Dissertations / Theses: 'Federal government Australia History'

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Brown, A. J. (Alexander Jonathan), and n/a. "The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003." Griffith University. Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041105.092443.

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Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.

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Gibson, Lisanne, and L. Gibson@mailbox gu edu au. "Art and Citizenship- Governmental Intersections." Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 1999. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.085219.

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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.

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Bessell, Maxwell Donald. "Australian Federal Government service revenues : a taxation perspective /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb557.pdf.

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Seddon, Nicholas. "Government contracts : federal, state and local." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145337.

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Johnson, Kevin. "Subnational economic development in federal systems : the case of Western Australia." University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0014.

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[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.

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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.

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7

Aroney, Nicholas Theodore 1966. "The Federal Commonwealth of Australia : a study in the formation of its constitution." Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8864.

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Wallace, Harold Duane Jr. "Electric Lighting Policy in the Federal Government, 1880-2016." Thesis, University of Maryland, Baltimore County, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10843973.

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Federal policies have targeted electric lighting since the 1880s with varying success. This dissertation examines the history of those policies to understand policy makers’ intent and how their decisions affected the course of events. This qualitative study poses three research questions: How have changes in lamp efficacy affected policy development? How and why have federal policies targeted electric lighting? How have private sector actors adapted public policy to further their own goals? The analysis uses an interdisciplinary approach taking advantage of overlapping methodologies drawn from policy and political sciences, economics, and the history of technology. The concepts of path dependency, context, and actor networks are especially important.

Adoption of electric lighting spurred the construction of complex and capital intensive infrastructures now considered indispensable, and lighting always consumed a significant fraction of US electric power. Engineers and scientists created many lamps over the decades, in part to meet a growing demand for energy efficient products. Invention and diffusion of those lamps occurred amid changing standards and definitions of efficiency, shifting relations between network actors, and the development of path dependencies that constrained efforts to affect change. Federal actors typically used lighting policy to conserve resources, promote national security, or to symbolically emphasize the onset of a national crisis.

The study shows that after an initial introductory phase, lighting-specific policies developed during two distinct periods. The earlier period consisted of intermittent, crisis-driven federal interventions of mixed success. The later period featured a sustained engagement between public and private sectors wherein incremental adjustments achieved policy goals. A time of transition occurred between the two main periods during which technical, economic, and political contexts changed, while several core social values remained constant. In both early and later periods, private sector actors used policy opportunities to further commercial goals, a practice that public sector actors in the later period used to promote policy acceptance. Recently enacted energy standards removing ordinary incandescent lamps in favor of high efficiency lamps mark the end of the later period. Apparent success means that policy makers should reconsider how they use lighting to achieve future goals.

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Emathe, Francis E. "Somalia Igad's attempt to restore Somalia's transitional federal government." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2503.

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Political solutions have been found for several longstanding conflicts in Africa in 2003 - in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia and Burundi. The political arrangements in these countries may not necessarily usher in permanent peace and stability, but they at least afford an opportunity to work toward such goals. Unfortunately, this is not the case for Somalia, where anarchy, violence and chaos have prevailed for over 15 years. A national reconciliation conference - the 14th of its kind â sat in Nairobi for two years and finally formed a Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in August, 2004. As usual, the outcome of the conference was not welcomed, either by warlords or later on by Islamic clerics in Somalia. Nonetheless, despite institutional obstacles, the Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Inter Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) has continued to press their intention to send peacekeepers to Somalia to reinstall the fragile transitional government against the wishes of the Islamic Courts Council (ICC). This thesis examines the possible strategies that IGAD should consider using in its intended mission of supporting the restoration of the Transitional Federal Government.

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McLean, Kathleen Ann 1952. "Culture, commerce and ambivalence : a study of Australian federal government intervention in book publishing." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7566.

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Lavelle, Ashley, and n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.

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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.

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Horpedahl, Jeremy M. "The growth of government and democracy in America, 1790-1860 theory and history from an economic perspective /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4546.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 109. Thesis director: Richard E. Wagner. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Economics. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 10, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 102-108). Also issued in print.

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Zwarich, Jennifer. "Federal Films| Bureaucratic Activism and the U.S. Government Motion Picture Initiative, 1901-1941." Thesis, New York University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3635322.

