Dissertations / Theses: 'Federal politics'

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Curry, Brett W. "The courts, congress, and the politics of federal jurisdiction." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124055554.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 421 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-412). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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Hedges, Jill. "Federal relations and provincial politics in Argentina, 1976-1991." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321248.

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Rodin, Johnny. "Rethinking Russian Federalism : The Politics of Intergovernmental Relations and Federal Reforms." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1152.

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In Russia federalism and the design of federal institutions have been greatly debated topics ever since the beginning of the 1990s. When the newly elected Russian president Vladimir Putin introduced a number of federal reforms in May 2000 it represented the culmination of a debate on federalism that had been triggered by the political and economic crisis of 1998. In many ways these reforms entailed a different perspective on federalism, or in the terminology of this thesis a new “federal paradigm”, from the one that had dominated most of the Yeltsin era. At the same time the relations between federal and regional authorities, often referred to as intergovernmental relations, appeared to become less confrontational and fragmented than before. This work examines this latest stage in the Russian state-building process.

In particular two elements are scrutinized. The first is the shift of federal paradigms that the federal reforms reflected. Combining organisation theory and historical institutionalism it is argued that the origins of federal paradigm shifts often can be traced to the federal system itself. In Russia the failure of the federal system manifested through the political and economic crisis of 1998 changed many governmental actors’ views on federalism. However, it was not until Putin became president that the new federal paradigm could consolidate.

The second element concerns the connections between the new federal paradigm and the mode of intergovernmental relations. This work presents the argument that the way in which federalism is interpreted and conceptualised by governmental actors is important for the variation of intergovernmental relations across and within federal systems. Deriving from federal theory and some comparisons with other federal systems it is concluded that the federal paradigm that Putin represented in his first presidential term was on the whole more conducive for coordinate intergovernmental relations, at least in the short term.

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Fuder, Katja. "No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.

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Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.

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Sammut, Jeremy 1971. "The quest for civic virtue : citizenship and politics in federal Australia." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7610.

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Martin, Alexandra Grace. "Federal Recognition Politics and Collaborative Archaeologists: The Need for a Cultural Consensus." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626620.

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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.

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8

Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.

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Lavelle, Ashley, and n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.

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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.

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Phillips, Stephen. "The demise of universality, the politics of federal income security in Canada, 1978-1993." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0024/NQ38959.pdf.

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Kuhn, Brian M. "The End of the Earmark Era: The New Politicization of Federal Agency Spending." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510834473511441.

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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.

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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.

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Chadman, Steven W. "The national question and federal politics in the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia, 1945-1980." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ44837.pdf.

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Appiah, Daniel. "The politics of traditional-federal state formation and land administration reform in Ghana, 1821-2010." Thesis, University of York, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2647/.

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Imagine a democratic state in Africa where the Presidential-Executive and Parliament are constitutionally restrained from fundamentally reforming the institutions of land ownership and administration without the legal consent of traditional rulers (chiefs). This is the case in Ghana. Using the historical institutional theoretical approach, the study makes an original contribution to our understanding of how the political process of state formation between British colonial state makers and the rulers of traditional states in Ghana produced a type of state that I call the traditional-federal state in 1821-1831. The core legacies of this state are (i) the bifurcation of public authority between chiefs and government in the governance of land and people; and (ii) the complex interaction of informal-legal rules of customary law and formal-legal rules of common law. The study shows how these legacies have shaped institutional reforms within the dual ‘customary’ and ‘public’ sectors of land administration. The study argues that the traditional-federal state has constrained the development of transparent, accountable and efficient institutional framework of land administration. The study helps us to understand the origins and nature of the bifurcation of state authority between chiefs and government over land administration in Ghana. Secondly, the study helps us to understand the nature of institutions of chieftaincy for customary land administration. The study shows that informal-legal customary institutions of land administration are complementary to, and substitute for, the formal-legal institutions of land administration. Thirdly, the study shows that the potential of communal land ownership to promote development could be realized if government, chiefs, and citizens are committed to the creation and enforcement of formal-legal rules of accountable administration that distributes the benefits among stakeholders. Finally, the study reinforces the historical institutionalist argument that the critical juncture of institutional development matters for understanding subsequent endogenous and exogenous sources of institutional change.

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Erk, Can. "A theory of congruence : federalism and institutional change in Belgium and Germany." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37649.

