Journal articles on the topic 'Federal government – Philosophy'
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1
Ritchie, Donald A. "Oral History in the Federal Government." Journal of American History 74, no. 2 (September 1987): 587. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1900141.
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Butkiewicz, James. "EUGENE MEYER AND THE GERMAN INFLUENCE ON THE ORIGIN OF US FEDERAL FINANCIAL RESCUES." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 37, no. 1 (February 12, 2015): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837214000741.
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While federal financial rescues have become a common response to crises, the federal provision of finance was not one of the original powers of the federal government. One man, Eugene Meyer, is largely responsible for the origin of federal financial rescues, through both the War Finance Corporation and Reconstruction Finance Corporation. Meyer learned laissez-faire economics from William Graham Sumner at Yale. However, German economist Adolph Wagner’s state-socialism philosophy heavily influenced Meyer’s thinking, and Meyer developed an interventionist philosophy. Serving in key government positions, Meyer put his beliefs into practice. These channels of influence and the resulting policies are examined.
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Tinnevelt, Ronald. "Federal world government: The road to peace and justice?" Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 220–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712443173.
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Within contemporary legal and political philosophy there is nothing more unpopular than defending a world state. It seems food for thought for writers like Huxley or Wells, but not a topic that deserves serious philosophical reflection. Fortunately, there are exceptions to this general rule. Theorists such as Höffe, Cabrera, Deudney and Yunker defend a version of a multilayered minimal world state – a model based on the dual principles of federalism and subsidiarity. The focus of this article is on the very fragile balance that proponents of this model have to keep between a simultaneous need for centralization and decentralization. On the basis of a critical analysis of the work of these theorists, it is argued in this article that the safeguards these authors defend to prevent a bloating of government themselves contain a tendency to hierarchical centralization. While some form of world state might be necessary to cope with the challenges posed by globalization, it is essential to discuss the shape and competences of the world state much more critically and in more detail than has been the case in the past.
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De Schutter, Helder. "Federalism as Fairness in Ethiopia." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 5 (October 28, 2021): 811–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10045.
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Abstract In this contribution I apply the normative political theory of multinational federalism to the case of Ethiopia. Can the political philosophy of multinational federalism ground Ethiopian federalism, and does Ethiopia satisfy its moral demands? To do so, I examine the Ethiopian federal system from the perspective of four desiderata of multinational federalism: (1) national-cultural self-government, (2) solidarity, (3) central government, and (4) linguistic justice. While Ethiopia’s federal structure has scored well with respect to (1) national-cultural self-government and (2) solidarity, it does face problems of (3) federal togetherness and (4) recognition of internal linguistic minorities. In the article several ways to overcome the two last-mentioned problems are suggested, although the article places these problems in perspective, as they trouble many multinational federal states.
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Klein, Susan S. "How can the federal government help education-related clearinghouses?" Knowledge in Society 3, no. 2 (March 1990): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687225.
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Vietor, Richard H. K., and John G. Clark. "Energy and the Federal Government: Fossil Fuel Policies, 1900-1946." Journal of American History 74, no. 4 (March 1988): 1368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894479.
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Jr., Hanes Walton, and Desmond King. "Separate and Unequal: Black Americans and the US Federal Government." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952980.
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Huefner, Dixie Snow. "Severely Handicapped Infants with Life-Threatening Conditions: Federal Intrusions Into the Decision Not To Treat." American Journal of Law & Medicine 12, no. 2 (1986): 171–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800008753.
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AbstractIn recent years the federal government has attempted to intervene in certain family-medical decisions to withhold treatment from seriously handicapped newborns with life-threatening conditions. Invoking section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which prohibits discrimination against “otherwise qualified handicapped” individuals, the Reagan Administration promulgated regulations allowing federal government investigations of such decisions. Recently, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld lower court decisions invalidating these “Baby Doe” regulations. The federal government's fall-back position is reflected in the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Amendments of 1984, requiring states accepting funds under the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act to establish and maintain procedures to assure that cases of medical neglect of handicapped infants are investigated by the states. Although the primary oversight of parental decision-making has been returned to the states where it has traditionally belonged, the federal government's definition of medical neglect of handicapped infants with life-threatening conditions is an ethically inadequate response to the complex needs of the handicapped child, the family, the medical profession, and society as a whole. After examining the relevance of Kantian, utilitarian, and Rawlsian ethical positions, the author contends that an effective governmental policy, capable of enforcement and acceptance by the public, must utilize the strengths of each philosophy and reflect the pragmatism of American society.
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Yunker, James A. "Federal world government at the dawn of the third millennium: Old challenges and new opportunities." World Futures 56, no. 1 (August 2000): 41–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.2000.9972793.
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Dholakia, Ravindra H. "Regional Imbalance under Federal Structure: A Comparison of Canada and India." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 31, no. 4 (October 2006): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920060401.