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This dissertation describes the emergence and expansion of U.S. government motion picture work over the first four decades of the twentieth century. It situates the early history of federal filmmaking within the long progressive drive to reshape representative government into a more active proponent of the welfare of its citizenry and argues that despite reigning critiques to the contrary, institutional sponsorship actually gave social meaning and efficacy to this mode of social documentary. Indeed, I argue that U.S. government film production can be understood as a kind of social activism that was simultaneously propelled and limited by the contours of the federal bureaucracy. Envisioning government film work as “bureaucratic activism”—with all the power as well as the inefficiencies, entrenched rigidities, red tape, politics and establishment loyalties implied by the term “bureaucratic”—is useful here. It helps capture the contradictory nature of a pragmatic enterprise that actively and optimistically sought social change from within the confines of the status quo.

Federal films are examined in this history as spaces of complex negotiation— as points of contact between the structure(s) of the American democratic state and the imaginings of progressive bureaucrats about both their relationship to that state and its relationship to its citizens. Relying largely on original research in little-mined federal collections, I argue that the interpretations of social problems and solutions attempted in and by these film texts represent more than attempts to bolster institutional authority and reinforce the status quo (though, of course, they were such attempts). These aims were mediated by a will—evident both within the film texts and in the extemporaneous correspondence of their administrators and producers—to explain or justify such authority claims by literally and figuratively visualizing them as not arbitrary but rather in the interest of nurturing or protecting the common good. Federal films, seen in this way, don’t automatically obviate social change but instead represent attempts to relate social change to the ideal of democratic government. Viewed in the context of the specific change initiatives they were produced to aid, federal films were reflections of and on democratic governance itself.

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Tarbert, Jesse. "When Good Government Meant Big Government: Nationalism, Racism, and the Quest To Strengthen The American State, 1918–1933." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1463664766.

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Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.

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Patel, Dinyar Phiroze. "The Grand Old Man: Dadabhai Naoroji and the Evolution of the Demand for Indian Self-Government." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467241.

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This dissertation traces the thought and career of Dadabhai Naoroji, arguably the most significant Indian nationalist leader in the pre-Gandhian era. Naoroji (1825-1917) gave the Indian National Congress a tangible political goal in 1906 when he declared its objective to be self-government or swaraj. I identify three distinct phases in the development of his political thought. In the first phase of his career, lasting from the mid-1860s until the mid-1880s, Naoroji posited the “drain of wealth” theory, which argued that British colonialism was dramatically impoverishing India by siphoning off its resources. Naoroji embedded a political corollary into his economic ideas, arguing that empowering Indians through political reform was the only way to stop the drain. As early as 1884, Naoroji declared that the ultimate objective of such reform was Indian self-government. Naoroji contended that the best chance for achieving political reform lay through influencing the British Parliament. In the second stage of his career, beginning in 1886, Naoroji took up this task by contesting a parliamentary seat. He constructed a broad alliance among various progressive British leaders—Irish home rulers, socialists, and women’s rights activists—and relied upon them and Indian allies to win election to the House of Commons in 1892. In Parliament, Naoroji pushed for the implementation of simultaneous civil service examinations, which he envisaged as the first step toward Indian self-government. Naoroji’s time in the Commons, however, was brief and disappointing, and in the third and final phase of his career, beginning in 1895, he radicalized considerably. He propounded his views on Indian poverty with renewed force while strengthening his ties with socialists and anti-imperialists in Britain and abroad. Concluding that imperialism was inherently economically exploitative, Naoroji declared that only swaraj could stop the drain of wealth.
History

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Saleuddin, Rasheed. "The United States Federal Government and the making of modern futures markets, 1920-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267875.

