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1
Turcotte, André. "Dialogue de sourds, economic voting in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ41523.pdf.
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Arash, Reza. "Making Sense of Negative Campaigning in Canadian Federal Elections." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39797.
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In recent years, negativity has become a dominant theme in the political campaign. However, there are no comprehensive studies to measure the amount of negativity and to examine how parties and candidates adopt these negative strategies, particularly in the Canadian context. Although some studies have focused on a particular aspect of negative campaigning in a Canadian election, the question remains of how and to what extent parties adopt negative strategies in an election. In this thesis, I have collected and analyzed parties’ press releases in the 2015 federal election to examine and explain negativity in parties’ political campaigns. I have tested my results according to five primary theories of negative campaigning, including competitive positioning, ideological proximity, party organization, coalition or minority effect, and negative personalization, to see if these theories apply in the Canadian context. My results indicate that the 2015 federal campaign was a highly negative one, and most of the negative attacks have been directed towards the leader of the Conservative Party, Stephen Harper, while the Conservative Party published the least amount of negative attacks during the campaign. I also found that the Liberal Party has published the most negative statements during the campaign. My results also show that one of the influential factors in shaping parties’ negative campaign strategies is the other parties’ status in public opinion polls, particularly the federal voting intention factor. Although the results show that most of the attacks in the 2015 campaign targeted leaders of parties, I did not find enough support in my models to verify the negative personalization theory. The overall findings of this thesis show that Canadian elections are moving toward a presidential-style campaign, similar to the United States, by becoming more negative and more personalized, which can have significant implications for Canadian democracy.
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Mazzei, Giacomo. "The Origins of the Presidential Election: The Creation of the Electoral College through the First Federal Elections." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626466.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.
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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." University of Sydney. Gender Studies, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.
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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Farries, Greg, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "What voters want, what campaigns provide : examining Internet based campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2005, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/250.
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This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.
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MeÌndez, de Hoyos Irma. "Electoral reforms and the rise of electoral competitiveness in Mexico, 1977-1997." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327124.
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Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.
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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
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Stitt, Ross William. "Public preferences: their influence through elections on the policy positions of incoming Australian federal governments." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16050.
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This thesis sits within the broad topic of the relationship between public preferences and government policy. Its specific ambit is the influence, through elections, of majority public preferences on the policy platforms of incoming federal governments in Australia. It constructs a synthesis of each of the two key branches of theory that seek to explain the preferences-to-platform link: both parties in a two-party system deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions in order to win electoral support, and voters electing a government on the basis of its public preference-consistent positions. By revealing the core underlying assumptions of the theories, this analysis facilitates an understanding of the contours of the debate and points the way to an empirical research strategy. Using a database generated from a comprehensive review of opinion polls and surveys in the periods leading up to the 2001-2013 federal elections, the thesis builds from calculating the level of public preference-holding, to placing public preferences in ideological space, measuring their congruence with incoming government policy platforms, and then examining the causal relationship between them. The research reveals significant preferences-to-platform incongruence and indicates that little congruence is attributable to the parties deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions and even less to the public voting on the basis of its preferences. The parties are rarely motivated to deliberately follow public preferences and have many constraints on doing so. However, public preferences exercise a passive influence by curbing the parties’ policymaking. The public is offered limited policy alternatives, and many voters have minimal knowledge of those alternatives or do not policy vote. The additional contributions of the thesis are the synthesis of the theories, the formulation of an analytical framework, and the creation of the public preferences database.
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McTernan, Cameron Bruce. "Popular Politics // Authentic Australians: A study of political leaders’ Facebook posts during the 2019 Australian Federal Election." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29448.
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This thesis examines political communication on Facebook. In doing so, it addresses a surprising gap in empirical research on political communication on social media in Australia which to date has largely focussed on Twitter. Furthermore, in the aftermath of the shock election result that was a Coalition win in the 2019 federal election, little has been said among scholarly publications regarding social media use by politicians during that period. Therein, a notable gap in knowledge exists regarding the use of Facebook by Australian politicians or the use of social media surrounding the 2019 federal election. This thesis is a response to that gap, offering three linked studies of Facebook use by six of Australia’s federal party leaders in the lead up to the election. The three studies offer the results of a content analysis guided by frameworks of ideational populism, mediated authenticity and open coding applied to a collection of Facebook Page posts collected from Meta’s CrowdTangle platform. The results of this analysis identify that appeals to populism and authenticity were widespread, but rarely present in the majority of posts. Comparisons between supply-side communication and user engagement also identify that authenticity appeals performed better on the platform than populist appeals. Indexing of the issues raised by politicians also identifies the economy, domestic locations, and health and emergency services at the forefront of their online campaigning. Collectively these studies provide a broad-ranging analysis of how Australian party leaders approached their communication practice on Facebook ahead of the 2019 federal election, affirming notions of fragmentation and the hybrid media system, and raising new questions regarding the role of news sharing by politicians.
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Acosta, Lidia. "The role of the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) in the transition to democracy in Mexico." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/425/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Politics, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Guerreiro, Julia Mantovani. "Electoral volatility and strategy of Federal Congressmen." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/18766.
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This dissertation focuses on conciliating two apparently contradictory facts: a fall in electoral volatility and a high turnover rate in the Chamber of Deputies. We use the case of Brazil and explore the hypothesis that politicians will use the advantages resulting from the fall in electoral volatility rates in different ways, depending on the type of party to which they belong. It is assumed that the decrease in volatility is greater in more institutionalized parties and for the incumbents of these parties. Given that institutionalized parties are able to provide clearer information, which helps incumbents improve their electoral strategies, the reasons for their defeats – whether due to intraparty or interparty competition – will vary according to their party’s level of institutionalization.