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The problem of regional disparity in economic development in geographically large democratic countries gets inseparably linked with macro public policies and the economic philosophies behind them. Two such countries, India and Canada, are considered in this paper. Although the two countries share several common features, they differ considerably in the size of the population, nature of the federation, constitutional provisions defining property rights on minerals and revenue sharing arrangements between the centre and the states, and the economic philosophy behind the macro policies of the governments. This paper addresses the issue of regional imbalance under federal structure in a comparative perspective. The following variables are used to analyse the regional problem: worker rate capital productivity capital intensity industrial structure. The paper argues that free and barrier-less mobility of population and goods across the states in Canada has resulted in the regional problem getting diluted and less intense. In India, on the other hand, the economic philosophy behind macro policies has throughout been of direct intervention with emphasis on ensuring equity across regions. As a result, the problem of fiscal transfers from the centre to the states has become more complicated and less manageable in India than in Canada. The degree of autonomy and economic independence of provinces is far more in Canada than the states in India. Studies of regional disparity in the levels and rates of economic development in the two countries revealed that: capital intensity or capital-labour ratio was the major determinant of the regional disparity in the level of economic development technology or capital productivity was the main factor behind the disparity in regional growth rates. The government policies have to consider these findings while investing or encouraging investments in the lagging regions. The other revelations of the study are as follows: In India, the federal-fiscal transfers are used as a mechanism to address the regional problem through direct governmental intervention. In Canada, most tax-bases are directly shared by the centre and provinces with the rates differing. In India, the tax-bases are allocated to the centre and states by the constitution. The horizontal and vertical equity concepts are more relevant for Canada where both the layers of governments run in surplus and are not compelled to borrow in order to meet expenditures. In India, on the other hand, a majority of the states depend on the central government for borrowing due to their perennial deficits. In Canada, the provinces and the centre directly borrow from the market as per their credibility which is not the case in India where most states lack credibility in the market. Confusion regarding the notion of horizontal balance and regional equity leads the Indian political system to focus on the direct governmental intervention rather than market orientation. The Canadian experience suggests an urgent need to change the attitude, mindset, and philosophy behind the macro policies to achieve better and faster results on regional disparity reduction.
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Grotrian, Etta. "Kontroversen um die Deutungshoheit Museumsdebatte, Historikerstreit und ,,neue Geschichtsbewegung“ in der Bundesrepublik der 1980er Jahre." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 61, no. 4 (2009): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007309789346515.
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AbstractIn the 1980s, identity was a key concept in historical political debates in the Federal Republic of Germany. But this identity discourse comprised not only the publicly fought Historikerstreit (Historians' Debate) and the discussion of plans by the federal government to establish two major history museums, but also the conflict with the ,,new history movement“, which developed as a counterpoint to the field of history at the universities.
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Schneider, Eric C., and Richard K. Caputo. "Welfare and Freedom American Style: The Role of the Federal Government, 1900-1940." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1641. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080302.
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Gerber, Scott D. "THE ORIGINS OF AN INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY IN NEW YORK, 1621–1777." Social Philosophy and Policy 28, no. 1 (November 30, 2010): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052510000099.
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AbstractArticle III of the U.S. Constitution establishes an independent federal judiciary: federal courts constitute a separate branch of the national government, federal judges enjoy tenure during good behavior, and their salaries cannot be diminished while they hold office. The framers who drafted Article III in 1787 were not working from whole cloth. Rather, they were familiar with the preceding colonial and state practices, including those from New York. This essay provides a case study of New York's judicial history: the Dutch period, 1621-1664; the Ducal proprietary period, 1664-1685; the Royal period, 1685-1776; and the early state period. As will be seen, New York—among the most significant of the original thirteen states—was a state groping towards a new ideal of judicial independence: an ideal that became a reality a decade after its own constitution was enacted in 1777 and at a different level of government. Significantly, the uncertain status of New York's judiciary had profound consequences for the ultimate expression of judicial independence, judicial review.
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Bennett, James R. "Censorship by the Reagan Administration." Index on Censorship 17, no. 7 (August 1988): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534489.
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Thomas, Jack Ward. "Trends in forest management in the United States." Forestry Chronicle 70, no. 5 (October 1, 1994): 546–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc70546-5.
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Changes in forestry practices in the United States have been dramatic over the past decade. These changes have been brought about largely through government regulations promulgated in response to pressure from environmental and other groups at both federal and state levels. Historically, the federal government has taken leadership in forest stewardship, though some states have demonstrated strong initiatives over the years. Two separate, but intertwined, factors combined to alter the practice of forestry over much of the United States. There were the interactive consequences of obedience to national environmental laws, passed in the 1960s and 1970s, and a rising environmental consciousness among the majority of the minority of the citizenry who care about natural resource issues. Rising public concern was focussed in challenges in the federal courts to government forest management activities, and in terms of public relations campaigns using lobbying, demonstrations, and manipulation of the mass media. In July of 1993, President Clinton selected an option for management of federal forests in the Pacific Northwest section of the United States that dedicated 9.28 million acres (3.75 million hectares) of federal forests to reserves to be managed for late-successional/old-growth ecosystem function and riparian/fisheries protection. This reduced the anticipated timber sale levels from the 2.4 billion board feet (5.7 million m3) cut annually in 1990-1992, to 1.2 billion board feet (2.8 million m3) projected for 1994. There is an ongoing shift in management philosophy toward "ecosystem management" of forested lands with increasing attention to aesthetics and more benign environmental effects of timber management.