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In 1921, 1924 and 1929-1934, markets for the future delivery of wheat went through periods of extreme volatility and/or significant depression, and in all three cases there were significant and long-lasting changes to both the institutional and regulatory framework of these Chicago-dominated grain markets. There was no real change after these key reforms until 1974, while indeed much of the original regulatory and market innovation remains. The result of the severe depression of 1921 was the Futures Trading Act of 1921. In 1924-25, the so-called ‘Cutten corner’ market turmoil was followed by three key institutional innovations brought about in 1926 by US federal government coercion of the grain futures trading industry in collusion with industry leaders. The Great Depression gave birth to the 1936 Commodity Exchange Act. This Act was based on research done by the government and/or with government-mandated evidence that essentially saw the small grain gambler as needing protection from the grain futures industry, and was pushed through by a coalition of farmers’ organisations and the agency responsible for the 1922 Act’s administration. The government demanded information that was begrudgingly provided, and the studies of this data formed the basis of a political and intellectual justification of the usefulness of futures markets to the marketing of farm products that influenced the Act of 1936 and – more importantly - continues to today. My key thesis is that government worked closely with the futures industry to the extent that the agency was captured by special interests for much of the interwar period, and I claim that government intervention was responsible for the essential changes that assured the dominance of futures markets, with the Chicago Board of Trade as their hub. The lasting institutions created in the 1920s and 1930s continue to immensely influence the financial markets of today, including being incorporated into the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010. My study differs from the accepted account that sees federal regulation as an irrational ‘populist’ attempt at controlling or even banning the markets, with the new institutions developed during the interwar period as the result of effective industry self-regulation in spite of state interference. The findings are based on a theory-driven reading of archives of the Chicago Board of Trade, its regulator the Grain Futures Administration, and the other key government agencies engaging with the grain trade, the USDA, the Federal Farm Board and the Federal Trade Commission. The approach here differs from the accepted accounts in that it is based mostly on my archival work, including the newly reorganised (in 2014) Chicago Board of Trade archive, rather than on public sources such as Congressional hearings and newspaper stories.

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Nishiyama, Hidefumi. "Race, biometrics, and security in modern Japan : a history of racial government." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77741/.

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This thesis is an historical study of biopolitical relations between racism and biometric identification in Japan since the late nineteenth century to the present day. Adopting Foucault’s historical method, it challenges progressive accounts of the history of racism and that of biometrics. During the nineteenth century, practices of biometric identification emerged as constitutive of the knowledge of race wherein imperial power relations between superior and inferior races were enabled. Progressive accounts proclaim that colonial practices of biometrics were not scientific but politically intervened, which has since been discredited and replaced by a ‘true’ science of biometrics as individualisation. Contra progressivist claims on postraciality, the thesis concretely historicises the ways in which subjectification and control of race is conducted through the interplay between the epistemic construction of race and the technology of identification in each historical and geographical context. It analyses three modalities of racial government through biometrics in Japan: biometrics as a biological technology of inscribing race during Japanese colonialism; biometrics as a forensic technology of policing former colonial subjects in post-WWII Japan; and contemporary biometrics as an informatic technology of controlling a newly racialised immigrant population. The thesis concludes that despite a series of de-racialising reforms in the twentieth century, biometrics persist as a biopolitical technology of race. Neither racism nor biometrics as a technology of race is receding but they are continuously transforming in a way that a new mechanism of racial government is made possible. Race evolves, it is argued, not in the sense of social Darwinism but because the concept of race itself changes across time and space wherein a new model of racism is empowered. The thesis contributes to existing literature on the biopolitics of security and biometrics by extending the scope of analysis to a non-Western context, explicating historical relations between racism and biometrics, and problematising biometric rationality at the level of racialised mechanism of knowing and controlling (in)security. It also makes contributions to Foucaultian studies by advancing the analysis of biopolitical racism beyond Foucault’s original formulation and by offering a critique of rationality in the field of biometrics.

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Beckett, Gordon W. Economics Australian School of Business UNSW. "The Government store is open for business: A review of the Commisariat in Colonia NSW 1788-1835." Publisher:University of New South Wales. Economics, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40562.

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The commissariat was the main economic drivers in the colonial economy between 1788 and 1835. It is not frequently discussed in the literature and it was Professor N. G. Butlin who challenged economic historians to write the story of the commissariat in operation. This thesis relates the story of the role and operations of the commissariat in colonial NSW. The commissariat filled many roles, ranging from government store, to financial services provider and a quasi-treasury. It was the main purchaser of local production from local settlers, and offered a novel and creative 'barter system' by exchanging store receipts for goods and services received from local settlers

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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.

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Castleman, Beverley Dawn, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982." Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.

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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared. From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments. This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods. The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.

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Howes, Michael. "Putting the pieces together : sustainable industry, environment protection, and the power of the Federal government in the USA and Australia /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh859.pdf.

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Isaacs, Rebecca Frances. "Schooling for success : the US federal government, the American education system and the Cold War, 1947-1957." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6253/.

