Journal articles: 'Federal elections'

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Bélanger, Éric, and Jean-François Godbout. "Forecasting Canadian Federal Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 691–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001113.

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AbstractIn recent decades, the scientific forecasting of election outcomes has made great strides in a number of advanced industrial democracies. One country that has not received much attention to date is Canada. In this article, we present a vote function model to forecast Canadian federal elections. We explain our model's theoretical underpinnings and assess its statistical properties and forecasting capabilities against all federal elections held between 1953 and 2008. We then explore potential ways for improving the model's accuracy. We conclude by discussing the forecast of different hypothetical scenarios for an upcoming federal election.

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Patterson, Steven Thomas. "Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828.

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The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections. This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.

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Weinstein-Tull, Justin. "Election Law Federalism." Michigan Law Review, no. 114.5 (2016): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.114.5.election.

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This Article provides the first comprehensive account of non-Voting Rights Act federal voting laws. Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act—long the most effective voting rights law in American history—was disabled by the Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is in the crosshairs. As the Supreme Court becomes more hostile to race-based antidiscrimination laws like the Voting Rights Act, Congress will turn to race-neutral, election administration-based reforms to strengthen the right to vote. Indeed, many proposals for reform post-Shelby County have taken this form. The federal laws this Article examines—the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA), the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA), and the Help America Vote Act (HAVA)—regulate major aspects of the elections process: voter registration, absentee ballots, voting machine technology, and accessibility for disabled persons. These statutes, and the model of regulation they illustrate, both represent the future of federal election law and present previously unstudied challenges with implications for election law broadly. Federal legislation that seeks to regulate and standardize elections implicates complicated relationships among federal, state, and local governments. This domain of “election law federalism” has two distinct features: (1) unusually expansive federal power to legislate pursuant to the Elections Clause; and (2) widespread state prerogative to delegate election responsibilities to local government. Because of these unusual characteristics, federal election laws of the kind this Article discusses run in perceived tension with traditional federalism doctrines like the anticommandeering principle and state authority to organize its own subdivisions. That tension has created enforcement difficulties and widespread noncompliance with the statutes. This Article proposes reforms that would allow federal election legislation to accommodate the realities of the elections system and more effectively optimize the roles of federal, state, and local governments within the elections system.

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Loewen, Peter John, and Frédérick Bastien. "(In)Significant Elections? Federal By-elections in Canada, 1963–2008." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390999076x.

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Abstract. Despite the development of electoral studies in Canada, by-elections have received little attention from researchers. We believe that these are important political events. This research note examines the 121 federal by-elections held between general elections from 1963 to 2008. Our analysis indicates that turnout in by-elections is driven by the larger societal determinants of turnout and not the characteristics of each race. We also find that the support of the government party in a by-election is affected by changes in national opinion towards the government, but only in the third-party system. We find that minor parties and independent candidates perform better in by-elections than in general elections. And we find no difference in the re-election rates of by-election winners and those who enter parliament through general elections.Résumé. Malgré le développement des études électorales au Canada, les élections partielles ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des chercheurs. Nous croyons qu'il s'agit pourtant d'événements importants dans la vie politique canadienne. Cette note de recherche examine les 121 élections partielles fédérales survenues entre les élections générales de 1963 à 2008. Notre analyse indique que le taux de participation aux élections partielles est davantage influencé par des déterminants sociétaux que par des caractéristiques propres à chacune. Nous constatons aussi que les fluctuations de l'opinion publique canadienne à l'égard du gouvernement influençaient la performance du parti gouvernemental lors des élections partielles avant le réalignement partisan de 1993, mais que ce n'est plus le cas dans le système partisan actuel. Nous observons également que les petits partis et les candidats indépendants enregistrent de meilleures performances lors des élections partielles et qu'il n'y a pas, aux élections générales qui suivent, de différence notable entre le taux de réélection des gagnants aux élections partielles et celui des autres députés sortants.

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Prysby, Charles. "North Carolina: Color the Tar Heels Federal Red and State Blue." American Review of Politics 26 (July 1, 2005): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.185-201.