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The main focus of this study is on the question of why political institutions change. By extension, the study is also about explaining and predicting the direction of change. Put simply, the study postulates that political institutions will change in order to be congruent with the society.
Change is analysed within the context of two federal structures, the Federal Republic of Germany and Belgium. During the same time period from 1949 to 1993, one transformed from a unitary state into a loose federation while the decentralised federation consolidated and became central. The puzzle which the research project deals with is about this change: Why did the institutions of 1949 fail to survive?
The prevailing institutionalist logic in comparative politics would suggest that once in place, institutions would have socialised the political actors into the existing structure by providing veto points in such a way that institutions would have been reproduced over time, but this has not been the case. Furthermore, why has change come about in two opposing directions, centralising and decentralising, despite many common characteristics between the two cases?
This study is based on a theory of congruence which argues that political institutions change in order to reflect underlying societal structures. More specifically, the argument is that political institutions in federal structures change to correspond to the ethno-linguistic make-up of the country. Accordingly, the unitary state of Belgium has changed its political institutions in order to accommodate the Flemings, Walloons and Bruxellois; while Federal Germany has centralised many issues despite explicit constitutional clauses against such changes.
According to the theory of congruence, when confronted with an ethno-linguistic structure that does not match the political one, the political structure changes; not automatically, but through the pressure of public policy concerns pursued by political actors. The ethno-linguistic community is the primary collectivity for which public policy decisions are made. The choices available to political actors are constrained by the demarcations of this societal composition. Decision makers might disagree over the substance of the policies, but they share the choice of venue in the form of the ethnolinguistic 'nation'. In case of a discrepancy between the ethno-linguistic societal structure and the political structure, public policy concerns wold exert a pressure towards congruence by demarcating a social collectivity for which policies are made different from the one set up by the political institutions. Thus, if the 'nation' is bigger than the unit that marked off by political institutions, the tendency would be towards amalgamation with the other subunits of the 'nation' and centralisation. If, on the other hand, the 'nation' is smaller than the unit defined by the political institutions, there would be devolutionary pressures on the unitary institutions.
The empirical research was carried out on two policy areas, education and mass media, through a paired comparison of Flanders and Wallonia in Belgium and Baden-Wurttemberg and North Rhine Westphalia in the Federal Republic of Germany.

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Ormerod, Gerald J. "Advocacy Coalition Formation, Mobilization, Sustainment, and Fragmentation: A Case Study of the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA) and the Federal City Project." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2266.

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U.S. military bases and installations represent trillions of dollars of capital investment towards the nation’s defense infrastructure. The Department of Defense, in its response to the end of the Cold War with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, sought to reorganize and optimize this basing infrastructure to meet the emerging threats of the 21st century. A series of nationwide Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) efforts were chartered by Congress to facilitate this task, identifying hundreds of obsolete or unneeded military installations. During the last BRAC effort in 2005, the Naval Support Activity New Orleans was targeted for closure, with its U.S. Navy and Marine Corps tenants to be reassigned elsewhere. In response to this threat, a group of retired military and civilian elites formed a non-profit entity known as the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA), chartered to lobby the BRAC Commission to salvage the West Bank portion of the NSA from closure and establish a new mixed use, public-private Federal City complex in its stead. The purpose of this study was to examine the life cycle of NOFA and its partners in the context of the Federal City project over a ten year period. Interviews of key personnel involved with this coalition revealed remarkable insight into the characteristics associated with its formation, mobilization, sustainment, and fragmentation. The data illustrated the delicate relationship between the military history of New Orleans and its unique culture, and how that culture influenced actor behavior through the varied governing subsystems in the region. As one would expect, local politics dominated the adverse dynamic of the coalition’s solvency, heightened significantly in national visibility by the effects of Hurricane Katrina. The result was the dissolution of the NOFA-centered coalition and the failure of the Federal City project to achieve full maturity.

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Mincoff, Murray. "Canadians in discord : federalism, political community and distinct society in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56922.

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This thesis seeks to explain why Canadians have been unable to reach consensus on the meaning of Canadian citizenship and on the issue of how they relate to one another as citizens. Rather than adopt a longitudinal approach to this dilemma, that is explaining why it has persisted over time, this study focuses on the 1987 Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, and specifically the provision recognizing Quebec as a "distinct society within Canada". This thesis treats the Accord as a microcosm of the larger "Canadian question". Applying the covenantal and compactual traditions in politics to the Canadian experience, this essay argues that the source of Canadian discord lies in the inability to agree on the essential nature of federalism and political community in Canada. This development has made it difficult for citizens to construct covenantal relations which would bind Canadians together in a lasting political arrangement, free of seemingly perennial constitutional "crises".

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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.

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Shaffer, Ryan. "The Federal Judicial Vacancy Crisis: Origins and Solutions." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/321.

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This paper examines the causes of the rise in vacancies on the federal courts in recent decades. Under President Barack Obama, the number of vacancies on the federal courts has sharply jumped. This is due to firm opposition by Senate Republicans, who have used the various procedural tools of that body to make it difficult for nominees to get confirmation. This antagonism is the result of a shift in how the parties view the courts and their role in the American political process. The Warren Court's expansion of substantive due process rights increased the Court's powers to the chagrin of conservatives. Republicans responded by blocking the nomination of Abe Fortas for Chief Justice; Democrats retaliated by defeating several of Richard Nixon's nominees to replace Fortas. These battles, and the prominence of legal issues such as abortion, would culminate in the vicious fight over Ronald Reagan's nomination of Robert Bork to the Court, which influenced increasingly bitter fights in recent decades. I also propose a possible solution to the obstruction problem, inspired by procedures used in jury selection.

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Hardwick, Marie. "The Second Amendment: A States’ Right, for the People, Protected by the Federal Government." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2116.