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This thesis seeks to demonstrate that, during the post war and early Cold War years, the US Federal government, and in particular the Executive branch, was inspired to increase the role which it played in the US Education system. It also seeks to chart the methods it utilised in order to do so. One inspiration was the desire to direct the US education system towards a curriculum which better benefitted the nation’s Cold War effort, including placing a greater emphasis upon scientific education and training, more tightly regulating the discussion over democratic vs. communist ideologies in the classroom and the pursuit of a greater equalisation in opportunity for African American students. Further inspiration was provided by both the widespread expansion of centralised government programs and the increased importance of education to social progress witnessed across the world after the Second World War, and both President Truman’s own personal commitment to the equalisation of education opportunity, and the Democratic Party’s pursuit of black votes during the Truman Administration. This thesis charts the Executive and Judicial branches’ innovative and unorthodox usage of the powers available to them in order to garner greater influence over the education system, and assesses the varying rates of success of these programmes in order to demonstrate the significant and irrevocable shift in the relationship between the US Federal government and the US education system which occurred during the early Cold War.

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Allen, Blake. "Constituting the Australian environment : the transition of political responsibility for the environment in Australia from state to federal government, 1974 - 1983." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/60396.

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Between 1974 and 1983 the Australian federal government, responding to the increasing demands of grassroots activists, passed a series of legislation that successfully altered the federal relationship in Australia by transferring political responsibility for the environment from the state governments to the federal government in Canberra. To better illustrate this process, this thesis will utilize Tasmania as an emblematic case study. The first part of this thesis is a social history that analyzes the development of environmental consciousness in Tasmania. This analysis spans from the cultural impact of the extinction of the thylacine (Thylacinus cynocephalus) on the island populace and culminates in the well-documented protests against the damming of the Serpentine and Franklin Rivers. This analysis will illustrate the failures of the state government to address public concerns and how this facilitated the transition of the focus of lobbying from the state to the federal level. The second part of this thesis is a legal history, looking at the legislation that was passed during this period that facilitated the transfer and explains the constitutional basis and effectiveness of the legislation. Through these two separate studies, this thesis will expand the existing Australian historiography, which has largely kept political and social analyses of the environmental movement separated, by integrating the two historical narratives. This thesis offers three contributions to Australian historiography. First, this research shows that the constitutional reformation that occurred under the governments of Gough Whitlam, Malcolm Fraser, and Bob Hawke was driven not by government initiative but, rather, by grassroots demands, and illustrate a need to further integrate the studies of social and political history so as to better pursue the histoire totale of Australia. Second, this thesis also helps contribute to the still nascent study of extinction’s socio-cultural impact on human societies with its particular emphasis on the extinction of the thylacine as the genesis of Tasmanian environmentalism. Third, it offers a detailed legal dissection of the federal government’s early environmental legislation and the constitutional foundations for Canberra’s acquisition of this responsibility.
Graduate Studies, College of (Okanagan)
Graduate

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Birmingham, Matthew J. "Federalism and spheres of justice: The role of religion in Australian government schools." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2016. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/96479/1/Matthew_Birmingham_Thesis.pdf.

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This thesis examines the role of religion in Australian government schools. Drawing on analysis of frameworks for religion in curriculum and as instruction, and informed by the case of the National School Chaplaincy Program, the research considers how the issue is determined at the state and territory level and, in some cases, by school communities. The thesis found that discourse taking place in the context of contemporary Australian federal arrangements for government schooling gives rise to communities of interest existing at different levels which determine the reach of religion in this public space, as considered appropriate to their needs.

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Taffe, Sue (Sue Elizabeth) 1945. "The Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders : the politics of inter-racial coalition in Australia, 1958-1973." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8964.

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Blanchard, Christopher S. "Changing the Face of the Earth: The Morrison-Knudsen Corporation as Partner to the U.S. Federal Government." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2066.

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Beginning with reclamation projects in the western U.S., the heavy construction industry helped the federal government grow in size and sophistication in the twentieth century. The Morrison-Knudsen Corporation throughout the twentieth century represented one of the federal government's favored contractors. Following western reclamation projects, the U.S. federal government then used contractors to help move the U.S. economy out of the Depression, prepare for World War II, wage the Cold War at home and abroad, and win the space race. Thus, at key stages in United States history we observe the necessity of the U.S. federal government partnering with the heavy construction industry to achieve its policy objectives at home and abroad. Morrison-Knudsen was once the largest heavy contractor in the United States, participating in the construction of Hoover Dam, Pacific Naval Air Bases, Hanford Engineering Works, the U.S. Intercontinental Ballistic Missile System, and the Vehicle Assembly Building at the Kennedy Space Center.