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The 2004 elections in North Carolina resembled those in 1996 and 2000 in many ways. The candidates changed in a number of races, and some of the outcomes were different, but nevertheless there was a fundamental similarity among these three election years. Republicans carried the state by comfortable margins in all three presidential elections, and they had an advantage in each of the congressional elections as well. Even so, Democrats won all three gubernatorial elections and maintained control of state government. Thus, North Carolina in 2004 was once again both red and blue, depending on whether one looked at federal or at state election results.

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Grossman, Edward. "Content analysis and elections: The 1987 federal election." Politics 23, no. 2 (November 1988): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268808402065.

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Khaniya, Bharat, and Arun Kumar Sharma. "Election and Development in Federal Nepal: Perspective of APF in Election Security." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 1, no. 1 (December 14, 2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v1i1.26711.

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Free and fair elections are the elements that contribute in strengthening the democracy. They are more important for the fragile democracies like Nepal. The new constitution promulgated in 2015 by Constituent Assembly led the country to federal state. Elections of all three tiers of government were to be held within two years from the date of promulgation. The constitution granted a number of tasks to be performed by local bodies for the development of the country. Elections and development are interrelated and connected. Elections elect candidates and those candidates are the vehicle of development. But the first year passed by without doing much and later government had to execute the task within the period of eight months. Local elections were planned and held in three phases due to security reason, whereas, provincial and federal elections were completed in two phases. All security forces mobilized in duty performed their duty well and elections went on peacefully except some petty incident in some parts of the country. This article is centered on the security provision of election and a long-term security plan. It needs to be prioritized by the government, as the security situation deteriorates further each day. Anti-election elements, agitating groups attempting to achieve their rights, lack of law and order, and banditry are just some of the security challenges Nepal is currently facing, and affects the ability to hold free and fair elections. Consequently, security is integral and inseparable part of an election and electoral process. The study concluded that the security agencies were proactive, capable of providing security to the political leaders, candidates and voters perform their functions effectively and peacefully during legislative elections 2017.

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Schakel, Arjan H., and Wilfried Swenden. "Rethinking Party System Nationalization in India (1952–2014)." Government and Opposition 53, no. 1 (March 8, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.42.

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This article provides a new conceptual and empirical analysis of party system nationalization, based on four different measurements. Unlike previous nationalization studies, these measurements conceptualize party system nationalization on the basis of electoral performance in national (general or federal) and sub-national (state) elections. After introducing these measurements we apply them to 16 general and 351 state elections in India, the world’s largest democracy with strong sub-national governments. By incorporating state election results we are able to demonstrate that: (1) the pattern of denationalization in India has been more gradual than assumed in previous studies of party system nationalization; (2) denationalization in recent decades results less from dual voting (vote shifting between state and federal elections) than from the growing divergence among state party systems (in state and federal elections); (3) the 2014 general election result, although potentially transformative in the long run, provides more evidence of continuity than change in the short run.

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Chebotarev, Gennady N. "Public observation as a tool of election legitimacy." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 1 (2022): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520018279-7.

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The author of the article considers election observation as a form of public control provided by civil society to contribute to election legitimacy and to strengthen voters’ confidence in the election results as well as in the legality of the legislative branch. The article analyzes the practice of video broadcasting of voting process, the cases of public observation done by public chambers at the elections to the State Duma in 2021. The conclusion is made about the need to improve the legal regulation of public control at elections. The author proposes to appoint election observers in places of detention with this right to be realized by civic monitoring commissions. Since elections are a form of democracy, it is important to expand the possibility of public control in the federal legislation not only over the vote, but also at the previous stages of the electoral process federal legislation

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Turovsky, Rostislav, and Marina Sukhova. "Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes." Russian Politics 5, no. 3 (August 25, 2020): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00503004.

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Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

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Goot, Murray. "Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 3 (September 2019): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12601.

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Economou, Nick. "Elections Matter: Ten Federal Elections That Shaped Australia." Australian Historical Studies 50, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1662542.

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13

James, Peter. "The 1998 German Federal Election." Politics 20, no. 1 (February 2000): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00108.

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The federal election held in Germany on 27 September 1998 marked the end of the Kohl era. It was one of the closest-fought postwar elections, which made the result difficult to predict and the election evening extremely exciting. In the event the ruling Christian Democrats recorded their worst result since 1949, a sitting federal chancellor, Helmut Kohl, was voted out of office for the first time in the history of the Federal Republic and the main opposition party, Germany's Social Democrats, became the largest party in parliament for only the second time since the war.