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Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502212.
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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
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Eribo, Festus. "Higher Education in Nigeria: Decades of Development and Decline." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500004996.
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On October 1, 1960, the British colonialists departed Nigeria, leaving behind one lonely university campus at Ibadan which was established in 1948 as an affiliate of the University of London and a prototype of British educational philosophy for the colonies. Thirty-five years into the post-colonial era, Nigerians established 40 new universities, 69 polytechnics, colleges of technology and of education. Twenty of the universities and 17 polytechnics are owned by the federal government while the state governments control the others. Nigerian universities are largely directed by Nigerian faculty and staff. The student enrollment in the universities is on the increase, reaching an estimated 400,000 Nigerian students and a handful of African and non-African students.
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Cohen, Jeffrey E. "The Telephone Problem and the Road to Telephone Regulation in the United States, 1876–1917." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 1 (January 1991): 42–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004504.
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Between 1876 and 1917, government philosophy toward telephone regulation began moving away from laissez-faire and toward some kind of involvement in economic affairs. However, while some early studies of regulation suggest business hostility to that policy, AT&T actively sought regulation, jogging government and the public in that direction. But this study is not just a restatement of the interest-group-capture theory, as offered by such economists as Stigler or historians as Kolko. Regulation resulted from the convergence of interests of many affected players, including residential and business telephone subscribers, the independent telephone companies that competed with AT&T, and the state and federal governments, as well as AT&T. I employ a multiple interest theory to account for telephone regulation, but unlike other studies using such a framework, I suggest that government is an independent actor with impact on the final policy outcome, and not merely an arena where private interests battle for control over policy outcomes, as is so common among other multiple interest studies of regulation.
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Gurdon, Michael A. "Divergent Paths: Civil Service Employment Relations in Australia and Canada." Articles 42, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 566–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050336ar.
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This article describes the legislated strengthening of employee involvement in decision-making within the federal civil service in Australia. While the quite distinct differences between the two industrial relations Systems must be recognized, particularly the resulting distribution of power between the government as employer and its employees, aspects of the general philosophy underlying the Australian model may find some useful applications as the Canadian public sector Systems continues to evolve.
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Miller, Thomas C., Catherine A. Holdren, John C. DiLuna, and Stephen J. Harvey. "DEVELOPMENT OF A RESPONSE NETWORK—THE KEY TO ESTABLISHING TRUE PORT READINESS." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-343.
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ABSTRACT Homeland Security Presidential Decision Directive Five (HSPD-5) directs federal agencies to work with state, county, and local governments and municipalities to establish a single, comprehensive approach for domestic incident management. It requires all levels of government throughout the Nation to develop the capabilities to work together in an efficient and effective manner. HSPD-5 directs the Federal Government to treat crisis and consequence management as a single integrated function rather than as two separate tasks.5 Similarly, the United States Coast Guards (USCG) Maritime Strategy for Homeland Security prescribes several guiding principles that dovetail with the philosophy of HSPD-5. The Maritime Strategy affirms that securing the homeland requires shared responsibility amongst all agencies. Further, the Maritime Strategy stresses the USCG must leverage assets, acquire new resources and partner with public and private stakeholders.6 As the lead federal agency for Maritime Homeland Security and the Federal On Scene Coordinator, it is incumbent upon the USCG to spearhead joint planning and incident command initiatives to meet the requirements of HSPD-5 and the USCG Strategy for Homeland Security, and to adequately protect and respond to environmental and terror threats in the new normalcy of the post 9–11 world. To this end, the requirement for development of an Area Maritime Security Plan (AMSP) is appropriate and timely as it is intended to provide the overarching philosophy to unify the port and its stakeholders—much like the Area Contingency Plan did post Exxon Valdez for pollution response. Further, it provides guidance to effectively and efficiently detect, deter, respond to, and recover from a Transportation Security Incident (TSI) which by all definitions may at some point include some sort of environmental response. The foundation of the AMSP is the development of a network of federal, state and local agencies that have a stake in preventing and recovering from a TSI or other port contingency. This is a critical step towards building a unified port response network, and if appropriately merged with the Area Committee and Area Contingency Plan efforts, will only bolster the pollution response preparedness in a given port region. The Response Network concept provides tactical-level guidance for integrating the functional relationships required by the “Hierarchy of Readiness,” and the response infrastructure (a port incident management team) necessary to meet the requirements described in current and emerging federal guidance. This concept could be used as a map to facilitate every port in attaining true Port Readiness.
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Gilbert, Glen G. "Two Years in a Federal Government Role: Reflections of a School Health Educator." Journal of School Health 55, no. 7 (September 1985): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1985.tb04144.x.
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Katz, Bruce. "Obama's Metro Presidency." City & Community 9, no. 1 (March 2010): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2009.01311.x.