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This thesis explores the creation of the Second Amendment and how it has been interpreted over time. The purpose of this thesis is to understand present-day debates over gun control and offer an interpretation of the right that best suits the modern era. By analyzing the history of gun ownership in the United States, it is clear that the intention of the Second Amendment was to extend the right to the individual and should not be limited to collective use. As the Bill of Rights was extended to protect the people from state governments, the history of states’ rights in the regulation of firearms should be taken into account. With a country divided in their views on gun control policy, states should maintain the power to regulate arms, with federal courts intervening only when legislation is particularly radical. This thesis offers an interpretation of the Second Amendment best suited for the nation on both historical and practical by investigating the most prominent debates today: individual vs. collective rights, federal vs. states’ rights. With all things considered, this thesis concludes the most suitable interpretation of the Second Amendment for the people is: a right of the people protected, as individuals, from federal infringement, and regulated by the states, that are checked by the federal courts only when deemed necessary.

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Tauber, Andrew E. (Andrew Emanuel). "Tyranny on trial : the politics of natural law and legal positivism in the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10253.

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Barrett, Rebecca G. "From Welfare to Work: the Precursors, Politics, and Policies of Wisconsin and Federal Work-Based Welfare Reform." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337001655.

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Rocha, Pedro Vasconcelos. "Família e o espaço da política : recursos sociais e usos do parentesco no legislativo federal." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/117586.

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Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão.
This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

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Brown, A. J. (Alexander Jonathan), and n/a. "The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003." Griffith University. Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041105.092443.

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Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.

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LaRoque, Kent A. "The 1934 Indian Reorganization Act and Indigenous Governance: A Comparison of Governance of Santa Clara Pueblo and the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Nations — 1991 – 2000." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33849.

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Native American communities are continually impacted by Federal Indian policy. Over one-half of all Native American nations function politically under the provisions of the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (IRA). There are claims that many of these Native American communities experience intra-tribal conflict due to the lack of congruence between the tribal governments formed under the IRA and cultural traditions of governance. This claim was investigated via a comparative trend analysis of the Santa Clara Pueblo, operating politically under the IRA provisions, and the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa, operating under a constitutional form of governance outside of IRA provisions. After an historical analysis, an evaluation of tribal constitutions, and an examination of news media coverage for the period of 1991 – 2000, the project concluded that the legacies of the IRA are not the primary causal agent of intra-tribal conflict.
Master of Arts

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Clarkson, Alexander. "Who is my neighbour? : immigrant politics and Cold War conflict in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1945-1975." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439712.

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Wintour, Timothy W. "The buck starts here| The Federal Reserve and monetary politics from World War to Cold War, 1941-1951." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618842.

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This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American This dissertation examines the role of the Federal Reserve System in the formation and conduct of American foreign relations between the Second World War and the Korean War. Specifically, it seeks to understand why Fed officials willingly subordinated monetary policy to the priorities of war finance during the former conflict, but actively fought for greater policy autonomy during the latter. Using a constructivist bureaucratic politics approach to foreign policy analysis it examines how American central bankers understood the economic and political implications of both domestic and international policy developments. Drawing upon the perceived lessons of the interwar years, Fed officials believed that economic prosperity was a critical feature of a stable and peaceful international system. At the same time, however, they believed the situation was more complicated than a simplistic causal relationship whereby greater domestic growth resulted in greater international peace and prosperity. Instead, central bankers recognized that events in either the domestic or international political or economic arenas, if improperly handled, threatened to upset the delicate balance between prosperity and peace. The belief in these fundamental interconnections, while often not explicitly expressed, provided a coherent and logical guide to Fed policy, during the era, informing many of its internal debates and positions. This dissertation, therefore, represents the first attempt to understand the role of the American Federal Reserve System as an active participant in foreign policy-making, including its involvement in the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, as well as discussions over the 1946 British Loan, and the Marshall Plan. Additionally, this study bridges the gap between domestic and foreign affairs, demonstrating the critical interrelationships between those two areas.

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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.

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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.

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Wintour, Timothy W. "The Buck Starts Here: The Federal Reserve and Monetary Politics from World War to Cold War, 1941-1951." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1383927017.

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30

Xenofonte, Maria Isomar da Silva. "PolÃticas PÃblicas da EducaÃÃo e da SaÃde na Maternidade Escola Assis Chateaubriand da Universidade Federal do CearÃ: a percepÃÃo dos atuais gestores." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5365.