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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, and Rashaad Ali. "Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.

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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.

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Krashinsky, Michael, and William J. Milne. "The Effect of Incumbency in the 1984 Federal and 1985 Ontario Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (June 1986): 337–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054056.

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AbstractThis note extends the authors' earlier work on incumbency in Canadian federal and Ontario provincial elections by examining riding by riding results in the 1984 federal and 1985 Ontario provincial elections. In particular, the authors test their earlier hypothesis that incumbency effects are swamped by large shifts in voter preferences. The results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact, and that this impact was not reduced by the large shift in votes in the 1984 federal election. The authors reject the hypothesis that large shifts in party allegiance reduce incumbency effects.

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Davis, Frank L. "Allocations Follow Form: The Impact of Federal Structure on Association PACs." American Review of Politics 15 (January 1, 1995): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.481-490.

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Researchers have found that the leaders of PACs serving associations with federated organizational structures are under pressure to surrender a good deal of control over allocations to their grassroots fund raisers. As a result, these PACs expend a larger proportion of their allocations to assist the election efforts of ideologically congenial candidates, and a smaller proportion to attain access to likely election victors. This finding, in turn, prompts new questions. This paper addresses some of these. The most important concerns the degree to which association PACs’ commitment to electing ideological allies is the result of sponsors’ federated structures. Results o f this analysis indicate that association PACs’ distinctive commitment to influencing elections stems exclusively from federated associations. The association PAC category includes two distinct groups with vastly different tactical orientations. Pacs in one group, i.e., those serving federated associations, are committed to influencing election results while PACs in the other group, consisting o f those serving nonfederated associations, are dedicated to securing access to election victors.

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Feser, Andreas. "Nicht auf Polarisierung setzen! Schlussfolgerungen aus den Wahlergebnissen 2019 und 2020 für das Parteiensystem in Deutschland." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 554–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-554.

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False diagnostics are dangerous if they lead to false therapies . This is also true for election analyses . Diagnostic trends such as “Polarization” and “a new Cleavage” currently dominate the field . Despite being supposed to provide clarity, an in-depth analysis of various parties’ programs seems to hint at centrifugal rather than polarizing forces . If the diagnostic trends were accurate, election results on the federal and state level should align . Traditionally, the same two strongest parties dominated specific regions regardless of state or federal elections - only the results of smaller parties showed regional differences . This pattern, however, no longer describes the current political landscape with significant regional differences which party got the most votes in state and federal elections . Polarization simply cannot overcome the ambiguity of having to root one’s political program in highly accentuated regional party systems and at the same time provide general political directions on a federal level .

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Davidson, Sinclair, Lisa Farrell, Tim R. L. Fry, and Sandra Mihajilo. "Contestability of Australian Federal Elections." Australian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 3 (September 2008): 547–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140802267308.

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Wilcox, Clyde. "Teaching Campaign Finance with Federal Election Commission Resources." News for Teachers of Political Science 53 (1987): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900000362.

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Many Political Science courses include sections on campaign finance activity. Courses on Congress and on the Presidency may include sections on the financing of elections for these offices, and courses on campaigns and elections will probably cover campaign finance. In addition, courses on interest groups and on parties may include sections that focus on the activities of these actors in financing campaigns for public office.The Federal Election Commission can provide an assortment of materials that may be useful in teaching about campaign finance. Some of these materials are most useful as sources of data for lecture preparation, while other offerings can be used as part of student projects or papers. In the sections below, these materials will be described, and some classroom uses will be suggested.

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Armstrong, David A., Jack Lucas, and Zack Taylor. "The Urban-Rural Divide in Canadian Federal Elections, 1896–2019." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (November 2, 2021): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000792.

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AbstractUsing a new measure of urbanity for every federal electoral district in Canada from 1896 to the present, this article describes the long-term development of the urban-rural divide in Canadian federal elections. We focus on three questions: (1) when the urban-rural divide has existed in Canada, identifying three main periods—the 1920s, the 1960s and 1993–present—in which the urban-rural cleavage has been especially important in federal elections; (2) where the urban-rural divide has existed, finding that in the postwar period the urban-rural cleavage is a pan-Canadian phenomenon; and (3) how well urbanity predicts district-level election outcomes. We argue that the urban-rural divide is important for understanding election outcomes during several periods of Canadian political development, and never more so than in recent decades. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research on urban-rural cleavages, Canadian electoral politics and Canadian political development.

