cuerpos con padrones inferiores a las normas de raza, género y clase construidas por el pensamiento que he producido el proyecto moderno europeo expandido en todo el mundo desde el siglo XVI. Asimismo, se han definido políticas históricas y contemporáneas, en el caso de Brasil, a nivel federal, estatal y municipal, actividades y acciones de cuerpos y sobre los cuerpos en el arte, en la educación y en la política. Considerando la indisociación histórica entre el trío arte, educación y política, pero también la actual y fascista desagregación de las políticas con relación a los cuerpos que actúan en las artes en la educación en el contexto brasileño contemporáneo, este artículo discutió, bajo un enfoque descolonial de abordaje bi(os)bliográfica, la ausencia de arte en política, educación en política y cuerpos en política que consideran las diferencias culturales y coloniales, porque no contemplan el estándar del arte, educación, cuerpo y política modernos.Arte. Educación. Política.(Des) politica per gli organi politici nell'arte, nella cultura e nell'educazioneSINTESE Arte, educazione, politica producono un trio storicamente inteso in Occidente come interdipendente. Ma l'arte occidentale, l'istruzione e la politica non sono incluse per gli organismi con standard inferiori agli standard di razza, genere e classe costruiti dal pensiero che ho prodotto il moderno progetto europeo ampliato in tutto il mondo dal XVI secolo. Allo stesso modo, le politiche storiche e contemporanee sono state definite, nel caso del Brasile, a livello federale, statale e municipale, attività e azioni di corpi e di corpi nell'arte, nell'istruzione e nella politica. Considerando la dissociazione storica tra arte, istruzione e trio politico, ma anche l'attuale e fascista disaggregazione delle politiche in relazione agli organismi che agiscono nelle arti nell'educazione nel contesto brasiliano contemporaneo, questo articolo discute, sotto un approccio decoloniale approccio bi-os, assenza di arte in politica, educazione in politica e corpi politici che considerano le differenze culturali e coloniali, perché non contemplano lo standard dell'arte moderna, dell'educazione, del corpo e della politica.Arte. Istruzione. Politica.

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Lenton, Adam Charles. "Office Politics: Tatarstan’s Presidency and the Symbolic Politics of Regionalism." Russian Politics 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00603002.

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Abstract This article explores developments in center-region relations between the Russian federal government and the Republic of Tatarstan, a federal subject of the Russian Federation. I argue that instrumentalist accounts are unable to satisfactorily explain several key moments in Tatarstan’s relations with the federal center, and that a focus on symbolic politics provides important analytical leverage. I examine three such episodes: aborted plans to introduce a Latin script for the Tatar language in 1999, the expiration of treaty-based relations and the assault on the region’s Tatar-language education policy in 2017, and the institution of the presidency – which exists to this day. In all three cases, interest-based explanations alone fail to account for what actually happened, whereas ideational explanations can help explain and interpret regional leaders’ actions. This has important implications for how we understand regional political dynamics in Russia amidst conditions of centralization.

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12

Elwood, Thomas W. "Politics of the U.S. Federal Budget Process." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 28, no. 1 (April 2008): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/iq.28.1.b.

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13

Bowler, M. Kenneth. "Changing Politics of Federal Health Insurance Programs." PS 20, no. 2 (1987): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419156.

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14

Basinger, Scott, and Maxwell Mak. "The Changing Politics of Federal Judicial Nominations." Congress & the Presidency 37, no. 2 (May 25, 2010): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460903394226.

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Pfiffner, James P. "The Federal Budget: Policy, Process, and Politics." Congress & the Presidency 12, no. 2 (September 1, 1985): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343468509507986.

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16

Binder, Sarah, and Mark Spindel. "Monetary Politics: Origins of the Federal Reserve." Studies in American Political Development 27, no. 1 (February 18, 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x12000120.

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Nearly unique amongst the world's monetary bodies, the Federal Reserve defies description as a central bank. A century after its creation, the Fed retains a hybrid structure of a president-appointed, Senate-confirmed Washington board and twelve largely privately directed regional reserve banks—each of which remains moored in the cities originally selected in 1914. In this article we investigate the origins of the Federal Reserve System, focusing on the selection of the twelve reserve bank cities. In contrast to accounts that suggest politics played no role in the selection of the cities, we suggest that a range of political interests shaped Democrats' choices in designing the reserve system. The result was a decentralized institution that initially proved unable to coordinate monetary policy—a key contributor to the onset of the Great Depression less than two decades later.