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nÃo hÃ
O espaÃo econÃmico e institucional que envolve o setor da saÃde tem experimentado profundas transformaÃÃes no Brasil, seguindo, tardiamente, a tendÃncia dos paÃses desenvolvidos, embora em condiÃÃes histÃricas e institucionais e, portanto, estruturais bastante especÃficas. No Brasil, os instrumentos de regulamentaÃÃo do setor da saÃde ainda estÃo nos estÃgios primordiais de concepÃÃo e aplicaÃÃo. Os hospitais universitÃrios, mesmo caracterizados de hospitais-escola nÃo tÃm conseguido fugir dessas amarras, haja vista necessitarem de recursos para se manterem funcionando. Hoje vivem em meio a uma crise financeira e de gestÃo: faltam recursos humanos e materiais e leitos hospitalares. No caso da Universidade Federal do CearÃ, com dois hospitais-escola, o Hospital UniversitÃrio Walter CantÃdio e a Maternidade Escola Assis Chateaubriand,a situaÃÃo nÃo parece ser diferente. Desde 2009, este Complexo Hospitalar, passa por processo de reestruturaÃÃo, no intuito de encontrar alternativas para viabilizar de forma expressiva o cumprimento da sua missÃo e da sua funÃÃo social. Diante deste contexto, fez-se recorte no horizonte da crÃtica e buscou-se responder Ã seguinte questÃo: a MEAC tem cumprido sua funÃÃo social no tocante Ã efetivaÃÃo das polÃticas pÃblicas do MinistÃrio da EducaÃÃo e da SaÃde, assegurando as condiÃÃes necessÃrias, a assistÃncia hospitalar humanizada com qualidade em relaÃÃo ao binÃmio mÃe-filho e ao mesmo tempo articulando ensino, pesquisa e extensÃo na graduaÃÃo e pÃs-graduaÃÃo? Deste modo, o objetivo geral deste estudo Ã identificar as possibilidades reais de efetivaÃÃo das polÃticas pÃblicas da educaÃÃo e da saÃde no cotidiano da MEAC na visÃo dos seus atores sociais. O estudo se insere na abordagem qualitativa de pesquisa com modalidade tÃcnica do estudo de caso e adotou como referÃncia os relatÃrios de gestÃo institucional do perÃodo de 2003 a 2009 e aplicaÃÃo de questionÃrio sobre Ã efetivaÃÃo das polÃticas pÃblicas da educaÃÃo e da saÃde na MEAC. Como sujeitos da pesquisa contou-se com os gestores docentes e tÃcnico-administrativos da MEAC, no total de vinte componentes. Em parte, os dados revelaram o cumprimento das polÃticas pÃblicas da educaÃÃo e da saÃde na MEAC, alicerÃados no planejamento estratÃgico e na gestÃo participativa, apesar de marcada, ainda, por algumas deficiÃncias a serem corrigidas em planos de gestÃo futuros.
The economic and institutional space that involves the health sector has been go through deep transformations in Brazil, lazily following the tendency of developed countries, in cultural and historic conditions and, thus, structural specifics enough. In Brazil, the health sector adjustment ways are on their earlier stages of conception and application. The university hospitals, even characterized as school-hospitals canât find an escape from these protections, once they need resources to keep working. Today they live in the middle of financial and management crises: there arenât human and materials resources and hospital beds. About the Federal University of CearÃ case, with two school-hospitals, with the, University Hospital Walter CantÃdio and the other Maternity School Assis Chateaubriand, the situation doesnât seem to be different. This hospital complex, currently, is going through a restructuring process since 2009, trying to find alternatives to enable, in an expressive way, the accomplishment of its mission and its social function. Before this context, a selection was made on the critiqueâs horizon and it was tried to answer this question: the Maternity School Assis Chateaubriand has been accomplished its social function according the Health and Education State Departmentâs public politics execution, making sure the indispensable conditions, the hospital assistance humanized, with quality concerning the mother-child binomial and, at the same time, articulating instruction, research and extension on the graduation and post graduation? By this way, the principal objective of this study is identify the real possibilities of the execution of the health and instruction public politics at the MEAC quotidian in theirs social author vision. This study is inserted on the qualitative approach research with the technical modality of the case study and adopted as references the institutional management written reports between the years 2003 and 2009 and questionnaires about the instruction and health public politician accomplishment on MEAC were applied. As the respondent of the research, were twenty components as manager professors and administrative-technicists from MEAC. In part, the data showed compliance with the policies of education and health in the MEAC, grounded in strategic planning and participatory management, despite marked also by some deficiencies to be corrected in future management plans.

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31

Arteaga, Cano Issac Armando. "Recent development of transparency and access to information at the federal level in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112323.

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Transparency and access to information have become important elements of the Mexican political transition. The goal of this study is to contribute to the debate on those fields by: first, providing a theoretical framework that helps to understand the notions of transparency and access to information and their linkage to a democratic regime; second, by offering an account of the institutions that preceded the enactment of this norm; and third, explaining the legislative work that led to the approval of the Transparency and Access to Governmental Information Federal Law (LFTAIPG) in Mexico in 2002. This thesis/paper argues that the LFTAIPG can be seen as the result of the liberalization of the Mexican regime, and as a product of the political transition by promoting accountability in the federal government.

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32

Hinkle, Rachael K. "Does Advocacy Matter? Examining the Impact of Attorney Expertise in Federal Courts." Connect to Online Resource-OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1196706788.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toledo, 2007.
Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for The Master of Arts in Political Science." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 50-55.

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33

Justiss, Charnita Spring. "Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/.

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Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.

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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.

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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.

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35

Medeiros, Antônio Carlos de. "Politics and intergovernmental relations in Brazil, 1964-1982." New York : Garland, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13701466.html.