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McGregor, R. Michael, and Cameron D. Anderson. "The Effects of Elections Canada's Campaign Period Advertising." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (November 28, 2014): 813–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914001061.

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AbstractVoter participation is widely viewed as invaluable by democratic theorists, and a large majority of members of the Canadian public believe that low turnout weakens Canadian democracy. In response to decreasing rates of turnout in federal elections, Elections Canada has run advertising campaigns during the last several election campaigns encouraging Canadians to participate by voting. Using Election Canadian Study data from 2006 and 2008, this note examines the effect of Elections Canada's advertisements upon turnout and the partisan outcome of elections. Results reveal that the ad campaigns have effects upon both factors. The ads increase turnout among segments of the population with traditionally low turnout rates and are associated with an overall decrease in the Conservative party's vote share.

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Culberson, Tyler, Michael P. McDonald, and Suzanne M. Robbins. "Small Donors in Congressional Elections." American Politics Research 47, no. 5 (March 23, 2018): 970–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18763918.

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Candidates raise substantial sums of money to compete in federal elections. Scholars and election observers are concerned by potential corruption related to the reliance on donors who make significant contributions. One reform effort to counterbalance large donors is encouraging small donor participation. Still, some worry that ideologically extreme candidates are best able to raise small donations. We analyze internal U.S. Federal Elections Commission data to examine small donor giving in the 2006 through 2010 U.S. House elections. We find small donors may expand the scope of participation, in that the supply of small donors is unrelated to income and that all types of candidates—incumbents, their challengers, and open seat candidates—are equally adept at attracting small donors. Candidates in the most competitive races raise the most in small contributions. We temper reformers’ enthusiasm, finding that ideologically extreme incumbents tend to raise more money from small donors.

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Markov, R. S. "National Elections of governors in Context of Transformation of Federal Relations in Post-Soviet Russia (Early 1990s — Mid-2000s)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 456–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-456-476.

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The features of the formation and conduct of direct nation-wide elections of senior officials (governors, heads of administrations, presidents) of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the reasons for their temporary cancellation are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the significant influence of gubernatorial election campaigns (however, as well as the subsequent abolition of electivity) on the formation of the domestic political system, new democratic institutions and federal relations in Russia at the turn of 1990—2000. In preparing the article, a large array of regulatory and judicial documents and statistical data was used, which makes it possible to comprehensively characterize the process of applying the provisions of the electoral legislation and the trends in the development of the electoral system. It was found that the regions were more willing to defend the election of governors, while the federal center, declaring its commitment to democratic reforms, made efforts to slow down the decentralization of state power. The transition to widespread direct elections in the second half of the 1990s, in the face of the weakness of the central state apparatus, contributed to the strengthening of the political positions of regional leaders. The conclusion is substantiated that the reforms of the federal center in the first half of the 2000s, aimed at strengthening the “vertical of power”, strengthening federal control, compromising the institution of gubernatorial elections with falsifications and the use of aggressive political technologies led to a relatively quick cancellation of popular elections, which was met with restraint by the elites and the population.

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Belov, Vladislav. "Landtag elections in Germany as an indicator of federal party and political trends." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 2 (2022): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21720224351.

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In March and May 2022, landtag elections were held in western German states of Saarland, Schleswig-Holstein and North Rhine-Westphalia, with results largely reflecting the developments at federal level: growing popularity of Union 90/Die Grünen, ongoing rivalry between SPD and CDU, FDP's fight for seats in regional parliaments and continuation of crisis processes in „Left“ and „Alternative for Germany“ parties. For the first time in election campaign of the two states, foreign policy played an important role, namely the factor of Ukraine. The author analyzes results of the elections and assesses their impact on federal party and political processes in Germany.

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Studlar, Donley T. "Canadian Exceptionalism: Explaining Differences over Time in Provincial and Federal Voter Turnout." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 2 (June 2001): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777918.