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17

Bergman, Carol A. "The Politics of Federal Sentencing on Cocaine." Federal Sentencing Reporter 10, no. 4 (January 1, 1998): 196–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20640076.

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18

Bowler, M. Kenneth. "Changing Politics of Federal Health Insurance Programs." PS: Political Science & Politics 20, no. 02 (1987): 202–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500026019.

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In 1965, when Medicare and Medicaid were enacted, concern about access to the health care system for the elderly and poor overrode concerns about cost. The legislation focused on removing financial barriers to health care for these groups, and implementation of the legislation was a matter of reaching agreements with hospitals and physicians over reimbursement and administrative procedures with the objective of insuring that health care resources would be available to the beneficiaries of these new federal health insurance programs (Wolkstein, 1984).Ideological conflict and the alignment of interest groups are central to understanding the politics of Medicare. The intense disagreement over public versus private financing of medical care, and of universal coverage versus covering only the needy (i.e., social insurance versus charity), were key points of contention that established the context within which Medicare and Medicaid were developed, debated and enacted. Labor unions led the liberal organizations and those representing the elderly in advocating a universal, non-income tested federal health insurance system. The American Medical Association (AMA) led the health industry, business and conservative groups in opposing federal financing of personal health care. The intense opposition of the health providers and political conservatives to a universal federal insurance system led the national health insurance advocates to shift to an incremental strategy, the objective of which was to achieve a universal federal health insurance program in stages, beginning with a payroll-tax-financed Medicare program covering all (not just low income) elderly who were eligible for social security pension benefits.

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Bowler, M. Kenneth. "Changing Politics of Federal Health Insurance Programs." PS 20, no. 2 (1987): 202–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003082690062787x.

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In 1965, when Medicare and Medicaid were enacted, concern about access to the health care system for the elderly and poor overrode concerns about cost. The legislation focused on removing financial barriers to health care for these groups, and implementation of the legislation was a matter of reaching agreements with hospitals and physicians over reimbursement and administrative procedures with the objective of insuring that health care resources would be available to the beneficiaries of these new federal health insurance programs (Wolkstein, 1984).Ideological conflict and the alignment of interest groups are central to understanding the politics of Medicare. The intense disagreement over public versus private financing of medical care, and of universal coverage versus covering only the needy (i.e., social insurance versus charity), were key points of contention that established the context within which Medicare and Medicaid were developed, debated and enacted. Labor unions led the liberal organizations and those representing the elderly in advocating a universal, non-income tested federal health insurance system. The American Medical Association (AMA) led the health industry, business and conservative groups in opposing federal financing of personal health care. The intense opposition of the health providers and political conservatives to a universal federal insurance system led the national health insurance advocates to shift to an incremental strategy, the objective of which was to achieve a universal federal health insurance program in stages, beginning with a payroll-tax-financed Medicare program covering all (not just low income) elderly who were eligible for social security pension benefits.

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20

Gillman, Howard. "How Political Parties Can Use the Courts to Advance Their Agendas: Federal Courts in the United States, 1875–1891." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 511–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402000291.

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This case study of late-nineteenth century federal courts in the United States sheds light on two seemingly unrelated questions of general interest to political scientists: What tools are available to party leaders who seek to institutionalize their policy agendas or insulate those agendas from electoral politics? and How do we account for expansions of judicial power? Using an historical–interpretive analysis of partisan agendas, party control of national institutions, congressional initiatives relating to federal courts, the appointment of federal judges, judicial decision making, and litigation patterns, I demonstrate that the increased power, jurisdiction, and conservatism of federal courts during this period was a by-product of Republican Party efforts to promote and entrench a policy of economic nationalism during a time when that agenda was vulnerable to electoral politics. In addition to offering an innovative interpretation of these developments, I discuss the implications arising from this case study for our standard accounts of partisan politics, political development, and the determinants of judicial decision making.

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Chou, Mark. "Different Levels of Government, Different Levels of Political Competence?" PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 2 (November 13, 2018): 256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518001798.