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Arantes, Fabiano José Ferreira. "Formação de professores nas licenciaturas do Instituto Federal Goiano: políticas , currículos e docentes." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2013. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/3397.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
This work has as the theme teacher formation, and its objective is to analyze the process of teachers’ formation in licentiate degree at the Goiano Federal Institute, from politics, curriculum and professors who compose the courses. The assumption that guides the analysis is that these courses present character of teacher formationfor bachelor's degree programs. Nowadays, the offering of these courses, especially the ones in the area of natural sciences and mathematics, is a reality of the expansion of the government politics for teacher formation. In order to reveal the object, it was decided to use two methodological strategies: a) proposition of questionnaires, b) analysis of documents such as: curriculum matrices of licentiate courses, pedagogical projects of course, official texts of the Goiano Federal Institute and of the National Council of Education. The investigation has as a reference licentiate courses in mathematics, biological sciences and chemistry of the five functioning campuses that compose the Goiano Federal Institute as well as the teachers working on them. What motivates developing this study about the courses of teacher formation in the context of the Goiano Federal Institute is to know: In what perspective these courses are being implemented? These courses are organized as licentiate degree? The curricular matrices and the pedagogical projects of these courses have as reference teacher formation? The professional profile of the teachers who work in these courses has, as reference, education, teacher formation? Seeking to answer, the study is organized in four chapters. In order to approach the understanding of these issues, the work performs an initial discussion about teacher formation, discussing its prospects and the specificities that compose teaching, in order to reflect on a formation not redemptive. The investigation begins from studies of official documents that discuss the politics of teaching formation in the country, the curriculum matrices and the pedagogical projects. Destined to know their teachers, questionnaires are applied to them. The research allows us to observe that the courses are organized under different perspectives, their matrices, mostly from the quantitative point of view shows some concentration in specific areas, presented a formation very close to the 3 +1 model, there is a dissonance as to what is proposed in the pedagogical courses and their matrices with respect to teacher training, and that the profile of the teachers who work in the courses is related to licentiate degree. The consolidation of the Goiano Federal Institute as a space of offering of licentiate courses is related to the necessity of proposing specific politics for teacher formation, from a crucial review of its matrices, a deep discussion of their courses projects, incentives to the research in the education area and objective actions in the process of teacher formation. Otherwise, there is the risk of getting lost along the way in consequence of the diffusion of its performance as an active institution in distinct levels and types of education.
Este trabalho tem como tema a formação docente e por objetivo analisar o processo de formação de professores nas licenciaturas do Instituto Federal Goiano, a partir das políticas, currículo e docentes que compõem os cursos. O pressuposto que rege as análises é que esses cursos apresentam caráter de formação docente a favor da construção de cursos de bacharelado. Atualmente a oferta desses cursos, especialmente os da área de ciências da natureza e matemática, é uma realidade da expansão da política governamental para formação de professores. No intuito de revelar o objeto, optou-se pela utilização de duas estratégias metodológicas: proposição de questionários e análise de documentos, como: matrizes curriculares dos cursos de licenciatura, projetos pedagógicos de curso, textos oficiais do Instituto Federal Goiano e do Conselho Nacional de Educação. A investigação toma como referência os cursos de licenciatura em matemática, ciências biológicas e química dos cinco câmpus em funcionamento que compõem o Instituto Federal Goiano, bem como os professores atuantes nos mesmos. O que motiva desenvolver esse estudo sobre os cursos de formação de professores no âmbito do Instituto Federal Goiano é buscar conhecer: Em que perspectiva vêm sendo implementados esses cursos? Esses cursos estão organizados como licenciaturas? As matrizes curriculares e os projetos pedagógicos desses cursos têm como referência a formação de professores? O perfil profissional dos docentes que atuam nestes cursos tem como referência o ensino e a formação de professores? Buscando responder, o estudo está organizado em quatro capítulos. Para se aproximar da compreensão destas questões, realiza-se inicialmente uma discussão acerca da formação docente, abordando suas perspectivas e as especificidades que compõem o oficio docente, visando refletir sobre uma formação não redentora. Inicia-se a investigação a partir de estudos dos documentos oficiais que discutem as políticas de formação docente no país e análise das matrizes curriculares e dos projetos pedagógicos dos cursos de licenciatura do IF Goiano. Destinando-se conhecer seus professores são aplicados questionários junto aos mesmos. A pesquisa permite observar que os cursos estão organizados sob perspectivas diferentes, suas matrizes, em sua maioria, do ponto de vista quantitativo demonstram certa concentração em áreas especificas, apresentado uma formação muito próxima ao modelo 3+1, que há uma dissonância quanto ao que se propõe nos projetos pedagógicos de cursos e suas matrizes com relação a formação de professores, que o perfil dos professores que atuam nos cursos é de licenciados. A consolidação do Instituto Federal Goiano como espaço de oferta de cursos de licenciatura está relacionada com a necessidade de se proporem políticas específicas para a formação docente, a partir da indispensável revisão de suas matrizes, discussão profunda de seus projetos de cursos, incentivo à pesquisa no campo da educação e ações objetivas no processo de formação de professores. Caso contrário, corre-se o risco de se perder no caminho, em consequência da difusão de sua atuação como instituição atuante em níveis e modalidades de ensino distintas.

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Dantas, Bruna Suruagy do Amaral. "Religião e política: ideologia e ação da Bancada Evangélica na Câmara Federal." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/16946.