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Canada is unusual among advanced industrial democracies in having some provinces which regularly have greater voter turnouts for provincial than for federal elections. Provincial and federal turnouts by province in Canada are analyzed for the 1945-1998 period using multiple regression analysis, both for each set of elections and by comparing differences between the two. Federal turnout has declined over the years but provincial turnout appears to have increased slightly. Although the effects found here largely confirm previous findings about the relative effects of different types of variables found for the Canadian federal level only, several of the political explanations previously supported in cross-national research find less support. Instead, region, population density, months since the last federal or provincial election, and season of the year generally have greater and sometimes more consistent effects. This suggests the need for more studies of turnout in democracies at sub-central levels.

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Rekkas, Marie. "Gender and Elections: An Examination of the 2006 Canadian Federal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 987–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081134.

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Abstract. The existing literature on gender effects in the electoral process offers little evidence of significant gender vote share differentials. In this paper it is shown that for the 2006 Canadian federal election, once candidate campaign spending is introduced into the model with appropriate flexibility in the vote share responsiveness across genders, significant differences are found to exist between male and female candidates. The findings suggest that, for equal levels of spending, male incumbents have a vote share advantage relative to female incumbents, though this vote share advantage is found to diminish with increased expenditures. Female non-incumbent candidates, on the other hand, have a vote share advantage over male non-incumbent candidates for higher levels of expenditure and this advantage was found to increase with increased expenditures.Résumé. Les écrits traitant des effets du genre dans le processus électoral offrent peu de preuves d'un écart significatif dans le pourcentage des voix selon le genre. Cet article montrera que, dans le contexte des élections fédérales canadiennes de 2006, une fois que les dépenses de campagne des candidats sont introduites dans le modèle avec la flexibilité adéquate sur la réceptivité du pourcentage des voix selon les genres, on découvre que des différences significatives existent entre les candidats masculins et féminins. Le résultat des recherches montre que pour des dépenses équivalentes, les titulaires masculins ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux titulaires de sexe féminin bien qu'il s'avère que cet avantage diminue lorsque les dépenses augmentent. D'autre part, les candidates féminines non-titulaires ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux candidats masculins non-titulaires quand les dépenses sont plus élevées et cet avantage s'avère augmenter lorsque les dépenses augmentent.

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Rosenko, Mariya Ivanovna, Elena Vladimirovna Skrebets, Maria Vladimirovna Goryachih, Sofia Valerievna Pasternak, and Irasema Marisol Ruiz Medrano. "Problems of the formation of public authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation: regional aspect." SHS Web of Conferences 108 (2021): 01006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202110801006.

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The article examines the current problems of improving the legal norms governing elections of the highest officials of Russian Federal entities, considers the problematic issues of the implementation of electoral mechanisms in the context of the subjects of the nomination of candidates, the features of the legal regulation of the institution of self-nomination in the elections of the highest official of Russian Federal entities. The authors analyze the legal norms that regulate the procedure for collecting signatures in support of candidates nominated by various subjects, consider the organizational and legal norms that regulate the procedure for recalling the highest official of the Russian Federation, and suggest ways to improve the regulatory and legal regulation of the election of the highest official of the Russian Federal entity.

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Apel, Simon, Christian Körber, and Tim Wihl. "The Decision of the German Federal Constitutional Court of 25 August 2005 Regarding the Dissolution of the National Parliament." German Law Journal 6, no. 9 (September 1, 2005): 1243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014279.

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Thanks to Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's decision to ask the German Bundestag (Federal Parliament) for a vote of confidence on 1 July 2005, and following on the Federal President's dissolution of the Parliament on 21 July 2005 in response thereto, the Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG – Federal Constitutional Court) was pressed into service to finally decide whether federal elections should go forward nearly a year ahead of schedule. With the Court's affirmative decision of 25 August 2005, Germany now finds itself in a turbulent national election campaign.

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Cross, William. "Regulating Independent Expenditures in Federal Elections." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 20, no. 3 (September 1994): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551953.

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Dardanelli, Paolo. "The Swiss federal elections of 2007." Electoral Studies 27, no. 4 (December 2008): 748–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.04.010.

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Zhuribeda, Konstantin. "ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR OF RUSSIAN CITIZENS IN THE 1996-2018 FEDERAL ELECTIONS ON THE TERRITORY OUTSIDE THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.204.