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Metropolitan areas are the unequivocal engines of the US economy and our prosperity because they spatially concentrate at an unprecedented level the assets that matter, assets like innovation, human capital, and infrastructure. the national government must pursue a Metro Policy to help cities and metropolitan areas leverage these critical assets in the service of productive, sustainable, and inclusive growth. There are early signs that the Obama Administration embraces this new vision of Metro Policy. the President's rhetoric recognizes the critical role cities and metropolitan areas play in the national economy and the need for a new generation of federal policies that leverage this economic primacy. the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 and FY 2010 budget invest directly in the assets that drive prosperity. But President Obama inherits a federal government replete with legacy programs, diminished in capacity, and without a coherent federalist philosophy, which will be obstacles for the structural reform necessary for Metro Policy.
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Huber, Gregory A., and Thomas J. Espenshade. "Neo-Isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism, and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants." International Migration Review 31, no. 4 (December 1997): 1031–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100410.
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A rise in neo-isolationism in the United States has given encouragement to a new fiscal politics of immigration. Growing anti-immigrant sentiment has coalesced with forces of fiscal conservatism to make immigrants an easy target of budget cuts. Limits on legal alien access to social welfare programs that are contained in the 1996 welfare and immigration reform acts seem motivated not so much by a guiding philosophy of what it means to be a member of American society as by a desire to shrink the size of the federal government and to produce a balanced budget. Even more than in the past, the consequence of a shrinking welfare state is to metamorphose legal immigrants from public charges to windfall gains for the federal treasury.
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Grillot, Thomas, Pauline Peretz, and Yann Philippe. "“Wherever the Authority of the Federal Government Extends”: Banning Segregation in Veterans’ Hospitals (1945–1960)." Journal of American History 107, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 388–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa181.
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Parkacheva, V. L., I. B. Trostyanskaya, E. G. Grishakina, and N. A. Polikhina. "Government Support for Universities: Regional Coverage." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 31, no. 6 (June 20, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2022-31-6-9-26.
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The aim of the study is to assess the degree of involvement of various Russian regions in the implementation of governmental projects for university support, which is essential for the balanced development of national higher education system and the spatial development of the country as a whole. The task of effectively using the research and educational potential of universities for the development of particular regions is currently being under realization in many countries, including Russia, which determines the relevance of this study. The analysis is based on the quadrant distribution of national regions in the Federal State Statistics Service Rankings 2018 on regional GDP, the Regional Innovation Development Rankings 2018–2019, issued by the Higher School of Economics. We compared universities located in regions with similar characteristics of their economic development, and assessed the impact of 11 major governmental projects for university support, which have been implemented or continue since 2006. The study is targeted at tracking correlations between the regional distribution of universities supported by these projects, the amounts of funding, and the scales of innovation and economic development of the regions. We conclude that at present, in comparison with previous periods, a more balanced approach is being taken to the selection of universities-participants of such government projects from the point of view of their location in regions with different characteristics. At the same time, the distribution of financial support points to the existing serious gaps between the leading and other universities.
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Hirota, H. "The Moment of Transition: State Officials, the Federal Government, and the Formation of American Immigration Policy." Journal of American History 99, no. 4 (February 15, 2013): 1092–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas643.
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Shablinsky, Anton. "Jean-Jacques Rousseau on the Separation of Powers in Federal Polity and “Wills of Nation”." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics V, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2021-4-201-226.
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The problem of this article is built around the tension between the concept of organ sovereignty and democracy theory. First of all, this vision of sovereignty fails to describe the diverse forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. It speaks very sparingly of the people as a political actor. Moreover, the concept of organ sovereignty does not provide the theoretical resources to describe the intermediary bodies in the space between the state and the individual. The tradition of liberal democracy emphasises the importance of such bodies for maintaining popular control over state. Also, the idea of organ sovereignty, by reducing all power to a single legislature, ignores the demand for self-government coming from communities located within the same state and yet united by a certain collective identity. Today, democracy theorists are turning to the concepts of federalism in order to overcome the above-mentioned limitations set by the concept of organ sovereignty. So far, however, the concepts of federalism have not been very convincing in describing the various forms of popular participation in collective decision-making. Above all, they have failed to consistently justify the existence of multiple decision-making centres within a single polity. The article argues that the model of the federal polity proposed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his later work “Considerations on the mode of government in Poland” explains how within one polity multiple centres of collective decision-making can coexist. The model also provides an understanding of how citizen participation in multiple decision-making centres can be organised.
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Miller, Fred D. "THE RULE OF REASON IN PLATO'S STATESMAN AND THE AMERICAN FEDERALIST." Social Philosophy and Policy 24, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 90–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070185.
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The Federalist, written by “Publius” (Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison) in 1787-1788 in defense of the proposed constitution of the United States, endorses a fundamental principle of political legitimacy: namely, “it is the reason of the public alone, that ought to control and regulate the government.” This essay argues that this principle—the rule of reason—may be traced back to Plato. Part I of the essay seeks to show that Plato's Statesman offers a clearer understanding of the rule of reason than his more famous Republic, and it also indicates how this principle gave rise to the ideal of constitutionalism, which was adopted and reformulated by Aristotle, Polybius, and Cicero, as well as moderns including Locke and Montesquieu. Part II argues that The Federalist agrees with Plato when it argues that popular sovereignty must be tempered by the rule of reason. A proper distance should be maintained between the people and the actual exercise of power in order that political decisions be based on reason rather than passion. The people must therefore act through a federal system divided between national government and state governments, and these governments must themselves possess separated powers which control each other by means of checks and balances. Indeed, federalism itself may be viewed as a modern counterpart of Plato's “art of weaving,” which unites naturally disparate and opposed parts of the city-state into a concordant whole. In declaring, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary,” The Federalist concedes that politics is the art of the possible. But statesmanship is not an exercise in pragmatism devoid of principles. Here “Publius” shares Plato's vision of politics as a “second sailing,” that is, an attempt to approximate the ideal of rational governance as far as possible in ordinary politics.