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Elder, Peter. "Charles Lydiard Aubrey Abbott : countryman or colonial governor?" Phd thesis, Northern Territory University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/272368.

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De, Leuil Heather. "The introduction of recurrent funding to non-government schools in Western Australia : National statesmanship or provincial pragmatism?" Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/318.

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State aid to private schools has been a controversial issue in Australia since the beginning of European settlement. This was true in all colonies' and remains a national issue in the twenty-first century. At various times colonial governments chose to provide to private schools, principally those operated by the Catholic and major churches. However as the colonies grew and statehood loomed, the of the day sought to withdraw their aid from private schools and their funding on the growing non-denominational, public school systems.

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Pongatichat, Panupak. "The alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2601/.

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This research involved an investigation of the alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies. A review of the literature suggested that, although the topic is of great interest and importance, it has been underresearched. The context of the existing studies appears to be based primarily on for-profits/business rather than not-for-profit/public sector domain. Moreover, the existing research is mainly normative lacking supporting empirical evidence. The objectives of this research were to (1) develop greater understanding of performance measurement in the public sector, and (2) provide supporting empirical evidence in place of the normative arguments regarding the alignment between performance measurement and strategy. This research aimed to answer the question, ‘how, in central government agencies, is the alignment between performance measurement and strategy managed?’ This interpretive multiple-case research comprised of the studies of four central government agencies in Thailand. The primary data source was interview data supported by documentation. The interpretational analyses were conducted both at intra-case and inter-case levels. This research found that public officials often regarded, ‘strategy’ as equivalent to ‘policy’ and that these terms were used interchangeably. The research also found that the existing definitions of fundamental performance measurement/management terminologies did not fit comfortably with public sector management owing mainly to their lack of practical perspectives. This research proposed refined terminologies. Additionally, the research found eight advantages of stategy-misaligned performance measurement despite the absence of their recognition in the existing literature. As a result, misalignment could be preferable in some circumstances. However, public managers were under pressure to demonstrate alignment between performance measurement and strategy thus ‘alignment tensions’ occurred in practice. In order to deal with these tensions, three strategies were identified including (1) neglecting the tensions (as in ‘do-nothing strategy’), (2) attempting to realign performance measurement with strategy (as in ‘realigning strategy’), and (3) directing attention from the alignment issue (as in ‘distracting strategy’).

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Burge, Kevin Turrini Joseph. "The Presidential Records Act of 1978 its development from the right to know and the public's demand for federal records ownership /." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/History/Thesis/Burge_Kevin_50.pdf.

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Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.

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Parsons, Meg. "Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.

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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)
Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.

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Monro, Dugald. "The results of federalism an examination of housing and disability services /." Connect to full text, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/493.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002.
Title from title screen (viewed 15 April 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, School of Economics and Politics, Faculty of Economics and Business. Degree awarded 2002; thesis submitted 2001. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

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35

Schierenbeck, Carsten. "On the governance of regional innovation systems. Case studies from four city-regions within the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia : Aachen, Dortmund, Duisburg and Düsseldorf." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1087/.

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This thesis investigates the governance of so-called regional innovation systems. It studies regional and sub-regional dynamics in building institutional environments conducive to innovation. The research employs a qualitative research methodology that comprises semi-structured interviews with 47 policy-makers, practitioners and academics in four case studies of city-regions within the German Federal State of North Rhine-Westphalia: Aachen, Dortmund, Duisburg and Düsseldorf. It identifies factors influencing the systemic-ness of business and innovation support, particularly within the triple helix of university-industry-government relations. It argues that important sub-regional governance dynamics are neglected by many contemporary regional conceptualisations and proposes considering local innovation systems as an alternative. Hence, it scrutinises the appropriateness of the current academic conceptualisations and, in particular, criticises their value in terms of operational guidance. The thesis argues that certain regional innovation policies and governance dynamics fail to constitute a regional innovation system and calls for organisational innovation in the framework structure to revive or maintain inter-institutional dynamics and cooperative relationships towards achieving a coherent, holistic and strategic policy approach. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of how to make a regional innovation system work and what important aspects are to be considered for implementing innovation policy – including cluster policy – successfully.