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This article describes the course of voting in federal elections (President of the Russian Federation, deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation) in the period from 1996 to 2018. The basics of organizing voting outside the Russian Federation and the procedure for registering foreign voters in electoral statistics are described. The study analyzed voting in federal elections in foreign countries with more than 500 voters in key political forces that participated in the elections to the State Duma in 1999-2016 and candidates for the office of President of the Russian Federation in the 1996-2018 elections (party in power, communists, liberals, LDPR, etc.). The sample includes countries on virtually every continent of the globe. Information on the ownership of foreign sites by specific countries is taken from the relevant decisions of the Central Election Commission. Unfortunately, the authors have only incomplete data on voting in the 1990s (there is no information at all for voting in foreign polling stations in the 1995 State Duma elections, for the 1996 presidential elections there is information only about voting in the countries of the former USSR, for elections to the State Duma in 1999 there is only fragmentary information from foreign sites). Since 2003, data on voting has been published in full due to the introduction of the State Automated System “Vybory” (GAS “Vybory”).

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Ansolabehere, Stephen, John Mark Hansen, Shigeo Hirano, and James M. Snyder. "More Democracy: The Direct Primary and Competition in U.S. Elections." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 2 (August 10, 2010): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x10000064.

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This article offers a first-ever comprehensive empirical assessment of a key Progressive reform, the direct primary, and its impact on competition in American elections. We begin with a review of the problems Progressives diagnosed in the American electoral system and reasons to expect the direct primary to be a pro-competitive, democratizing reform. We then consider prior research into the direct primary and electoral contestation and describe the database of primary and general election outcomes that we have constructed to trace competition in primaries for federal and statewide offices. Finally, we examine the historical trajectory of competition in primary elections, starting with the first decades after the introduction of the reform and then the succeeding decades.Consistent with the hopes of reformers, we find primary elections indeed provided a forum for contestation for federal and statewide elections. Although primaries were never broadly competitive, even at the outset, they accounted for about a third of the serious electoral tests faced by statewide officeholders and about a fifth faced by U.S. representatives. The role of primaries as a venue for robust contestation, however, was short-lived, as the competitiveness of federal and statewide primaries decreased sharply starting in the 1940s. The last section of this article explores whether two recent developments in American elections—the extension of two-party competition and the rise in the value of incumbency—conspired to temper the contribution of direct primaries to electoral competition.

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Sperkach, A. I. "Federal and Regional Aspects of the Moscow City Duma Elections." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-90-94.

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The author focuses on one of the most resonant events of the last electoral cycle: the election of deputies of the Moscow city Duma, their Federal and purely local features using comparative and system methods. The author in most cases relied on open sources, widely attracting media materials. The article states the image damage suffered by “United Russia” in the capital, whose representatives were nominated as independent candidates. At the same time, reputational costs, taking into account the results of elections in other regions, paradoxically contribute to the fact that the project of “United Russia”, as the party in power, will continue.

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McKinnon, Merryn, David Semmens, Brenda Moon, Inoka Amarasekara, and Léa Bolliet. "Science, Twitter and election campaigns: tracking #auspol in the Australian federal elections." Journal of Science Communication 15, no. 06 (November 29, 2016): A04. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.15060204.

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Social media is increasingly being used by science communicators, journalists and government agencies to engage in discourse with a range of publics. Despite a growing body of literature on Twitter use, the communication of science via Twitter is comparatively under explored. This paper examines the prominence of scientific issues in political debate occurring on Twitter during the 2013 and 2016 Australian federal election campaigns. Hashtracking of the umbrella political hashtag auspol was used to capture tweets during the two campaign periods. The 2013 campaign was particularly relevant as a major issue for both parties was climate change mitigation, a controversial and partisan issue. Therefore, climate change discussion on Twitter during the 2013 election was used as a focal case study in this research. Subsamples of the 2013 data were used to identify public sentiment and major contributors to the online conversation, specifically seeking to see if scientific, governmental, media or ‘public' sources were the more dominant instigators. We compare the prominence of issues on Twitter to mainstream media polls over the two campaign periods and argue that the potential of Twitter as an effective public engagement tool for science, and for politicised scientific issues in particular, is not being realised.

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Hollander, Robyn. "Elections, Policy and the Media: Tasmania's Forests and the 2004 Federal Election." Australian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2006): 569–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140600959783.

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Pal, Michael. "Constitutional Design of Electoral Governance in Federal States." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (November 2, 2021): S23—S39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.28.