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Atkinson-Grosjean, Janet, Dawn House, and Donald Fischer. "Canadian Science Policy and the Public Research Organisations in the 20th Century." Science & Technology Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55138.
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Across OECD nations, public/private partnerships have recently become popular mechanisms in advancing science and technology policies. But Canada has a long tradition of such partnerships. The federal government was involved in the promotion of relations between public research organisations (PROs) and the private sector as early as the start of the twentieth century. In this paper, we trace the evolution of policies promoting the economic utility of public science in Canada. We then present the National Research Council’s Industrial Research Assistance Program (NRCIRAP) and Industry Canada’s Networks of Centres of Excellence (NCE) program as contrasting cases of federal steering. By developing an understanding of these flagship instruments, we seek insight into the wider implications of state intervention in relations between PROs and Canadian industry.
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Midtgarden, Torjus. "Dewey’s Conceptualization of the Public as Polity Contextualized: The Struggle for Democratic Control over Natural Resources and Technology." Contemporary Pragmatism 16, no. 1 (February 22, 2019): 104–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-0161122.
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This article explores John Dewey’s conceptualization of the public as polity in his lecture notes from 1928. Dewey’s conceptualization suggests an account of the democratic legitimacy of public regulation of economic activities by focusing on polity members’ mutual interest. Contextualized through Dewey’s involvement in practical politics the article specifies the conceptualization by a policy focus on natural resources and technology, and explores and discusses it through two issues for democratic control over policy development: centralization of power in federal government; and the failure to understand, predict and control consequences of technology. Finally, exploring its relevance in a context of economic globalization the article rearticulates the conceptualization in terms of transnational relations and solidarities, using the transnational peasant organization La Via Campesina as an example.
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Wallace, Matthew L. "A Climate for Science Policy." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 45, no. 4 (September 1, 2015): 577–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2015.45.4.577.
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Led by the Meteorological Service of Canada, atmospheric research in Canada underwent a period of rapid growth after the end of the Second World War. Within this federal organization, and in response to operational challenges and staff shortages, there were significant investments in basic research and in research oriented toward external users within Canada. Specifically, new policies and programs were put in place to enable the organization to gain legitimacy within the scientific community and within the federal government. New links with stakeholders and, more importantly, the development of explicit policies to guide research were a prime focus. These formalized strategies for pursuing two parallel types of research generated some internal conflict, but also helped form a common scientific identity among personnel. There were concerted efforts to disseminate research products and reinforce links both with the scientific community and with external users of meteorological and climatological research. Borne out by quantitative data, this science policy–centered history sheds light on the development of research and research specializations in the field in Canada. Most importantly, it provides insight into the global postwar expansion of the atmospheric sciences, which is strongly tied to national contexts. Indeed, the quest for legitimacy and the close connection to government priorities is central to the history of the atmospheric sciences in the twentieth century. More broadly, this case study points to a possible new conception of government science driven by political, bureaucratic, and scientific imperatives, as a means to shed light on scientific networks and practices.
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Whitsel, Brad. "The Turner Diaries and Cosmotheism: William Pierce's Theology." Nova Religio 1, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.1998.1.2.183.
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ABSTRACT: The 19 April 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City brought media attention to bear on a violent, futuristic novel that had been widely circulated in the radical right political subculture for nearly two decades prior to the disaster. Although the media would not explore the connection between William Pierce's novel, The Turner Diaries, and the bombing until weeks after it occurred, the book had incited violence before and was used earlier as a blueprint for launching a revolution against the federal government. In recent days, The Turner Diaries has received growing attention as a racist, anti-government tract. However, what remains unexplored about the book is its millenarian message and the apocalyptic theology that motivates its reclusive author. Pierce, who is the director of National Alliance, a neo-Nazi group headquartered in West Virginia, embraces a worldview shaped by a philosophy he refers to as ““Cosmotheism.”” This syncretic belief combines scientific evolutionary theory with racial mysticism in its construction of reality. Cosmotheism, like all millennial beliefs of a catastrophic nature, mandates the destruction of the present order of earthly existence before a new era of redemption and bliss for the community of the chosen can unfold.
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Gatica, Obed Frausto. "Federalist and Anti-Federalist: Two Divergent Concepts of Politics." Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 14, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1895-8001.14.1.9.