Esta tese busca conciliar dois fatos aparentemente contraditórios: a queda na volatilidade eleitoral e a alta taxa de renovação na Câmara dos Deputados. Utilizamos o caso do Brasil e exploramos a possibilidade de que políticos irão se apropriar das vantagens resultantes de uma queda na volatilidade eleitoral de maneiras diferentes, dependendo do tipo de partido ao qual ele pertence. Assumimos que a queda na volatilidade é maior em partidos mais institucionalizados e para incumbentes destes partidos. Dado que partidos mais institucionalizados são capazes de prover informações mais claras para seus candidatos, o que ajuda incumbentes a melhorarem as suas estratégias eleitorais, as razões para as derrotas – seja por conta da competição dentro da lista partidária ou por conta da competição entre partidos – irão variar de acordo com o grau de institucionalização do partido.
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Sanfelice, Viviane. "Determinantes do voto para deputado federal: relação entre emendas orçamentárias e desempenho eleitoral." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/6927.
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Getting votes is crucial for any politician who is undergoing an election. Thus, this study is dedicated to investigate variables that affect the vote of incumbent deputy in Brazilian Congress who attempt to re-election, emphasizing the relationship between provision for budget amendments and electoral performance. To verify the importance of amendments on the electoral competition, the elections in the municipalities are also explored. The data used cover the elections and the Federal Budget for the period 1994 to 2006. Individual characteristics of members have strong explanatory power on the total votes obtained. Additionally, there is evidence of a local effect of the amendments over the voters and the relationship between deputy and municipality seems to determine most part of the municipal voting obtained in an attempt to re-election.
Obter votos é crucial para todo político que se submete a uma eleição. Sendo assim, este trabalho se dedica a investigar variáveis que afetem a votação de deputados federais candidatos a reeleição na Câmara Federal, dando ênfase à relação entre provisão de emendas e desempenho eleitoral. Para verificar a importância das emendas na competição eleitoral, as eleições municipais intermediárias também são exploradas. Os dados utilizados abrangem as eleições e Orçamento Federal do período de 1994 a 2006. Como resultado se verifica que aspectos ligados às características individuais dos deputados têm forte poder explicativo sobre os votos totais obtidos por estes. Adicionalmente, encontra-se evidência de um efeito local das emendas sobre os eleitores e que a relação estabelecida entre deputado e município determina grande parte da votação municipal obtida em uma tentativa de reeleição.
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Borges, Tiago Daher Padovezi. "Candidatos, partidos políticos e interesses empresariais: um estudo sobre o financiamento empresarial de campanhas para Deputado Federal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24092013-104223/.
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A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha.This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.
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Krumpal, Ivar, and Heiko Rauhut. "Dominieren Bundes- oder Landesparteien die individuellen Landtagswahlentscheidungen in der BRD?" Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-208326.
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Landtagswahlergebnisse in der BRD werden von empirischen Wahlforschern häufig als aktuelle Stimmungsbarometer für die Bundespolitik interpretiert. Bei dieser Interpretation von Landtagswahlen als \"Bundestestwahlen\" wird jedoch häufig vernachlässigt, dass Landtagswahlen überwiegend auch Regionalwahlen sind und landestypischen Dynamiken folgen. Empirische Untersuchungen zu Bestimmungsfaktoren von Landtagswahlverhalten wurden in Deutschland bis dato entweder in Form von qualitativen Einzelfallanalysen oder als Aggregatdatenanalysen der amtlichen Wahlstatistiken durchgeführt. Eine direkte und vergleichende Quantifizierung der Effektstärken mit Survey-Daten wurde allerdings bislang nicht vorgenommen. Die vorliegende Studie wertet deshalb im Rahmen eines replikativen Surveys 17 Landtagswahlstudien aus. So können die Effektstärken der individuellen Bewertung der Bundes- versus der Landesparteien auf die Landtagswahlentscheidungen direkt verglichen werden. Als Fazit zeigt sich, dass in Westdeutschland die Beurteilung der Landesparteien einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die individuelle Landtagswahlentscheidung ausübt als die Beurteilung der Bundesparteien. In Ostdeutschland prägt dagegen bei Landtagswahlen die bundespolitische Dimension das Abstimmungsverhalten der Wähler stärker. Die Parteipolitikverflechtung zwischen Landes- und Bundesebene ist somit bei Landtagswahlen in Ostdeutschland erheblich stärker ausgeprägt als in den alten BundesländernElectoral studies often interpret German regional election results ("Landtagswahlen") as barometers of public opinion on federal governmental parties' performance. However, while interpreting German regional elections as "test-elections" for the national parliament, it is often underemphasised that subnational elections often follow a unique regional dynamics. So far, empirical investigations on the determinants of German regional elections consist either in qualitative case studies or aggregate analyses of official statistics. A quantitative study of individual-level survey data, comparing directly the explanatory power of the federal versus the subnational level, is still lacking. Conducting a repeated survey design, we analyse data from 17 German regional election surveys. Thus, the effects of individual assessments of federal parties versus their subnational counterparts on subnational voting preferences can be directly compared. The conclusion of our analyses can be summarized as follows: In Western Germany, the valuation of subnational parties has a stronger impact on individual voting preferences in subnational elections than the valuation of the federal parties has. However, in Eastern Germany, the federal dimension has a comparatively stronger effect. Hence, the federal – regional ("Länder") party system linkage is clearly stronger in Eastern than in Western Germany
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Pinto, Jeronymo Marcondes. "Benefícios do governo federal: uma análise com base na teoria dos ciclos eleitorais." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/11/11132/tde-13022012-145926/.