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AbstractThis article explores the constitutional politics of electoral governance in federations by focusing on the role of election commissions, drawing mainly on examples from Asia. All democracies face the challenge of insulating electoral governance from interference and capture. Compared to unitary states, federations confront the additional dilemma of how to disperse authority over electoral governance across multiple orders of government. Federal democracies must decide whether electoral governance should be a matter for the center or the states. I argue that the basic choice is between what I will call the ‘unitary model’ and the ‘division of powers model.’ The main institution of electoral governance is the electoral management body or ‘EMB.’ In the unitary model, a central EMB administers both national and state-level elections. In the ‘division of powers model’, both a central and state-level EMBs exist, with the state commissions administering elections in the component units of the federation. In federal democracies generally, but especially in Asia, the allure of the unitary model has been strong. The article draws on the example of the Constituent Assembly in India to illustrate what is at stake in how federal constitutions allocate authority over electoral governance.

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Вискулова, Виктория, and Viktoriya Viskulova. "On Early Election Calling." Journal of Russian Law 3, no. 6 (June 5, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11475.

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Every year the Russian Federation holds thousands of elections — primary, early, occasional, runoffs, etc. This article describes a great number of early election campaigns in Russia, reflects some discrepancies in the statistics, and also reveals some problems of an election process. The author touches upon the following points: 1) proves that early elections are called due to early termination of powers of the elected authorities and officials; 2) demonstrates a variety of the RF constituent entities’ legal approaches to determining of initiators of early election calling; 3) suggests an all-in-one approach to early election calling — by election committees. In her article the author uses statistical technique, comparative juridical and legal modelling methods. As a result the author proposes some amendments to the RF Federal Law “On Basic Guarantees of Electoral Rights and the Right of Citizens of the Russian Federation to Participate in a Referendum”. The author assumes that it is the election committees that should call for early elections, and not the elected public authorities or local governments.

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Maddens, Bart. "Gesplitst stemmen bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 21 mei 1995 : een analyse op basis van surveydata." Res Publica 41, no. 4 (December 31, 1999): 421–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v41i4.18490.

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The 1995 simultaneous election of three legislative assemblies (Senate, lower Chamber and regional councils) offered the Belgian voters an opportunity to split their ballot between three different parties. An analysis of Flemish individual level survey data shows that 76.1% cast a straight ticket vote, white 20.9 % split their tickets between two and 3 % between three different parties. Ticketsplitting occurs most frequently amongst voters who mention the personality of individual politicians or the issues as a reason to support a party. In addition, the likehood of ticket-splitting increases amongst the higher educated and the non-partisans. No support was found for the hypothesis that ticket-splitters in a multi-party system tend to lean towards one party on some issues and towards the other party on others. Instead, ticket-splitters generally take a position in between two parties. No evidence was found of a differential issue impact across elections, in this sense that regional issues are more critical to regional elections and federal issues to federal elections.

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Blom, Michelle, Andrew Conway, Peter J. Stuckey, and Vanessa J. Teague. "Did That Lost Ballot Box Cost Me a Seat? Computing Manipulations of STV Elections." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 34, no. 08 (April 3, 2020): 13235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v34i08.7029.

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Mistakes made by humans, or machines, commonly arise when managing ballots cast in an election. In the 2013 Australian Federal Election, for example, 1,370 West Australian Senate ballots were lost, eventually leading to a costly re-run of the election. Other mistakes include ballots that are misrecorded by electronic voting systems, voters that cast invalid ballots, or vote multiple times at different polling locations. We present a method for assessing whether such problems could have made a difference to the outcome of a Single Transferable Vote (STV) election – a complex system of preferential voting for multi-seat elections. It is used widely in Australia, in Ireland, and in a range of local government elections in the United Kingdom and United States.

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Young, Cheryl D., and Robert Stein. "A Federalist Explanation of Municipal Elections." American Review of Politics 13 (July 1, 1992): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.211-229.

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This paper suggests that individual voting behavior in municipal elections is most closely associated with voter concern with municipal economic development and basic city services. Redistributive issues and race are, as such, irrelevant in local elections. Candidates for local office should, therefore, avoid such issues and associate themselves with economic growth potential and better provision of services. To test this fiscal federal assertion, a panel survey of registered voters in Houston, Texas, was conducted during the city’s 1985 mayoral election. The findings support the assertion that municipal electoral politics are limited by the very policies with which municipal governments are charged.