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ABSTRACTIn federal political systems such as the United States, there has long existed a view that citizens should be more politically competent at the local level than at the federal level of government. Recent studies have challenged this view. This article argues that these findings may reflect only one part of the broader picture. Through a review of two recent studies, I contend that research in this realm must consider more than only the level of government. Odd as this sounds, assumptions about varying levels of political competence at different levels of government have always been premised on the notion that local-level politics is smaller and less complex than federal-level politics. However, when local politics takes place today against the backdrop of small villages and towns as well as in large cities, these are assumptions that must be reevaluated.

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KOMMERS, DONALD P. "The Federal Constitutional Court in the German Political System." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 4 (January 1994): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414094026004004.

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The Federal Constitutional Court is an important policy-making institution in the German political system. As the guardian of the Basic Law, the Constitutional Court has played a critical role in umpiring the federal system, resolving conflicts among branches of the national government, overseeing the process of parliamentary democracy, monitoring the financing of political parties, and reviewing restrictions on basic rights and liberties. In each of these areas, the Court's decisions have shaped the contours of German life and politics. Its influence is fully the equal of that of the Supreme Court in American politics. Despite its “activist” record of nullifying laws favored by legislative majorities, the German Court has managed to retain its institutional independence as well as the trust of the general public.

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Dodek, Adam. "The Politics of the Senate Reform Reference: Fidelity, Frustration, and Federal Unilateralism." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 4 (November 23, 2015): 623–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034050ar.

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References are the most political of cases, almost always involving high profile public policy issues. Frequently, references are brought to obtain rulings on the relationship between the federal government and the provinces. Less frequently, references involve questions of interbranch relations, that is, between two or more of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. The Senate Reform Reference was one of the rare cases that featured each of these three elements. This article analyzes the Senate Reform Reference on several political levels. First, it situates the reference in terms of megaconstitutional politics, the long-held Canadian practice of attempting to resolve constitutional issues through formal and often high-profile negotiations between the federal and provincial governments. Such interactions have been anathema to the Harper government which has preferred unilateral political action to negotiated political agreement. The article then examines interparty politics or the relationship between the Harper government and the opposition parties during the period of minority government (2006–2011). This is the period during which one would have expected the government to bring a reference because of its inability to obtain support from the other parties in the House of Commons and the Senate for its proposed legislation on the Senate. However, it did not. This leads to an examination of the third issue: intra-party politics or the politics within the governing party, the Conservative Party of Canada. Finally, the article discusses legal politics and how the government of Québec essentially forced the federal government’s hand by bringing its own reference to the Québec Court of Appeal. The overarching framework of interbranch politics—the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government—is examined throughout the article.

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Gulley, O. David, and Jahangir Sultan. "Economics, politics and the federal funds markets: does the Fed play politics?" Applied Financial Economics 21, no. 14 (April 11, 2011): 1005–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09603107.2011.562163.

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25

Rich, Michael J. "Distributive Politics and the Allocation of Federal Grants." American Political Science Review 83, no. 1 (March 1989): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956440.

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Understanding the dynamics of policy distribution requires an appreciation of federal grant programs that have achieved a prominent place in nearly all areas of domestic policy. The theoretical literature on distributive politics, however, focuses almost exclusively on a centralized, top-down view of policy distribution. By examining the role of presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats, scholars have ignored participants who have become key actors in the distribution of federal expenditures—the recipient jurisdictions. This analysis of the allocation patterns under six federal programs shows that local governments exert important influences on the distribution of federal grants and that the distributional patterns and their determinants vary over time. The analysis also points out the importance of disaggregation by focusing on programs and recipient jurisdictions, as opposed to total federal expenditures and regions, states, or congressional districts.

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26

Wilson, Patricia A. "The Effects of Politics and Power on The Organizational Commitment of Federal Executives." Journal of Management 21, no. 1 (February 1995): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014920639502100106.

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This research investigates the effects of power and politics on organizational commitment. The study develops two theoretical explanations for organizational commitment in which five independent variables are embodied: (I) a power-based theory of commitment (including subunit power, leadership power, leadership behavior variables); and, (2) theory of politics (including “arbitrary personnel practices”and the “political control”variables). Politics and power are discovered to have a significant effect on the organizational commitment of executives.

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27

Taylor, Jeremy F. "The Federal Reserve and the Problem of Politics." Journal of Investing 5, no. 1 (February 29, 1996): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3905/joi.5.1.59.