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A presente pesquisa visa analisar a dinâmica dos benefícios assistenciais do governo federal, buscando entender se a mesma se coaduna com a teoria dos ciclos eleitorais. Nesse sentido, foi avaliado se o número de concessões destes benefícios tenderia a crescer com a aproximação da eleições. Para atingir tal objetivo, foram utilizados dados mensais do número de concessões de três dos principais benefícios assistenciais brasileiros: o Benefício de Prestação Continuada, o Bolsa Família e o Auxílio Doença. Com base na análise das séries de tempo e dos dados em painel associados a estes últimos, foi possível detectar que a proximidade das eleições tende a afetar o número de concessões de benefícios assistenciais na maior parte dos casos analisados. Entretanto, a discussão dos resultados atingidos parece apontar no sentido de que os efeitos eleitorais encontrados não são tão somente resultados de manipulações eleitorais de políticos que visam à reeleição, mas frutos de uma dinâmica mais ampla, que seria característica de períodos eleitorais.This research aims to analyze the dynamics of the welfare benefits of the federal government, seeking to understand whether it is consistent with the theory of electoral cycles. Accordingly, we assessed whether the number of concessions to these benefits tend to increase with the approaching elections. To achieve this, we used monthly data on the number of leases of three major Brazilian welfare benefits: the Benefício de Prestação Continuada, the Bolsa Família and Auxílio Doença. Based on the analysis of time series and panel data associated with the latter, it was possible to detect that the proximity of elections tends to affect the number of grants of welfare benefits in most cases analyzed. However, the discussion of the results indicate that the effects of elections are not solely the results of manipulations of politicians who seek reelection, but fruits of a wider dynamic that would be characteristic of elections.
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Quitério, André de Mendonça [UNESP]. "A Internet na política brasileira: sites de deputados federais paulistas." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89362.
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A Internet completa mais uma etapa do desenvolvimento histórico-tecnológico dos meios de comunicação eletrônicos. Esse meio de comunicação traz em si outros meios de comunicação, criando uma nova ambientação, modificando o ambiente humano, inserindo novas formas de relacionamento, tanto subjetivas quanto sociais. É a tecnologia da comunicação que melhor aproxima a humanidade de um campo único de experiência, nas palavras de Herbert Marshal McLuhan, e vem ocupando espaço midiático ao agregar funções antes exercidas por outros meios. Na política brasileira, as mudanças provocadas por mieo e em função da comunicação total e instantânea podem ser evidenciadas pelos sites dos políticos, mais especificamente de deputados federais paulistas. Para entender como essa classe política está inserida no ambiente criado pela Internet, o foco está em sites de deputados em exercício de mandato, analisando três deputados eleitos com as maiores votações nas Eleições 2006, pertencentes a partidos diferentes e com site atualizado periodicamente. O conceito de meio de comunicação foi compreendido sob os paradigmas de McLuhan, enquanto as relações dos sites com outros sistemas abertos foram determinadas pelas hipóteses de agendamento. Buscou-se verificar como as propriedades da Internet estão promovendo alterações nas ações parlamentares dos deputados e criando espaços para maior participação social nos processos políticos.
The Internet completes a stage of historical development-technological means of electronic communication. This means of communication brings itself other media, creating a new enviromnment changing the human environment, including new forms of relationships, both social as subjective. It is the technology of communication that best aproximates the humanity of a unique field of experience in the words of Herbert Marshall McLuhan, and is occupying media space to add features before performed by other means. In Brazilian politics, the changes caused by total and instant communication can be evidenced by the politician's websites, especially federal deputies from São Paulo. To understand how the political class is embedded in the ambient created by the Internet, the focus is only one websites for members in pursuit of office, analyzing three most voted elected members in 2006´s elections from different parties with a website updated regularly . The concept of media has been understood under the paradigm of McLuhan, while relations with other sites of open systems have been determined by agenda setting's hypothesis. It has been tried to verify whether the properties of the Internet are promoting changes in the federal deputie's actions and creating space for greater social participation in policy processes.
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Prosser, Alexander, Robert Kofler, Robert Krimmer, and Martin Karl Unger. "E-Voting election test to the Austrian Federal Presidency Election 2004." Institut für Informationsverarbeitung und Informationswirtschaft, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2004. http://epub.wu.ac.at/194/1/document.pdf.
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Design and implementation of e-voting represent a particular responsibility in regards to the voting principles. Due to the sensitivity of the application, e-voting can only be used after extensive tests and feedback from practical application. The election test described in this working paper describes such a test conducted in parallel to the Federal Presidential Election in 2004. (author's abstract)Series: Working Papers on Information Systems, Information Business and Operations
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Cole, Brian C. "Countering the Questionable Actions of the CPD and FEC." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6817.
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For his study, the author determines whether the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) and the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) are sovereign entities, or if they are pawns of the Democratic and Republican parties (Political Duopoly) aimed to prevent smaller candidates from participating in the CPD’s Presidential Debates.
The author’s rationale for his research is based on the fact that, despite a large majority of American voters want to hear other voices in the CPD debates, the CPD has not allowed other voices to participate in the debates since 1992, through use of the CPD’s fifteen-percent support requirement. Every time an entity questions the CPD’s requirements, the FEC dismiss the challenges. This has led to lawsuits against the commissions from Level the Playing Field (LPF) and Gary Johnson.