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This article provides a theoretical framework to help us understand the controversies between the federalist and anti-federalists in the early history of the United States of America during the Federal Convention in 1787 as a conflict of two political philosophical traditions. The sources of these opposed traditions may be traced back to the disputes in ancient Greek philosophy, in thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle who defined politics in different ways. Plato grounds his definition of politics in epistêmê, which means that society should be ruled by the wisest. The federalist argued the best form of government is one where the people could avoid decision-making and leave the wisest representatives to handle politics. In opposition to this, Aristotle believes that politics should be inspired by the notion of phrônesis, which means that decisions should be considered collectively. Similarly, the anti-federalist believed that the government tends to be corrupted, and citizens should be suspicious of the government. They believed the ideal way to govern society is to have everyone involved in decision-making.
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Brennan, Timothy J. "Markets, Information, and Benevolence." Economics and Philosophy 10, no. 2 (October 1994): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100004715.
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In the January 6, 1991, issue of the Washington Post Magazine, reporter Walt Harrington wrote a profile of Bryan Stevenson. Mr. Stevenson is a 31-year-old working-class African-American from Delaware who graduated from Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School of Government. Like the typical graduate of Harvard Law School, Mr. Stevenson had the opportunity to join the worlds of six-figure corporate law or high-visibility politics. Rather than follow his colleagues, however, Mr. Stevenson works seven-day, eighty-hour weeks as director of the Alabama Capital Representation Center. He appeals death sentences, handling twenty-four death-row cases himself, supervises five other lawyers who cover about thirty cases, and raises federal government and foundation funding. He does this living a Spartan existence on a salary of $24,000, refusing even the $50,000 directorship salary offered to him.
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Pestritto, Ronald J. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL CHALLENGES IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE STATE." Social Philosophy and Policy 38, no. 1 (2021): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052521000200.
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AbstractFollowing the Roosevelt administration’s implementation of New Deal programs in the 1930s, the federal courts began to interpret the Constitution in a way that accommodated the rise of the “administrative state,” and bureaucratic policymaking continues to persist as a central feature of American government today. This essay submits, however, that the three pillars supporting the administrative state—the congressional delegation of Article I powers to the executive branch, the combination of powers within individual administrative entities, and the insulation of administrators from political control—might be reconsidered by the courts in the near future. After showing that the constitutionality of the administrative state has come under recent judicial scrutiny, the essay turns to the administrative law principle of deference, and argues that a reassessment of the Chevron doctrine seems imminent. Finally, the essay examines federal courts’ heavy use of “hard look” review as a means of curtailing agency discretion during recent administrations, and concludes that this judicial practice stands in uneasy tension with republican principles.
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Lash, Karen A. "Executive Branch Support for Civil Legal Aid." Daedalus 148, no. 1 (January 2019): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00549.
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For government, access to justice is about more than legal justice. Legal services are essential tools to enable government programs to achieve a wide range of goals that help to provide an orderly, prosperous, and safe country. Recent efforts have transformed how some federal and state government officials think about and use civil legal aid to get their work done. Key in convincing them has been empirical evidence about the effectiveness and cost-efficiency of including legal services alongside other supportive services.
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Clowater, G. Brent. "Canadian Science Policy and the Retreat from Transformative Politics: The Final Years of the Science Council of Canada, 1985-1992." Scientia Canadensis 35, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2013): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013983ar.
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The Science Council of Canada (1966-1992) operated as an ‘arms-length’ agency providing science policy advice and recommendations to the federal government. The Council was always a voice for state interventionism. In the late 1970s, it turned to the politically sensitive issue of industrial policy and advocated a nationalistic, ‘transformative politics’ through its defense of technological sovereignty. An examination of its research and policy recommendations, and the controversies they excited, reveals that the Council’s struggle against new policy trends in its final years paralleled larger transitions in public perceptions of the role of government in Canadian society. Its 1992 dissolution symbolized Canada’s reorientation from a state-directed to a market-oriented approach to science and technology policy-making. This paper reviews the Council’s guiding philosophy and discusses its history within two larger contexts: the Canadian political debate over continentalism, and evolving conceptions of science, technology, and innovation, and the prospects for their management.
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Oversloot, Hans. "The Merger of Federal Subjects of the Russian Federation During Putin's Presidency and After." Review of Central and East European Law 34, no. 2 (2009): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303509x406278.
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AbstractAmong the institutional changes brought about or instigated during Vladimir Putin's two terms in office as President of the Russian Federation (RF), the reduction of the number of federal subjects of the RF—i.e., the number of territorial–administrative 'entities' that together constitute the Russian Federation—has perhaps attracted the least attention. However, this policy of reducing the number of subjects by bringing about what is effectively a merger of two or three subjects, thereby creating new federal subjects, is worthy of attention for a number of reasons. This policy is one of the ways in which the Federation's center (re)asserts its dominant position vis-à-vis the 'constitutive parts' of the Federation, which are, indeed, treated as 'subjects' within a more unitary state format. This policy runs counter to what appears to be a trend in many other countries where 'native peoples' (or 'indigenous peoples') are accorded various forms of self rule, often within their 'home territories' ('self-government rights').This article will address the procedures being followed to bring about the reduction of the number of subjects, as well as the reasons for merging smaller subjects, in terms of the number of inhabitants, with larger ones. The possible future of the policy of subject merger will be discussed in the final part of the article. It will be argued that the reduction of the number of subjects of the Russian Federation to merely a few dozen will entail the end of Russia as a federation; by doing so, Russia will reconstitute itself as a unitary state.