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Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Thesis, Cole, Peter (2000) Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/660/.

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The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.

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Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia : modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Murdoch University, 2000. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20061122.125641.

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The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.

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38

Roche, Vivienne Carol. "Razor gang to Dawkins : a history of Victoria College, an Australian College of Advanced Education." Connect to digital thesis, 2003. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000468.

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39

McFarland, Dana. "Indian reserve cut-offs in British Columbia, 1912-1924 : an examination of federal-provincial negotiations and consultation with Indians." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42023.

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Indian people in every agency in British Columbia suffered an injustice when the McKenna-McBride joint commission of the federal and provincial governments adjusted Indian reserve lands between 1913 and 1916. The report of this Royal Commission was amended before it was adopted by both governments in 1924, but the amendments only served to compound the inequity. This history of reserve land cut-offs in British Columbia considers the individual development of federal and provincial Indian land policies, the negotiations to homogenize them after union in 1871, and the efforts of Indians to resist reserve cut-offs. The primary sources, many of them generated by the reserve adjustment process of the Royal Commission, have allowed me to calculate the relative values of lands cut off or added by the commission, to discern the practical effects of the 1924 amendments, and to identify the principal consultants of the commission. These results, considered together with secondary sources which treat various aspects of reserve land cut-offs, indicate that the injustice was done at the insistence of the British Columbia government. Nevertheless, the federal government must share in the blame. It betrayed its role of protector of the Indians for the sake of creating a uniform Indian policy, no matter how unjust.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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40

Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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41

Badenhop, Stephen W. "Federal Failures: The Ohio-Michigan Boundary Dispute." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1206135823.

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42

Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

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43

Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.

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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.

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44

Trudinger, Dave. "The Comfort of Men: A Critical History of Managerial and Professional Men in Post-war Modernisation, Australia 1945-1965." University of Sydney. History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/718.

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This thesis is a critical history of managerial and professional men in post-Second World War Australia. The attention that I have given managerial and professional men has been determined by my own political desire to problematise the continued accomplishment of hegemony. As subjects, these men and their discursive practices enable scrutiny of the regenerative labour necessary to sustain power and necessary to realise the material results that accrue to those performing such work. My thesis examines the practices of particular groups of managerial and professional men within four discrete social settings or terrain during the post-war period. I interrogate the operations of managerial and professional men in personnel management (the terrain of work), in market research (the terrain of the market), in parenting and marriage guidance (the terrain of the family) and in the service club Rotary (the terrain of the civic). In each of these terrains I find managerial and professional men framing problems and enacting solutions. A process or intervention that makes natural the connections of interest (of advantage or disadvantage) being constantly recreated; an intervention that expresses a comfort with the mechanics and entailments of hegemony. To enable my critical history I apply, in each terrain, a framework comprising three core elements. I historicize the accomplishment of hegemony; testing the emergence of government and positive expressions of power during post-war modernisation in the local contexts of managerial and professional men�s interventions. I people hegemony; identifying the practices of managerial and professional men as resources for doing social relations (in particular the relations of gender and class) and crucial to the operation of hegemony. And, thirdly, I demonstrate the interventions of these men to be interested; unravelling the possessive investments managerial and professional men make through their interventions. My scrutiny of managerial and profession men and their practices, my choice of terrains in which to study them, my analysis of the process enacted in these terrain and the sources that I have utilised are not intended to assemble a biography of men�s experiences or ideal masculinities. Rather, my thesis provides a biography of interventions in order to disassemble that which appears not to be anything in particular: the ordinary regeneration of hegemony by ordinary men doing ordinary things.

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Fogarty, Peter John. "The Constitutional Convention of 1787 : the issues of representation, slavery and economics /." Full-text of dissertation on the Internet (423 KB), 2009. http://www.lib.jmu.edu/general/etd/2009/Honors/Fogarty_Peter/fogartpj_honors_11-11-2009_01.pdf.

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46

Oakshott, Stephen Craig School of Information Library &amp Archives Studies UNSW. "The Association of Libarians in colleges of advanced education and the committee of Australian university librarians: The evolution of two higher education library groups, 1958-1997." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Information, Library and Archives Studies, 1998. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18238.