The author completed a literature review and case view analysis related to this matter, introduces the Marketplace of Ideas Theory, and the theory’s fallacies. Results from research indicates that both the CPD and FEC have behaved questionably, keeping the threshold at a level that outside candidates cannot breach, and that the lawsuits against the commissions are valid. In conclusion, the American voters are largely limited to the status quo parties despite increasingly looking for other options. This thesis will elaborate upon the misdeeds of the Political Duopoly have also reduced other freedoms and liberties once protected by the United States Constitution
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Quitério, André de Mendonça. "A Internet na política brasileira : sites de deputados federais paulistas /." Bauru : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89362.
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Orientador: Claudio Bertolli FilhoBanca: Luzia Mitsue Yamashita Deliberador
Banca: João Pedro Albino
Resumo: A Internet completa mais uma etapa do desenvolvimento histórico-tecnológico dos meios de comunicação eletrônicos. Esse meio de comunicação traz em si outros meios de comunicação, criando uma nova ambientação, modificando o ambiente humano, inserindo novas formas de relacionamento, tanto subjetivas quanto sociais. É a tecnologia da comunicação que melhor aproxima a humanidade de um "campo único de experiência", nas palavras de Herbert Marshal McLuhan, e vem ocupando espaço midiático ao agregar funções antes exercidas por outros meios. Na política brasileira, as mudanças provocadas por mieo e em função da comunicação total e instantânea podem ser evidenciadas pelos sites dos políticos, mais especificamente de deputados federais paulistas. Para entender como essa classe política está inserida no ambiente criado pela Internet, o foco está em sites de deputados em exercício de mandato, analisando três deputados eleitos com as maiores votações nas Eleições 2006, pertencentes a partidos diferentes e com site atualizado periodicamente. O conceito de meio de comunicação foi compreendido sob os paradigmas de McLuhan, enquanto as relações dos sites com outros sistemas abertos foram determinadas pelas hipóteses de agendamento. Buscou-se verificar como as propriedades da Internet estão promovendo alterações nas ações parlamentares dos deputados e criando espaços para maior participação social nos processos políticos.
Abstract: The Internet completes a stage of historical development-technological means of electronic communication. This means of communication brings itself other media, creating a new enviromnment changing the human environment, including new forms of relationships, both social as subjective. It is the technology of communication that best aproximates the humanity of a "unique field of experience" in the words of Herbert Marshall McLuhan, and is occupying media space to add features before performed by other means. In Brazilian politics, the changes caused by total and instant communication can be evidenced by the politician's websites, especially federal deputies from São Paulo. To understand how the political class is embedded in the ambient created by the Internet, the focus is only one websites for members in pursuit of office, analyzing three most voted elected members in 2006's elections from different parties with a website updated regularly . The concept of media has been understood under the paradigm of McLuhan, while relations with other sites of open systems have been determined by agenda setting's hypothesis. It has been tried to verify whether the properties of the Internet are promoting changes in the federal deputie's actions and creating space for greater social participation in policy processes.
Mestre
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Rawson, Michael F. "Forecasting realignment, an analysis of the 1993 Canadian Federal Election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ28648.pdf.
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Goodwin, Andrew W. " vs. : Rhetorical Examination of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9163.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of Speech, Theatre, and Dance
Charles J. Griffin
The primary purpose of the Supreme Court is to interpret the constitution. The Court determines whether acts in society are Constitutional. Because of this responsibility, the Court itself is an institution that influences and is influenced by ideology and rhetoric. Because society’s ideology changes due to humans conversing with one another, so does the law. Given this context, America’s First Amendment provides an abundant body of artifacts where the law and rhetorical ideology overlap. One particular right granted in the First Amendment is the freedom to speak. This right granted by the Constitution is titled the free speech clause. This clause has been a subject of debate throughout American history. Furthermore, this right has been defined, re-defined, and shaped to fit certain particular interests in society. The Supreme Court last year made a recent landmark decision that concerns freedom of speech and campaign finance. This study will examine Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission in order to investigate the rhetorical strategies and ideological influences embedded within the decision. The methodological tool of McGee’s proposed ideograph will be used in order to answer the following research question: What role does ideology, concerning free speech, play in the Citizens United v. FEC? From the given analysis, two ideographs emerged,
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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.
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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.
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Rust, Lara-Tanita. "The Framing of the Alternative für Deutschland’s Election Result in the German Print Media after the Federal Election 2017." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1574171357774943.
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Woller, Leanne. "The fear campaign : moral panic, boat people and the 2001 Federal election /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw864.pdf.
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Churcher, Paul. "Political participation in Kitchener-Waterloo, a spatial analysis of the 1993 federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ40332.pdf.
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Gurrola, Cassandra. "Judging the Justices: A Critical Analysis of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/205.
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This thesis examines the recently decided Supreme Court case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The case regards campaign finance reform, and has raised significant controversy recently. This thesis will evaluate the arguments from both the dissent and the majority opinions, contextualize these arguments with respect to the history of campaign finance reform and the history of the legislation with regard to corporations, and will ultimately pass judgment on whether the Court was correct in its decision. Implications for the post-Citizens world will also be considered.
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Salisbury, Julian Philip. "U.S. campaign finance regulation : an examination of the Federal Election Commission Enforcement Process." Thesis, Keele University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252593.
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Gotz, Adela. "Open federalism and the 2006 federal election in Quebec: Did Quebecers accept the olive branch?" Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86760.