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In Brazil, the Evangelical churches have entered into the political sphere and have consolidated their strength in the national scenario. Today, they are relevant political players that have power to interfere in the parliament s decisions, and it is no longer possible to ignore their presence in the public space. The interest in politics has expanded so much that Pentecostal denominations of significant importance in the religious field have started to have political assistance regarding the development of electoral strategies, thus enabling the amplification of parliamentary representation and the acquisition of elective offices in the municipal, state and federal spheres. In this way, they started to hold positions of power and became political agents of national significance. In view of the growth of the Evangelical parliamentary representation in Congress, the present study aims to investigate the system of political-religious ideologies of the Evangelical congressmen, in the 2007/2011 term of office. The methodological procedure was semi-structured interviews with congressmen and assistants. Data analysis, based on the concept of ideology developed by Ignacio Martín-Baró, revealed that the members of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front present in their speeches the following ideological presuppositions: the myth of unity and consensus, the denial of antagonism, the commitment to generic representation, the normalization of politics, the conservation of the instituted morality, the preservation of the status quo and the combat against the transformation of the legislative code
No Brasil, as igrejas evangélicas têm ingressado na esfera político-partidária e consolidado sua força no cenário nacional. Atualmente, são atores políticos relevantes, que possuem poder para interferir nas decisões do parlamento, não sendo mais possível ignorar sua presença no espaço público. O interesse pela política expandiu-se tanto que denominações pentecostais de expressiva importância no campo religioso passaram a contar com uma assessoria política que lhes orienta no desenvolvimento de estratégias eleitorais, propiciando, assim, a ampliação da representação parlamentar e a conquista de cargos eletivos nas esferas municipal, estadual e federal. Dessa maneira, começaram a ocupar posições de poder, convertendo-se em agentes políticos de expressividade nacional. Em vista do crescimento da representação parlamentar evangélica na Câmara Federal, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar o sistema de ideologias político-religiosas dos deputados federais evangélicos, na legislatura de 2007/2011. Para tanto, utilizou-se como procedimento metodológico a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com parlamentares e assessores. A análise dos dados, realizada com base no conceito de ideologia desenvolvido por Ignacio Martín-Baró, revelou que os integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica apresentam em seus discursos os seguintes pressupostos ideológicos: o mito da unidade e do consenso, a negação do antagonismo, o compromisso com a representação genérica, a normatização da política, a conservação da moralidade instituída, a preservação do status quo e o combate à transformação do código legislativo

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Ouma, Steve Odero. "Federalism as a peacemaking device in Sudan's interim national constitution." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.

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39

Jacobs, Thomas Alexander. "CONTINUING RESOLUTIONS: THE INFLUENCE OF TEMPORARY SPENDING RESTRICTIONS ON MONTHLY EXPENDITURE PATTERNS OF FEDERAL AGENCIES." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/12.

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The federal fiscal year runs from October 1 to September 30, and many federal agencies rely on annual appropriations to fund activities and programs. Nonetheless, the federal government often enters a new fiscal year without a fully approved budget, which actuates the requirement for a temporary means of funding government operations. Congress and the president provide provisional resources by way of continuing resolutions which enable the operation of government programs until regular appropriations are enacted. However, continuing resolutions are restrictive by design and may have unintended effects on government spending behavior beyond the timeframe to which the resolutions apply. This study explores the relationship between the uncertainty generated by the implementation of continuing appropriations and the modification of expenditure behavior in federal agencies. After a summary of the federal budget process and a survey of the literature related to continuing resolutions, a model of agency spending is presented. The associated theory explores suppositions related to ex ante and ex post reactions of agency officials to: (1) a one-time occurrence of continuing resolutions, and (2) an environment of regularly occurring continuing resolutions. Afterward, event study methods are applied to a subset of federal monthly obligation data to reveal patterns of spending which are suggestive of: (1) a saving-dissaving approach to compensate for the restrictive nature of continuing resolutions, and (2) the presence of signaling mechanisms between higher echelons of the federal government and subordinate agencies. A second quantitative chapter builds on the idea that federal agencies engage in expense shifting in anticipation of the enactment of continuing resolutions. An agenda setting framework is used to demonstrate how agencies monitor particular sources of the federal budget process to gain insight to the likelihood of continuing appropriations being enacted. Findings show that decision-makers may be able to determine the relevancy of particular budgetary signals within the congressional budgetary scheme.

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40

Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.

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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.

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Daley, Cara J. "Moving Away From Regulation and Legislation: Solving the Network Neutrality Debate During Obama’s Presidency." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/13.

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This paper examines the Net neutrality, or argument that the Internet should remain and open and equal platform, debate in the United States up to November 2010. After critically examining the past regulatory and legislative efforts, the feasibility of alternate solutions invested in protecting citizens' interests is examined.

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Cervo, Karina Socal. "O direito fundamental ao trabalho na Constituição Federal de 1988." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2008. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/289.