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Carp, Robert A., and C. K. Rowland. "Policymaking and Politics in the Federal District Courts." Michigan Law Review 83, no. 4 (February 1985): 965. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1288788.

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29

Ring, Peter Smith, and Howard Ball. "Federal Administrative Agencies: Essays on Power and Politics." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 4, no. 3 (1985): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3324242.

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Leonard, Herman, and Dennis S. Ippolito. "Hidden Spending: The Politics of Federal Credit Programs." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 4, no. 3 (1985): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3324243.

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31

Barker, Kristin Kay. "Federal Maternal Policy and Gender Politics: Comparative Insights." Journal of Women's History 9, no. 2 (1997): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0544.

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32

Abolafia, M. Y. "Framing Moves: Interpretive Politics at the Federal Reserve." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 14, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muh023.

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33

Berman, Eva M. "The Politics of Federal Technology Policy: 1980-1988." Review of Policy Research 10, no. 4 (December 1991): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.1991.tb00277.x.

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Sroufe, Gerald E. "5. Politics of education at the federal level." Journal of Education Policy 9, no. 5 (September 1994): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268093940090509.

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Watters, Elsie M., and Dennis S. Ippolito. "Hidden Spending: The Politics of Federal Credit Programs." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 3 (1985): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151091.

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Walks, R. Alan. "The City-Suburban Cleavage in Canadian Federal Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 383–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905030842.

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Abstract.Despite increasing speculation and attention, as of yet insufficient empirical research has been conducted on the possibility of a political cleavage based on differences between Canadian inner cities and suburbs. This article sheds light on the potential existence of such differences by analyzing federal elections at the level of the constituency from 1945 to 1997. Results show that city-suburban differences in federal party voting did not become significant until the 1980s, and increased after this point, with inner-city residents remaining to the left of the rest of Canada in their party preferences while suburbanites shifted increasingly to the right in their voting patterns. The results obtained from regression analysis suggest that such a divergence cannot be reduced solely to differences in social composition, housing tenure, or region, and thus confirm that it constitutes a ‘true’ political cleavage. It is argued that intra-urban geography needs to taken into account in future analyses of Canadian political behaviour.Résumé.Malgré un intérêt croissant pour la question, il existe encore peu de recherches empiriques sur un possible clivage politique dont les fondements seraient les différences entre les quartiers urbains centraux et les banlieues. Cet article jette un nouvel éclairage sur l'existence possible de ces différences à partir d'une analyse des résultats électoraux dans les circonscriptions fédérales entre 1945 et 1997. Les résultats obtenus indiquent que les différences entre le vote pour les partis politiques fédéraux ne sont devenues significatives que pendant les années 1980, mais qu'elles se sont exacerbées par la suite, les résidents de quartiers centraux demeurant à la gauche de l'échiquier politique tandis que les banlieues votaient de plus en plus à droite. Les résultats de l'analyse de régression suggèrent que ces différences ne sont pas seulement attribuables à la composition sociale, au taux de propriété, ou encore à la région, et constituent par le fait même un “ véritable ” clivage politique. L'auteur conclut que l'analyse géographique intra-urbaine devra être prise en compte dans les analyses futures du comportement politique Canadien.

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Sturm, Roland. "Budgetary politics in the federal republic of Germany." West European Politics 8, no. 3 (July 1985): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424541.

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McNeil, John. "An Overview Curriculum Politics: Local, State, and Federal." NASSP Bulletin 72, no. 509 (September 1988): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019263658807250909.

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Trein, Philipp. "Federal dynamics, solidarity, and European Union crisis politics." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 7 (July 10, 2019): 977–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2019.1640272.

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Feldman, Arthur M. "Federal Politics and the Clinical and Translational Sciences." Clinical and Translational Science 4, no. 6 (December 2011): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1752-8062.2011.00369.x.

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Eisinger, Peter. "City Politics in an Era of Federal Devolution." Urban Affairs Review 33, no. 3 (January 1998): 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107808749803300302.

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Watson, Tara Marie. "The politics of harm reduction in federal prisons." International Journal of Drug Policy 25, no. 5 (September 2014): 916–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2014.06.007.

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Debus, Marc. "Party Competition and Government Formation in Multilevel Settings: Evidence from Germany." Government and Opposition 43, no. 4 (2008): 505–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.00267.x.