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The purpose of this study is to establish whether or not Open Federalism contributed to the rise in the Conservative party's vote share in Quebec in the 2006 Canadian federal election. Open Federalism represented a fresh, constructive approach to Quebec-Ottawa relations, which had soured considerably since the 1960s. Given the importance of national unity and intergovernmental relations in Quebec politics, there is reason to believe that this campaign proposal motivated many Quebecers to support the Conservatives in 2006. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and the Observatory on Media and Public Policy, this study provides empirical tests of the effects of Open Federalism on voting behaviour in Quebec. It is demonstrated that the proposal did in fact contribute to the Conservative vote share among Quebecers, even once other relevant factors such as the sponsorship scandal, conservative values, and strategic voting are taken into account.L'objectif de cette étude est de déterminer si le fédéralisme d'ouverture a contribué à l'augmentation des appuis obtenus par le parti Conservateur à l'élection fédérale canadienne de 2006. Le fédéralisme d'ouverture symbolisait une approche nouvelle et constructive du rapport entre Québec et Ottawa, qui a dégénéré de manière notable depuis les années soixante. Étant donné l'importance des enjeux de l'unité nationale et des relations intergouvernementales en politique québécoise, il est raisonnable de croire que cette promesse électorale à poussé un certain nombre de Québécois à appuyer le parti Conservateur en 2006. En utilisant les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne et de l'Observatoire sur les médias et les politiques publiques, il est démontré que la proposition de fédéralisme d'ouverture a influencé le vote des Québécois en faveur du parti Conservateur, par-delà l'effet d'autres facteurs importants tel que le scandale des commandites, les valeurs conservatrices et le vote stratégique.
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Ferraz, Júnior Vitor Emanuel Marchetti. "Poder judiciário e competição política no Brasil: uma análise das decisões do TSE e do STF sobre as regras eleitorais." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/3935.
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Previous issue date: 2008-06-27Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Since 2002, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) and the Federal Supreme Court (STF) have been making decisions on electoral rules by adopting a more aggressive stance. This study is based on the fact that the judicialization of elections is already an ongoing process. Due to this process, three matters are analyzed: 1) which institutional framework let the judicialization become a reality? 2) why the judicialization occurs? 3) what is its objective? Firstly, in order to answer these questions, the electoral model in Brazil has been defined. Afterwards, five expressive debate cases are investigated: the uniformity of party coalitions at state and federal levels, the number of city councilmen, thresholds for party representation, party funding and loyalty. In conclusion, it is proven that the judicialization took place as a result of the adopted electoral governance model. This process occurred rather because of judicial branch s attitude than because of eventual short comings of the legislative branch. And the whole judicialization was guided by mostly republican principles than by democratic ones
Desde 2002, o Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) e o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) vêm interpretando a legislação eleitoral com um perfil mais arrojado. Essas interpretações produziram alterações profundas nas regras da competição político-partidária. Este trabalho parte do pressuposto de que está em curso uma judicialização da competição político-partidária no Brasil. A partir desse ponto, o estudo avança sobre três questões: 1) o que a torna possível, 2) por que ela ocorre e 3) qual é o seu objetivo. Para avançar sobre essas questões, primeiramente definimos o modelo de governança eleitoral adotado no país. Feito isso, investigamos cinco casos emblemáticos para o debate: verticalização das coligações, número de vereadores, cláusula de desempenho, fundo partidário e fidelidade partidária. Ao final, comprovaremos que a judicialização da competição política foi possível devido ao modelo de governança eleitoral adotado, ocorreu mais por uma disposição do Judiciário do que por possíveis deficiências do Legislativo e foi orientada por princípios mais republicanos do que democráticos por parte dos ministros do TSE e do STF
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Duly, Nell. "A QUESTION OF LOYALTY: THE EFFECT OF THE AMERICAN ALLIANCE ON THE 1966 AUSTRALIAN FEDERAL ELECTION." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7974.
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The 1966 Australian Federal Election is unique in Australian history, in that it is the only Federal Election where issues of domestic policy were largely ignored in favour of debate over foreign policy. This thesis explores the issue which dominated 1966, the American Alliance. The Alliance was able to affect debate on the Australian use of conscripts in the Vietnam War as well as creating considerable friction in the Australian Labor Party. In addition the American Alliance created an environment which saw the first American President visit Australia, a visit and relationship which was exploited by both sides of politics.
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Grønning, Lisa-Marie. "Campaign Finance and the effects of the Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-22762.
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In the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the Court held that political speech of corporations is entitled to the same rights as political speech by individuals. They ruled that restrictions on independent expenditures by corporations and labor unions are unconstitutional on Frist Amendment grounds. In this thesis I test two hypotheses. First that outside spending in the 2012 Presidential election was abnormally high because of Citizens United and second, that the increase in outside spending benefited the Republican Party in the 2012 Ohio House elections. I find that Citizens United is the reason for the increase in spending by outside groups, and that this benefited the Republican Part in the 2012 Ohio House elections.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.
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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.
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Hunter, Peter Andrew. "The Canadian Federal Election of October 1993: Coverage by The Detroit Free Press, The New York Times and The Washington Post." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292220.
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Joyce, Marnie. "The structure of political judgement as a function of expertise : a multidimensional scaling analysis of the Australian 1996 Federal Election policy statements /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SPS/09spsj89.pdf.
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Araujo, Gustavo Batista. "Contribuições de campanha influenciam decisões públicas? O caso dos contratos públicos federais e das emendas ao orçamento no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-30042013-123250/.