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This thesis examines the history of Commonwealth Government higher education policy in Australia between 1958 and 1997 and its impact on the development of two groups of academic librarians: the Association of Librarians in Colleges in Advanced Education (ALCAE) and the Committee of Australian University Librarians (CAUL). Although university librarians had met occasionally since the late 1920s, it was only in 1965 that a more formal organisation, known as CAUL, was established to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information. ALCAE was set up in 1969 and played an important role helping develop a special concept of library service peculiar to the newly formed College of Advanced Education (CAE) sector. As well as examining the impact of Commonwealth Government higher education policy on ALCAE and CAUL, the thesis also explores the influence of other factors on these two groups, including the range of personalities that comprised them, and their relationship with their parent institutions and with other professional groups and organisations. The study focuses on how higher education policy and these other external and internal factors shaped the functions, aspirations, and internal dynamics of these two groups and how this resulted in each group evolving differently. The author argues that, because of the greater attention given to the special educational role of libraries in the CAE curriculum, the group of college librarians had the opportunity to participate in, and have some influence on, Commonwealth Government statutory bodies responsible for the coordination of policy and the distribution of funding for the CAE sector. The link between ALCAE and formal policy-making processes resulted in a more dynamic group than CAUL, with the university librarians being discouraged by their Vice-Chancellors from having contact with university funding bodies because of the desire of the universities to maintain a greater level of control over their affairs and resist interference from government. The circumstances of each group underwent a reversal over time as ALCAE's effectiveness began to diminish as a result of changes to the CAE sector and as member interest was transferred to other groups and organisations. Conversely, CAUL gradually became a more active group during the 1980s and early 1990s as a result of changes to higher education, the efforts of some university librarians, and changes in membership. This study is based principally on primary source material, with the story of ALCAE and CAUL being told through the use of a combination of original documentation (including minutes of meetings and correspondence) and interviews with members of each group and other key figures.

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47

McGrath, Frank Roland. "The intentions of the framers of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution in the context of the debates at the Australasian Federation Conference of 1890, and the Australasian Federal Conventions of 1891 and 1897-8 The understanding of the framers of the Constitution as to the meaning and purpose of the provisions of the Constitution which they debated at these assemblies /." Connect to full text, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/850.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.
Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 24, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 2000. Includes bibliography and of tables of cases. Also available in print form.

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Binnie, Anna-Eugenia. "From atomic energy to nuclear science : a history of the Australian Atomic Energy Commission." [Sydney] : Macquarie University Physics Department, 2003. http://www.ansto.gov.au/libsite/Fulltext/Binnie_atomic-energy.pdf.

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49

Martorell, Fullana Catalina Maria. "El republicanisme federal i la cultura liberal democràtica a Mallorca (1840-1900)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/325409.