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Levin, Carl. "The Role of the Federal Government in Promoting Health Through the Schools: Opening Statement of Senator Carl Levin." Journal of School Health 62, no. 4 (April 1992): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1992.tb08188.x.
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Nelsen, Betty Jo. "The Role of the Federal Government in Promoting Health Through the Schools: Report from the Department of Agriculture." Journal of School Health 62, no. 4 (April 1992): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1992.tb08192.x.
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Ravitch, Diane. "The Role of the Federal Government in Promoting Health Through the Schools: Report from the Department of Education." Journal of School Health 62, no. 4 (April 1992): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1992.tb08193.x.
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Murphy, Christopher, and Stuart A. Higgins. "Australia offshore well inventory characterisation and decommissioning cost saving opportunities through cap rock restoration and rigless/riserless techniques." APPEA Journal 61, no. 2 (2021): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj20118.
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This research utilises the Geoscience Australia and NOPIMS public database to characterise the national inventory of active offshore oil and gas (O&G) wells and, through representative examples of dry and wet completions, establish the current well decommissioning cost opportunities associated with using riserless and rigless techniques to restore cap rock. These techniques have been successfully applied in the Gulf of Mexico (GoM) and this study explores the potential savings and barriers to adoption in the Australian offshore operating and regulatory context. Third party studies (Bills 2018; Wood Mackenzie 2020) have reported Australian O&G decommissioning cost estimates in the range of USD 33–49 billion over the next 30–40 years. The well decommissioning contribution to the total project cost has been estimated at 49% (OGUK 2020). This cost is materially significant to the economic life of the asset, the operator’s financial liability and a significant cost burden to the Federal Government through Petroleum Resource Rent Tax (PRRT) offsets. In this context there is a paucity of detail and transparency for well decommissioning cost estimates, to establish whether there are cost saving opportunities whilst still maintaining an acceptable level of risk both during plug and abandonment (P&A) operations and in the longer term when relinquished back to the Federal Government. This study illustrates how and to what extent the Australian offshore Federal well inventory could be decommissioned using cap rock restoration and rigless/riserless techniques and proposes a staged strategy to realise a progressive cost reduction of 21–41% over the base estimate of circa USD 4.08 billion benchmarked with OGUK (2019). This significant cost reduction aligns with the OGTC (2019) technology roadmap target of 35% supported in part by the pursuit of a rigless and riserless well decommissioning philosophy.
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Fegert, Jörg M., and Ulrike M. E. Schulze. "COVID-19 and its impact on child and adolescent psychiatry – a German and personal perspective." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 37, no. 3 (May 14, 2020): 243–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2020.43.
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As in other European countries, the current COVID-19 pandemic has not only massively restricted normal life in Germany but it is also having a significant effect on medical treatment, particularly in the areas of child and adolescent psychiatric care, as well as on university teaching. The federal structure of Germany and epidemiological differences between individual federal states have had a crucial impact on the regulations issued and their success. During the last number of weeks, tele-child-psychiatry and psychotherapy have increased, and outpatient services have been used cautiously and sparingly. Medical staff numbers will be augmented by doctors and nurses returning from retirement and also by medical students on a voluntary basis. The federal government has warned that discrepancies in education will increase due to the closure of schools. Questions of child protection are currently of particular importance in the context of such closures and the non-availability of day-care centers.
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Cohen, William S. "The Role of the Federal Government in Promoting Health Through the Schools: Opening Statement of Senator William S. Cohen." Journal of School Health 62, no. 4 (April 1992): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1992.tb08187.x.
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Farina, Cynthia R., Dmitry Epstein, Josiah Heidt, and Mary J. Newhart. "Designing an Online Civic Engagement Platform." International Journal of E-Politics 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014010102.
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A new form of online citizen participation in government decisionmaking has arisen in the United States (U.S.) under the Obama Administration. “Civic Participation 2.0” attempts to use Web 2.0 information and communication technologies to enable wider civic participation in government policymaking, based on three pillars of open government: transparency, participation, and collaboration. Thus far, the Administration has modeled Civic Participation 2.0 almost exclusively on a universalist/populist Web 2.0 philosophy of participation. In this model, content is created by users, who are enabled to shape the discussion and assess the value of contributions with little information or guidance from government decisionmakers. The authors suggest that this model often produces “participation” unsatisfactory to both government and citizens. The authors propose instead a model of Civic Participation 2.0 rooted in the theory and practice of democratic deliberation. In this model, the goal of civic participation is to reveal the conclusions people reach when they are informed about the issues and have the opportunity and motivation seriously to discuss them. Accordingly, the task of civic participation design is to provide the factual and policy information and the kinds of participation mechanisms that support and encourage this sort of participatory output. Based on the authors' experience with Regulation Room, an experimental online platform for broadening effective civic participation in rulemaking (the process federal agencies use to make new regulations), the authors offer specific suggestions for how designers can strike the balance between ease of engagement and quality of engagement – and so bring new voices into public policymaking processes through participatory outputs that government decisionmakers will value.