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Esta dissertação tem por objeto o direito fundamental ao trabalho e suas múltiplas dimensões. Na Constituição Federal de 1988, o trabalho é um dos fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito (art. 1º, IV), um direito fundamental a prestações (art. 6º), um fundamento da ordem econômica (art. 170, caput) e base da ordem social (art. 193). Não obstante essa posição normativamente destacada, a Constituição não especificou o conteúdo e alcance do direito fundamental ao trabalho. A especificação requer um trabalho analítico e construtivo dos intérpretes da Constituição. Nesta investigação, utiliza-se o método analítico, priorizando-se o estudo dogmático do direito fundamental ao trabalho, com os materiais das fontes do direito, da literatura especializada e da jurisprudência. Estuda-se cada uma das dimensões em que se pode desdobrar o direito fundamental ao trabalho, ou seja, enquanto direito de defesa, de proteção, à organização e ao procedimento e a prestações em sentido estrito. Delimita-se o conteúdo mínimo do direito fundamental ao trabalho, aquilo que prima facie pode ser exigido do Estado. Identificase a estreita conexão existente entre o direito fundamental ao trabalho e o princípio da dignidade humana. Demonstra-se que esta é afetada quando não se reconhece e promove o real valor daquele. A promoção e efetivação do direito ao trabalho implicam o auxílio à compensação das desigualdades sociais, no exercício da liberdade e da igualdade reais e efetivas e, por conseqüência, na fruição da vida digna. No entanto, não basta reconhecer ao trabalho o valor de direito fundamental, é preciso torná-lo viável. Nesse contexto, analisam-se as principais políticas públicas hoje existentes na área do direito ao trabalho. Políticas públicas sistemáticas, eficazes e abrangentes são condição necessária para a satisfação do direito fundamental ao trabalho.
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This dissertation has as object the basic right for work and its multiple dimensions. In the Federal Constitution of 1988, the work is one of the beddings of the Democratic State of Right (art. 1º, IV), a basic right the installments (article 6º), a bedding of the economic order (article 170, caput) and base of the social order (article 193). Not withstanding this position normativelly detached, the Constitution did not specify the content and range of the basic right for work. The specification requires an analytical and constructive work of the Constitution interpreters. In this inquiry, the analytical method is used, priorizing the dogmatic study of the basic right for work, with the materials from the sources of law, specialized literature and jurisprudence. Each one of the of basic right for work dimensions was studied where it can be unfold, that is, while right of protection, counsel, organization and to procedure and installment in strict sense. The minimum content of the basic right to the work is delimited, what prima facie can be demanded from State. Narrow existing connection is identified between the basic right for work and the principle of the human being dignity. It demonstrates that one is affected when the real value of another is not recognized and promoted. The promotion and effectiveness of the right for work imply the aid to compensation of social inequalities, in exercise of real and effective freedom and of equality and, consequently, in the enjoyment of life dignity. However, it is not enough to recognize work as the value of basic right, but is necessary to become it viable. In this context, the main today existing public politics in the area of right for work are analyzed. Systematic, efficient and including public politics are necessary condition for the satisfaction of basic right for work.

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43

Wiencek, Henry. ""An alien or a Frenchman or an Irishman" William Duane, the Federalists and conflicting definitions of national identity in early American politics /." Diss., Connect to the thesis (Haverford College Users Only), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1464.

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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.

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COSTA, Jose Vinicius da. "Evasão no PROEJA: um estudo de diagnóstico no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de Mato Grosso – Campus Cuiabá (2007-2015)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18607.