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AbstractGoverning in multilevel settings has become a prominent research field in comparative political science. This article asks if German state parties adopt similar ideological positions and coalition strategies to the parties on the federal stage. The results of a content analysis of state and federal election manifestos show that German political parties on the state level indeed adopt different programmatic positions to the federal parties'. Government formation on the state level, however, is not only influenced by the state parties' programmatic viewpoints, but also by the predominant patterns of coalition politics at the federal level.

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Hoye, J. Matthew. "Sanctuary Cities and Republican Liberty." Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (December 11, 2019): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219892362.

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What are sanctuary cities? What are the political stakes? The literature provides inadequate answers. Liberal migration theorists offer few insights into sanctuary city politics. Critical migration scholars primarily address the relationship between sanctuary cities and political activism, a small part of the phenomenon. The historical literature examines continuities between 1970s sanctuary church activism and contemporary sanctuary cities, confusing what is essential to sanctuary churches and what is only sometimes associated with sanctuary cities. Together these approaches obscure more than they reveal. This article suggests a republican account of sanctuary cities. Reconstructing American migration politics from the colonial era onward shows that sanctuary cities have roots in both the colonial republican revolt and the republican principle of freedom as nondomination. That reconstruction reveals much about both sanctuary cities and the federal government’s long-running assault on them. The resulting robust analytical framework clarifies what is at stake in the politics of sanctuary cities: federal sovereignty in migration politics specifically and republican liberty in migration politics generally.

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Vasudeo, Kshipra. "Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 10, 2021): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.407.

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Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.

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BRUNELLO, ANTHONY R., and KENNETH F. LEHRMAN. "Comparative Judicial Politics." Comparative Political Studies 24, no. 3 (October 1991): 267–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414091024003001.

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This article is part of an ongoing project of the authors to systematically compare the policy-making influence of courts in nations with disparate political systems, levels of economic development, and legal traditions. Presented herein is a two-nation comparative case study of the policy influence of the highest courts in the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of India. The general research strategy begins with the premise that judicial decisions are not self-executing and therefore implementation requires the cooperation of others. Courts are forced to rely on other political actors to translate policy decisions into action. From this premise the authors reason that the degree of judicial influence in the policy process of any nation can be roughly gauged by examining the reaction of other actors who, as part of the political environment, are themselves subject to a wide range of political pressures. Using the judicial impact model of Charles A. Johnson, the authors analyze the impact of the courts on university admission policy in the Federal Republic of Germany, and the industrial disputes machinery in the Republic of India.

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Grigoriev, Ivan S., and Kirill Zhirkov. "Do political connections make businesspeople richer? Evidence from Russia, 2003–2010." Research & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 2020): 205316802097943. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020979434.

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Extensive literature shows that businesspeople thrive on political connections. Most research, however, does not differentiate between types of political connection, thus effectively assuming that economic return on being connected should not differ systematically between federal and regional, legislative and executive, formal and informal connections. We collect a unique comprehensive dataset on Russia’s richest businesspeople in 2003–2010 and demonstrate that only certain types of connections work, depending on the political context. Our analysis shows that as Russian politics became centralized and the federal executive more powerful during the 2000s, businesspeople with informal connections to the federal executive increased their fortunes much faster compared with everyone else—including those with any other type of connections. Businesspeople’s wealth thus dynamically reflected these important political changes. This suggests a procedure for inferring nominally unobservable changes in the political system from politically connected businesspeople’s fortunes, while also shedding additional light on the institutional origins of informality in Russian politics today.

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Schneider, Jerrold E. "Monetary Politics: The Federal Reserve and the Politics of Monetary Policy.John T. Woolley." Journal of Politics 47, no. 3 (August 1985): 1024–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131233.

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Ishiyama, J. "The Politics of Appeasement? Politics and Federal Financial Disbursements: The Case of Ethiopia." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 42, no. 1 (November 9, 2010): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjq037.

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HUELSHOFF, MICHAEL G. "Corporatist Bargaining and International Politics." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 1 (April 1992): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025001001.

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International regimes and multinational corporations (MNCs) play active roles in domestic political processes. This article links these international systems variables to corporatist analyses of domestic structural adjustment politics in the Federal Republic of Germany. The interplay of regimes and MNCs with domestic politics is seen in case studies of the German steel and oil refining industries. It is demonstrated that corporatist models should incorporate international-level variables.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Federal politics'

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