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Contribuições de campanha afetam decisões públicas ou a atuação pós-eleitoral de atores políticos? Cientistas Políticos debruçam-se sobre esta questão há bastante tempo. No entanto, as respostas obtidas foram sempre ambíguas. Argumenta-se aqui que esta ambigüidade é em parte resultado de dificuldades metodológicas, muitas vezes malendereçadas, enfrentadas pelos analistas, como os problemas relativos a simultaneidade, a variáveis omitidas, geralmente não-observáveis, e ao estabelecimento do contrafatual adequado. Neste trabalho procuraremos contornar estes problemas através da utilização do método quase-experimental de regressão descontínua. Especificamente, iremos examinar a relação entre contribuições de campanha e a alocação de contratos públicos no Brasil. A pergunta a ser respondida é: existiu efeito de se exercer o mandato de deputado federal sobre os contratos públicos futuros recebidos por doadores dos candidatos na eleição de 2006? A conclusão a que se chegou foi de que a análise realizada nos permite afirmar que ter exercido ao menos um ano do mandato de deputado federal parece ter influenciado a quantidade de contratos públicos recebidos pelos doadores de candidatos eleitos por pequena margem na eleição de 2006, no Brasil, se consideramos apenas empresas que doaram para eleitos e apenas empresas que doaram para não-eleitos.Do campaign contributions affect public decisions or the post-election actions of political actors? Political Scientists have battled this issue for a long time. However, the responses achieved have always been somewhat ambiguous. In this work it is argued that this ambiguity is partly the result of methodological difficulties, poorly addressed at many occasions, faced by the analysts, such as the problems of simultaneity, omitted variables, generally unobservable, and the establishment of the appropriate counterfactual. In this work we will try to circumvent these problems by using the quasi-experimental method of regression discontinuity. Specifically, we will examine the relationship between campaign contributions and the allocation of public contracts in Brazil. The question to be answered is whether there was an effect of exercising the mandate of federal deputy on future contracts received by donors to federal deputy candidates in the 2006 election? The conclusion reached was that the analysis allows us to affirm that having exercised at least one year of office for a federal deputy seems to have influenced the amount of contracts received by the donors of candidates elected by small margins in the 2006 election, in Brazil, if we consider companies who donated only to elected candidates and only to non-elected candidates.
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Bento, Juliane Sant'ana. "Motivações e significados políticos da Candidatura Nata conforme os poderes Legislativo e Judiciário federais." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/1549.
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Previous issue date: 2012-03-02Birthright candidate is an institute that provides the right of application to parliamentary election regardless of subsequent approval of his party. It is a constant institution in the political history of Brazil, despite having been subjected to numerous changes. Through observation of the rulings on the matter in the Superior Electoral Court and the Supreme Court, as well as from the Journals of Congress between 1974 and 2010, will observe the trajectory of the birthright candidate institute in the Brazilian legislation, the meaning given in pronouncements of the congress, the grounds on which is discussed, and see the materials with which it is routinely connected. These data demonstrate how the institute is exemplary of the interventions that the higher courts have played in recent years about the definition of electoral rules in Brazil
A candidatura nata, direito do parlamentar de oferecer candidatura ao pleito subsequente independente da aprovação de seu partido, é instituto recorrente na história política do país, apesar de ter sido objeto de inúmeras alterações. Através da observação dos julgamentos sobre a matéria no Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e no Supremo Tribunal Federal, bem como a partir dos Diários do Congresso Nacional entre 1974 e 2010, observar-se-á a trajetória da candidatura nata na legislação brasileira, o significado que recebeu nos pronunciamentos dos congressistas, a fundamentação nos processos judiciais em que é discutida, além d e constatar as matérias com as quais está corriqueiramente conectada. Estes dados possibilitarão demonstrar como o instituto é exemplar das intervenções que os tribunais superiores têm protagonizado nos últimos anos sobre a definição de normas eleitorais no Brasil
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Scheibe, Anna. "Issue Competition in the 2017 German Federal Election Campaign : How did Right-Wing Populist Politicians of the AfD use Social Media to Navigate the Hybrid Media System?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157032.
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A body of research has established the political relevance of Social Media (SM) platforms for populist parties, claiming that populist politicians utilize a ‘bypassing-strategy’. However, the rather reluctant employment of Facebook and Twitter by German citizens other than, for example, media professionals and politicians, raises questions of the utilization intention for public actors. Even though multiple scholars already indicated the necessity of research on the ‘embeddedness of digital tools’ in journalists’ routines (Jungherr, 2016: 374) such studies remain scarce. Therefore this study aims to shed light on how power is exercised by political actors through the use of SM within Chadwick’s (2017) hybrid media system. In order to do so it firstly examines the existence of references to the Twitter and Facebook pages of politicians of the German right-wing populist party AfD within the coverage of four German newspapers about the party during the final phase of the 2017 General Federal Election campaign. Secondly, by employing issue competition theory, issues and topics that three AfD politicians communicated about on their SM pages are compared with those that the party has been covered in relation to in newspaper articles. The findings of the quantitative content analysis on the newspaper articles showed only few cases in which AfD politicians’ SM statements were quoted. In regard to issue competition theory, the quantitative mapping of issues and topics in newspaper coverage about the AfD as well its politicians’ SM statements however, demonstrate prevailing similarities between the issues and topics that dominated the newspaper coverage about the party as well as its politicians SM pages. A thematic analysis on the latter found three themes that suggest a possible explanation for the few cases in which newspaper articles referenced SM statements: All three politicians used SM differently to promote, circulate and comment on issues and topics which influenced whether statements originated from the platform or from other contexts, such as rally events, tv debates, media article etc. These different types of content distributed and published on the politicians’ SM pages could be a possible explanation for the limited instances in which SM statements were quoted by newspaper articles. These findings suggest that the AfD did indeed pursued a bypassing strategy and employed SM platforms to directly communicate with its supporters. However, future studies should continue research on the embeddedness of SM statements in contexts other than campaigning times. Furthermore insights from qualitative interviews with politicians about their utilization strategies and journalists regarding their possible hesitance to quote politicians’ SM Statements, that may be grounded in professional standards, are necessary in order to obtain a more complete assessment of the role of SM for political actors in navigating the hybrid media system.