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Aquesta tesi té per objectiu conèixer el sorgiment i l’evolució del republicanisme federal a Mallorca en el vuit-cents. En ella s’han descrit els aspectes més ideològics, polítics i organitzatius del republicanisme mallorquí, però també s’han analitzat els aspectes més culturals i socials que ens han portat a conèixer el desenvolupament de tota una cultura republicana federal a la Mallorca del segle XIX. A la Mallorca vuitcentista es donà una dualitat que enfrontava per una banda un món tradicional, catòlic, ancorat sobretot al camp, amb un món modern, laic i que fou més propici a les zones urbanes. En general, les forces conservadores i catòliques gaudiren del control polític i social i combateren totes aquelles idees que pretenien donar més poder al poble. En contraposició, es desenvolupà tota una cultura liberal democràtica i popular lligada al republicanisme, que es caracteritzà pel seu laïcisme i pel seu obrerisme. En ambdós camps fou primordial el treball en el terreny de l’educació de les classes obreres i populars. Es tractava d’una educació allunyada de l’Església catòlica. Per altra banda, els republicans mallorquins promocionaren altres medis per l’emancipació de les classes subalternes com foren les cooperatives, les societats de socors mutus i les caixes d’estalvi. Aleshores, s’han distribuït els capítols tenint en compte les diferents etapes històriques, que van des dels antecedents –els quals els situem en la dècada dels quaranta-, el Sexenni i la Restauració. Posant punt i final amb la crisi finisecular i coincidint amb l’esmicolament del republicanisme federal. Amb el canvi de segle, dintre del republicanisme van vèncer vies més institucionalistes –més pròpies de la cultura liberal progressista- i amb noves estratègies que fugien de la conspiració i el retraïment electoral tan propi del republicanisme vuitcentista. Per altra banda hi són presents capítols de caire més interpretatiu que esdevenen una reflexió sobre el pensament federal generat a l’illa de Mallorca, així com també hi ha una reflexió sobre la base social dels federals mallorquins amb la seva corresponent evolució al tombant de segle. Amb tot, es mostra com al llarg del vuit-cents existí una cultura política prou consolidada, que si bé no fou visible a nivell parlamentari, va ser capaç de construir una alternativa al règim. Es constata també que aquesta alternativa es generà sobretot a les zones urbanes, especialment a la ciutat de Palma, en la qual fins i tot tingueren oportunitat de gaudir del govern municipal en distintes ocasions. Per últim no podem obviar el paper que jugaren els federals mallorquins en el disseny d’un estat federal. Al llarg del segle la defensa de la descentralització -amb un fort component social- fou una de les premisses del republicanisme mallorquí, però al tombant de segle floriren amb força els regionalismes, i marcaren un abans i un després en el republicanisme. A partir d’aquell moment es pot dir que desapareix la cultura federal mallorquina imperant fins aleshores.
The objective of this thesis is the study of both appearance and evolution of federal republicanism in Majorca during the 19th century. Its ideological, political and organizational aspects have been described in this document. Moreover, the cultural and social aspects which explain the development of a complete federal republican culture in the 1800's have been also explored and exposed. In Majorca, during the 19th century, it appeared a duality which faced, on the one hand, a traditional, catholic and rural world, and, on the other hand, a modern and lay world, which had become more popular in the urban areas. To a large extent, the conservative and catholic forces not only held the political and social control but also fought against all those ideas which tried to empower the working-class. On the contrary, a complete liberal, democratic and popular culture linked to the republican ideology was developed. It is remarkable to observe that this movement was strongly marked by labour and lay ideas. In both points, the education of the worker-class was absolutely important as it was an education disassociated from the Catholic Church. Furthermore, Majorcan republican activists promoted other emancipation ways such as cooperatives, saving banks or mutual organisations. The chapters of this thesis have been distributed taking into account the several historical stages, starting from the antecedents (situated in the 40's), the period called Sexenni Revolucionari (1868-1874) and the Bourbon Crown Restoration. The final stage of our study is the turn-of-the-century crisis, when the collapse of the federal republicanism also took place. It is crucial to reveal that, after turning of the century, the most institutionalist trends were the ones who won the battle among the different republicanism thoughts. Those trends were closer to the liberal progressive culture and their new strategies were opposite to the federal republicanism trends during the 1800's (e.g.: electoral abstention or conspiracy). In addition to these stages, there are also other kind of chapters: those where the author is sort of subjective and presents not only a reflection of the Majorcan federal thought, but also a reflection of their social base and its evolution at the turn of the century. Hence, the thesis shows that, during the 19th century, it existed a political culture which was quite strong and capable to build an alternative to the regime even though it finally did not manage to get any parliamentary visibility. This investigation also reveals that this ideology appeared in the urban areas (specially in the city of Palma), where they even reached to govern the city council several times. Last but not least, it is also relevant the contribution of Majorcan federal activists to the design of a federal state. During the whole century, they had been defending the decentralisation as a big issue. None the less, in the late century, regionalisms powerfully appeared and turned out to mark a milestone for the republicanism. From that moment on, the Majorcan federal culture, which had prevailed until that period of time, was considered to disappear.

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Scott, Sean A. "Alcohol and agriculture : the political philosophy of Calvin Coolidge demonstrated in two domestic policies." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1164850.

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This thesis demonstrates that Calvin Coolidge applied a philosophy of limited government to his executive decisions concerning two domestic issues, Prohibition and agricultural policy. In both matters, various groups attempted to pressure Coolidge into permanently increasing the scope of the federal government's activities. Coolidge refused to comply with their demands and maintained his belief in the benefits of a federal government that limited itself to minimal activism by mediating the disputes of conflicting interest groups. Through both Prohibition and the agricultural problem, Coolidge exhibited his effectiveness in handling divisive political issues while maintaining his philosophy of limited government. Overall, this thesis contributes to the scholarly revisionism of Coolidge.
Department of History

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Federal government Australia History'

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