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Jäger, Martin. "Zur Bundestagswahl 2021: Die Wahlzulassung von Parteien und der Reformbedarf des Verfahrens." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 2 (2021): 358–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-2-358.

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If a political organization is not yet established (i .e ., represented in federal or regional parliaments), it needs to go through a formal application process, led by the federal returning officer and the federal election committee, to prove the sincerity of its participation in the election and its status as a political party. As documented here the preparation process for federal elections is based purely on habits and lacks legal security and transparency. As a remedy, the author suggests multiple measures. For example, the president of the federal statistical office could be officially nominated as federal returning officer, as has been common practice without legal basis for the last 100 years. Furthermore, it is recommended to reform the proportional representation of the established political parties in the federal election committee. The number of members could be increased to include experts with interdisciplinary expertise. The undefined process for the formal application of non-established political parties ought to be improved by providing a clearly defined framework for the information and documents that are to be handed in for the application.

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James, Peter. "An Election with No Losers: The 1994 Federal Elections in the New Germany." Politics 16, no. 1 (February 1996): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00143.x.

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The German federal election in October 1994, just four years after German Unity, revealed that clear divisions between east and west Germany still exist. Whilst the PDS on the left of the political spectrum was supported by around one fifth of east German voters, the parties on the right gained negligible support in Germany as a whole. The federal German electoral system, based on a personalised sytem of PR, again played a key role; it is, however still too early in the development of the new Germany to speak of a single new party system.

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Archer, Allison M. N., and Joshua P. Darr. "Gubernatorial Elections Change Demand for Local Newspapers." American Politics Research 50, no. 1 (September 22, 2021): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211046252.

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How do partisans react when their candidate wins or loses a gubernatorial election? Previous work shows that when parties win presidential elections, demand for their affiliated local newspapers decreases relative to the losing party’s newspapers. However, it is unclear if this negative link extends beyond presidential races into state-level elections. To test this relationship, we analyze demand for partisan and non-partisan newspapers in Virginia and New Jersey—two states that hold off-cycle gubernatorial elections with no competition from federal elections—from 1933 to 2005. We find demand for local newspapers associated with the winning party declines after gubernatorial elections compared to demand for other newspapers. The results also shed light on whether (and which) winning partisans are disengaging completely or shifting their consumption to independent newspapers. Taken together, our study suggests that state-level elections significantly influence local newspaper consumption and adds valuable local context to our understanding of the political dynamics of news demand.

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James, Scott C., and Brian L. Lawson. "The Political Economy of Voting Rights Enforcement in America's Gilded Age: Electoral College Competition, Partisan Commitment, and the Federal Election Law." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (March 1999): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585764.

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We develop a model of electoral college competition and apply it to the transformation of nineteenth-century voting rights enforcement. The Federal Election Law (1872–92) was born of an effort to secure political power for southern blacks, yet it developed into an expansive machinery to police federal elections in northern cities. We argue that the Reconstruction commitment to black suffrage gradually succumbed to the competitive structure of Gilded Age presidential elections, crowded out by a growing preoccupation with registration and voter fraud in the volatile swing states that typically determined electoral college victory. More broadly, we view the electoral college as a critical force in shaping American political development. With its structured system of competition for doubtful states and pivotal groups, the electoral college injects a unique logic into the dynamics of national politics.

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Vogel, Lauren. "Why health promises don’t win federal elections." Canadian Medical Association Journal 191, no. 45 (November 10, 2019): E1257—E1258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.1095832.

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Rydon, Joan. "Electoral inequalities in the 1990 federal elections." Australian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 1 (March 1993): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269308402231.

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Bean, Clive. "The Personal Vote in Australian Federal Elections." Political Studies 38, no. 2 (June 1990): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1990.tb01491.x.

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Pilet, Jean-Benoit, and Emilie van Haute. "The federal elections in Belgium, June 2007." Electoral Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2008): 547–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.02.005.

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Abts, Koen, Poznyak Dmitriy, and Swyngedouw Marc. "The federal elections in Belgium, June 2010." Electoral Studies 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 448–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.12.001.

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Ferreira Do Vale, Helder. "Federal Political Fragmentation in Mexico's 2015 Elections." Regional & Federal Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2016): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2015.1136928.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Federal elections'

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