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Qual o retrato da evasão dos cursos na modalidade integrado do Programa Nacional de Integração da Educação Profissional à Educação Básica na Modalidade Jovens e Adultos (PROEJA) no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de Mato Grosso (IFMT) – Campus Cuiabá/Octayde Jorge da Silva? O objetivo desta pesquisa é realizar um diagnóstico exploratório da evasão do PROEJA no IFMT – Campus Cuiabá, entre os anos 2007 a 2015. O desenho de pesquisa combina estatística descritiva dos dados colhidos junto à instituição de interesse e entrevistas semiestruturada para testar a hipótese de que a avaliação da implementação do PROEJA no IFMT – Campus Cuiabá apontam para uma alta taxa evasão ligados a fatores próprios do contexto da prática. Os resultados encontrados são: 1) a média da evasão nos cursos modalidade integrado do PROEJA no IFMT – Campus Cuiabá foi de 77% (setenta e sete por cento) com a maior proporção do abandono ocorrendo nos três primeiros semestres dos cursos; 2) desigualdades estão sendo criadas ou reproduzidas pelo programa, na medida em que se observa um menor acesso e permanência de mulheres e a prevalência de fixação de discentes com idade menor do que 31 (trinta e um) anos; 3) a percepção dos agentes envolvidos na ponta da política em análise (gestores, professores e alunos) assinalam que a incidência da evasão estão ligados a fatores de trabalho/emprego; questões pessoais dos discentes; desnivelamento dos discentes quando acessam o PROEJA e durante o transcorrer do curso; a insuficiente capacitação dos docentes e preparação do órgão para oferecer o programa; desconhecimento da base legal e teórica do PROEJA por parte dos atores executores do programa; estrutura inadequada para realização, por parte dos discentes, de algumas atividades pedagógicas e técnicas; falta da devida adaptação da instituição ao público diferenciado do PROEJA; aparente descompromisso com as atribuições profissionais, por parte de alguns professores, que faltam as aulas que são de sua responsabilidade; o acesso ao estágio na área, tendo em vista a sua baixa remuneração; as duas greves deflagradas pela representação sindical local no período analisado.
What is the portrait of the evasion of the courses in the modality integrated of the National Program of Integration of the Professional Education to the Basic Education in the Modality Youth and Adults (hereby PROEJA) in the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of Mato Grosso (hereby IFMT) – Campus Cuiabá/Octayde Jorge da Silva? The aim of this research is to make an exploratory diagnosis of the evasion of PROEJA in IFMT – Campus Cuiabá, between the years of 2007 to 2015. The research outline combines descriptive statistics of the data collected together with the institution of interest and the semi-structured interview to test the hypothesis that the evaluation of the implementation of PROEJA in IFMT – Campus Cuiabá point to a high dropout rate related to factors specific of the context practice. The results found are: 1) the average of the evasion in the courses modality integrated of the PROEJA in IFMT – Campu Cuiabá was 77% (seventy-seven per cent); 2) inequalities are being created or reproduced by the program, as can be observed a lower access or permanency of women and the prevalence of setting of students with age smaller than 31 (thirty-one) years old; 3) the perception of the involved agents in the tip of the politic in analysis (managers, teachers and students) point that the incidence of the evasion are linked to factors of work/job; personal matters of the students; unevenness of students when access the PROEJA and during the course; the insufficient capacitation of teachers and preparation of the organ to offer the program; unawareness of the legal and theoretic basis of PROEJA by the actors performers of the program; inadequate structure to the realization, by the students, of some pedagogical and technical activities; lack of the proper adaptation of the institution to the differentiated public of PROEJA; seemingly lack of commitment with the professional attribution, by some teachers, that missed the classes that were their responsibility; the access to the internship in the area, having a low payment; the two strikes triggered by the local syndical representation in the analyzed period.

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46

Roy, Christian. "Alexandre Marc and the personalism of l'Ordre nouveau 1920-1940." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66083.

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Heath, Karen Patricia. "Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.

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This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.

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Taffe, Sue (Sue Elizabeth) 1945. "The Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders : the politics of inter-racial coalition in Australia, 1958-1973." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8964.

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Peake, Samuel John. "The politics of vocational education : a study of the introduction of the Basic Vocational Training Year in the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1991. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018560/.

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The theme of the research is the developments in education, particularly with refence to vocational education in the Federal Republic of Germany. During the 1950s the FGR underwent an economic miracle in the area of reconstruction following the devastation of the war years. As economic stability returned to the Republic the move towards reform in the educational sector began to develop. Whilst under occupation, the military authorities in each zone had supervised the reconstruction of the education system per se, but with little regard for the vocational sector, tending to leave that area to those who controlled its development in the past, namely the employers and their respective Chambers i.e. Industry and Handicraft. As the debate progressed over the form that the new educational system should take, it became apparent that there were almost irreconciable differences between the models favoured by the opposing political factions. Whilst the right wing looked to the past in the formation of its policies, as illustrated by the perpetuation of the old tripartite system, the left were seeking to broaden the educational choice of the majority who were restricted in their participation in higher education under both the existing and preceding systems. As the balance of power in the LAnder and Bund shifted during the late 1950s and early 1960s so the educational plans were modified. The left initially sought to influence general education in the political arenas, but later turned to the vocational education sector and the Berufsschule in order to increase the element of general education included in the curriculum. It was during this period that, on the one hand, the left were seeking to introduce the concept of equality of educational opportunity both in the general education system and the vocational sector, on the other hand, the right equally determined to maintain the status quo, that a further argument was being presented by the academics and social scientists. Namely, that the education system had lost sight of the traditional German values of neo-humanistic Bildung in its pursuit of a materialistic society. It is in the light of these widely differing views that the introduction of the Basic Vocational Training Year and the corresponding legal and political arguments surrounding its introduction are examined to establish its validity as a solution to the problems of the various participants in the debate.

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Baum, Christopher J. "Flying Under the Radar: the Politics of Low-visibility Retrenchment. A Case Study Involving the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103469.

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Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao
This paper discusses the forces driving variation in the success of state pension system retrenchment. Two case studies are presented: the United Kingdom’s largely successful effort in 1986, and Germany’s less than stellar effort in 2001. After examining the general impact of institutional effects, ideology, path dependency, and demographic pressures on retrenchment, the importance of these factors in each country is discussed. These two countries are particularly enlightening due to their prototypical natures and opposing democratic traditions. One objective of this paper is to explain an unexpected outcome: the successful retrenchment produced in a low-pressure environment in the U.K., and ineffective reform in Germany in a high-pressure environment. This discussion frames the factors that determine successful retrenchment as such: whether a government has the ‘will,’ or motive, to retrench, whether it has the capability to do so, and whether it has the awareness and acumen to implement low-visibility strategies. I find that low-visibilities are extremely important to success in this area, and due to the nature of pension policy, the implications of this conclusion may be applicable to other policy-making challenges
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Federal politics'

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