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Moy, Alan. "Why the Moratorium on Human-Animal Chimera Research Should Not be Lifted." Linacre Quarterly 84, no. 3 (August 2017): 226–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00243639.2017.1293931.
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The National Institutes of Health (NIH) announced its plans to lift its moratorium on funding research that involves injecting human embryonic stem cells into animal embryos, which would allow for the creation of part-human and part-animal organisms known as chimeras. The NIH allowed only one month to receive public comments in the midst of a presidential election campaign. Lifting the moratorium means that, for the first time, the federal government will begin spending taxpayer dollars on the creation and manipulation of new organisms that would blur the line between humans and animals. Interestingly, this government effort is creating an uncommon coalition between pro-life groups and animal rights activists that oppose this medical research on ethical grounds; the former seeking to ensure the welfare of human embryos and the latter seeking to protect the well-being of animals. Unlike the issue of abortion, this research is complex. Yet, it is important that the pro-life laity and clergy be adequately informed on some of the basic science and ethics that surround this research. To fully understand why this research is unethical and why the NIH is pursuing this particular research, it is important to understand the ethical tenets governing human-subject research and why secular scientists are pursuing this scientific field.
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Corry, Maureen. "The Role of the Federal Government in Promoting Health Through the Schools: Report from the National School Health Education Coalition." Journal of School Health 62, no. 4 (April 1992): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1561.1992.tb08194.x.
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Skyner, Louis. "The Regulation of Subsoil Resource Usage: The Erosion of the "Two-Key" Principle and Its Inclusion into the Framework of Civil Law." Review of Central and East European Law 31, no. 1 (2006): 81–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598806x111613.
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AbstractThe article analyses the two main changes in direction in the regulation of subsoil use and management evident in Russia over the past twelve months. The first set of changes—effective as of 1 January 2005—significantly alter the relative authority of federal and regional executive bodies with regards to both the development of licensing programs and the procedures established for issuing the licenses themselves. The author asks whether the transfer of authority to federal executive bodies is realizable in practice, and whether or not the provisions of the Draft Law on subsoil—published by the government in March 2005—suggest that the federal authorities will establish a framework for licensing and the management of use that provides the predictability required by investors. This material was presented at a seminar "Law, Judicial Practice and the Russian Petroleum Sector" held at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in June 2005.The author then goes on to discuss the legal nature and potential effect of a subsoil use contract, the new instrument for regulating subsoil use relations as envisaged by the draft Law "On Subsoil" use, focusing on the security and transferability of the property right that is created. To illustrate what he perceives to be a general reluctance of the state to allow the transfer of forms of use right to be free from administrative control, comparisons are made with the uneasy balance of civil and administrative law regulations in product sharing agreements, and the problems in enacting the civil law transfer of other natural resources such as agricultural land.The article concludes by discussing the potential applicability of the provisions of the Draft Law on subsoil, the possible consequences of the failure of the Draft Law to define the grounds upon which executive bodies may develop criteria to restrict or terminate the rights of the user, and the general absence of a clear definition of the function and competence of different state bodies.
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Hayden, Jacqueline. "Caveat Australia? Child Care under a Neo-conservative Agenda: A Canadian Example." Australasian Journal of Early Childhood 22, no. 3 (September 1997): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183693919702200302.
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The recent swing towards a more conservative (Liberal) federal political agenda in Australia parallels similar trends in Canada. A basic tenet of this neo-conservative approach is the reduction of education, health and welfare budgets, along with tax cuts to encourage business and corporate development. Policies are presented within a free market, user pays, corporate framework. Program reductions are justified through an anti professional/reduced government philosophy. This paper analyses the development of the child care system in one province of Canada. The analysis demonstrates that, despite manifold distributions to the child care system, the lack of a constitutional dimension has left the program vulnerable. In the uproar over larger programs, the dismantling of a public system of child care is proceeding quietly and with little protest. Analyses of the activities that predicated this demise present a warning as comparable circumstances arise in Australia.
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Fobia, Aleia Clark, Jessica Holzberg, Casey Eggleston, Jennifer Hunter Childs, Jenny Marlar, and Gerson Morales. "Attitudes towards Data Linkage for Evidence-Based Policymaking." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, S1 (2019): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz008.
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Abstract In a recent report, the Commission for Evidence-Based Policymaking advocated for expanded use of data, including data linkage, from federal statistical and regulatory agencies to help guide decision-making and ultimately improve programs and policies. How data sharing and linkage is framed is important, and attitudes about data sharing and linkage are driven by respondents’ privacy beliefs and views towards the government more generally. Using data from the RDD telephone Gallup Daily Tracking Survey, we examine how favorability towards data sharing for the purpose of informed decision-making compares to other purposes. Respondents were less favorable towards data sharing when the purpose was for informed decision-making than for efficient use of taxpayer money, government accountability, or for community benefits, suggesting this is an ineffective way to frame data sharing to increase support. However, views towards the government, beliefs about privacy, and response behavior are still important determinants of favorability.