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Silva, Glauco Peres da. "Uma discussão acerca das regras eleitorais do sistema político brasileiro e dos incentivos aos comportamento parlamentar." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/4653.
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-05T00:00:00ZThe present work aims to evaluate the impacts originated in the electoral rules of Brazilian political system on the congressmen behavior. The main focus relies on their decision on the federal budget amendments. The traditional literature assumes their choices are linked with the formation of the informal electoral district. Incentives that drive congressmen to individually behave during electoral periods would keep the same direction during their mandates. This set of incentives creates a completely non-organized Congress, where parties have no influence. With an extreme opposed interpretation, some authors do not accept the traditional vision, showing up more coordinated and organized motivation for congressmen actions. Parties have an important role in this new set of incentives. However, this newer literature did not investigate the incentives for the budget amendments choice, a blank that this research intended to fill up. The results found confirm the newer interpretation about the Brazilian political system. In the first chapter, new indexes that measure electoral concentration are indicated. Their results suggest that votes are more dispersed than accepted by the traditional literature. In the second chapter, the political dominance is considered. The investigation shows that such concept can not be accepted as the rule for the system as a whole. In its place, models that consider the interdependence between mayors and congressmen election seem more appropriated to represent the entire political system. In the last chapter, the research directly focuses on the incentives on the budget amendments. Its results suggest that congressmen decisions are influenced not only by their individual results in the election, but they consider city mayors' party as well. Moreover, data indicate the existence of a timing cycle of different incentives depending on the mandate moment. The evidences brought by this work show advances in the new literature about the Brazilian political system and demand more research that wider the comprehension about so relevant theme.
O presente trabalho objetiva avaliar os impactos provenientes das regras eleitorais do sistema político brasileiro sobre o comportamento dos deputados federais, em particular, quanto à decisão de alocação de recursos orçamentários através das emendas feitas ao Orçamento. A literatura tradicional pressupõe que estas escolhas estarão vinculadas essencialmente à formação e manutenção do reduto eleitoral de domínio do deputado. Os incentivos, que direcionariam a ação completamente individual dos candidatos no período de eleições, permaneceriam na mesma direção durante a atuação do parlamentar eleito. Isto resultaria em uma Câmara de Deputados completamente desarticulada, sem nenhuma influência dos partidos políticos. No extremo oposto deste cenário, ainda que parcela dos autores assuma posição intermediária, interpretações recentes contestam esta visão, trazendo diferentes motivações para a atuação individual do parlamentar, mais organizadas e coordenadas, atribuindo papel ao funcionamento dos partidos. Esta literatura mais atual, porém, não investigou os incentivos para a proposição de emendas orçamentárias, lacuna que este trabalho pretendeu cobrir. Os resultados encontrados aqui corroboram a interpretação mais recente sobre o funcionamento do sistema político. No capítulo primeiro, em que são propostos indicadores que avaliam a concentração eleitoral dos deputados paulistas, os resultados indicam que as votações não são tão concentradas como a interpretação tradicional afirma. No segundo capítulo, é avaliada empiricamente a possibilidade da existência da dominância política para o caso de São Paulo. Esta investigação sugere que este conceito não pode ser afirmado como a regra para o sistema político. Em seu lugar, os modelos trabalhados, em que as eleições para deputado e prefeito mostram ser correlacionadas, parecem refletir melhor o funcionamento do sistema político nacional. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo verifica os incentivos para a proposição de emendas. Seus resultados sugerem que os deputados se influenciam não só por seus resultados individuais nas eleições, mas levam em conta as cidades em que os prefeitos são de seu partido. Além disto, os dados sugerem haver a existência de um ciclo de alocação de emendas de acordo com o momento ao longo do mandato. As evidências trazidas por este trabalho sugerem avanços na literatura recente sobre o sistema político brasileiro e merecem novas investigações que ampliem a compreensão sobre tema tão relevante.
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Bouton, Laurent. "Essays in game theory applied to political and market institutions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210325.
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My thesis contains essays on voting theory, market structures and fiscal federalism: (i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation, (ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser, (iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics, and (iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance.(i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation (joint with Micael Castanheira)
In elections, majority divisions pave the way to focal manipulations and coordination failures, which can lead to the victory of the wrong candidate. This paper shows how this flaw can be addressed if voter preferences over candidates are sensitive to information. We consider two potential sources of divisions: majority voters may have similar preferences but opposite information about the candidates, or opposite preferences. We show that when information is the source of majority divisions, Approval Voting features a unique equilibrium with full information and coordination equivalence. That is, it produces the same outcome as if both information and coordination problems could be resolved. Other electoral systems, such as Plurality and Two-Round elections, do not satisfy this equivalence. The second source of division is opposite preferences. Whenever the fraction of voters with such preferences is not too large, Approval Voting still satisfies full information and coordination equivalence.
(ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser
A crucial component of Runoff electoral systems is the threshold fraction of votes above which a candidate wins outright in the first round. I analyze the influence of this threshold on the voting equilibria in three-candidate Runoff elections. I demonstrate the existence of an Ortega Effect which may unduly favor dominated candidates and thus lead to the election of the Condorcet Loser in equilibrium. The reason is that, contrarily to commonly held beliefs, lowering the threshold for first-round victory may actually induce voters to express their preferences excessively. I also extend Duverger's Law to Runoff elections with any threshold below, equal or above 50%. Therefore, Runoff elections are plagued with inferior equilibria that induce either too high or too low expression of preferences.
(iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics
Information on product quality is crucial for buyers to make sound choices. For "experience products", this information is not available at the time of the purchase: it is only acquired through consumption. For much experience products, there exist institutions that provide buyers with information about quality. It is commonly believed that such institutions help consumers to make better choices and are thus welfare improving.
The quality of various experience products depends on the characteristics of buyers. For instance, conversely to the quality of cars, business school quality depends on buyers (i.e. students) characteristics. Indeed, one of the main inputs of a business school is enrolled students. The choice of buyers for such products has then some features of a coordination problem: ceteris paribus, a buyer prefers to buy a product consumed by buyers with "good" characteristics. This coordination dimension leads to inefficiencies when buyers coordinate on products of lower "intrinsic" quality. When the quality of products depends on buyer characteristics, information about product quality can reinforce such a coordination problem. Indeed, even though information of high quality need not mean high intrinsic quality, rational buyers pay attention to this information because they prefer high quality products, no matter the reason of the high quality. Information about product quality may then induce buyers to coordinate on products of low intrinsic quality.
In this paper, I show that, for experience products which quality depends on the characteristics of buyers, more information is not necessarily better. More precisely, I prove that more information about product quality may lead to a Pareto deterioration, i.e. all buyers may be worse off due.
(iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance (joint with Marjorie Gassner and Vincenzo Verardi)
From the literature on decentralization, it appears that the fiscal vertical imbalance (i.e. the dependence of subnational governments on national government revenues to support their expenditures) is somehow inherent to multi-level governments. Using a stylized model we show that this leads to a reduction of the extent of redistributive fiscal policies if the maximal size of government has been reached. To test for this empirically, we use some high quality data from the LIS dataset on individual incomes. The results are highly significant and point in the direction of our theoretical predictions.
Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
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Odefey, Max Andreas [Verfasser], and Harald [Akademischer Betreuer] Schoen. "Interpersonal communication and opinion leadership in the context of the 2009 German federal election - How the Internet raises the bar for most, but lowers it for some; and how ideas seem to flow from the Internet to the general public via opinion leaders / Max Andreas Odefey. Betreuer: Harald Schoen." Bamberg : Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1058436139/34.
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Aditya, Riza. "Secure electronic voting with flexible ballot structure." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2005. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16156/1/Riza_Aditya_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Voting is a fundamental decision making instrument in any consensus-based society. It is employed in various applications from student body elections, reality television shows, shareholder meetings, to national elections. With the motivation of better eciency, scalability, speed, and lower cost, voting is currently shifting from paper-based to the use of electronic medium. This is while aiming to achieve better security, such that voting result reflects true opinions of the voters. Our research focuses on the study of cryptographic voting protocols accommodating a flexible ballot structure as a foundation for building a secure electronic voting system with acceptable voting results. In particular, we search for a solution suitable for the preferential voting system employed in the Australian Federal Election. The outcomes of the research include: improvements and applications of batch proof and verication theorems and techniques, a proposed alternative homomorphic encryption based voting scheme, a proposed Extended Binary Mixing Gate (EBMG) mix-network scheme, a new threshold randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness property in voting, and the application of cryptographic voting protocol for preferential voting. The threats and corresponding requirements for a secure secret-ballot voting scheme are rst discussed. There are significant security concerns about the conduct of electronic voting, and it is essential that the voting results re ect the true opinions of the voters - especially in political elections. We examine and extend batch processing proofs and verifications theorems and proposed applications of the theorems useful for voting. Many instances of similar operations can be processed in a single instance using a batch technique based on one of the batch theorems. As the proofs and verications provide formal assurances that the voting process is secure, batch processing offers great efficiency improvements while retaining the security required in a real-world implementation of the protocol. The two main approaches in cryptographic voting protocols, homomorphic encryption based voting and mix-network based voting, are both studied in this research. An alternative homomorphic voting scheme using multiplicative homomorphism property, and a number of novel mix-network schemes are proposed. It is shown that compared to the mix-network approach, homomorphic encryption schemes are not scalable for straight-forward adaptation of preferential systems. One important requirement of secret-ballot voting is receipt-freeness. A randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness in voting is examined and applied in an ecient and practical voting scheme employing an optimistic mix-network. A more general technique using threshold randomisation is also proposed. Combination of the primitives, both the homomorphic encryption and mixnetwork approach, yields a hybrid approach producing a secure and ecient secret-ballot voting scheme accommodating a exible ballot structure. The resulting solution oers a promising foundation for secure and practical secret-ballot electronic voting accommodating any type of counting system.
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Aditya, Riza. "Secure Electronic Voting with Flexible Ballot Structure." Queensland University of Technology, 2005. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16156/.
Full textAbstract:
Voting is a fundamental decision making instrument in any consensus-based society. It is employed in various applications from student body elections, reality television shows, shareholder meetings, to national elections. With the motivation of better eciency, scalability, speed, and lower cost, voting is currently shifting from paper-based to the use of electronic medium. This is while aiming to achieve better security, such that voting result reflects true opinions of the voters. Our research focuses on the study of cryptographic voting protocols accommodating a flexible ballot structure as a foundation for building a secure electronic voting system with acceptable voting results. In particular, we search for a solution suitable for the preferential voting system employed in the Australian Federal Election. The outcomes of the research include: improvements and applications of batch proof and verication theorems and techniques, a proposed alternative homomorphic encryption based voting scheme, a proposed Extended Binary Mixing Gate (EBMG) mix-network scheme, a new threshold randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness property in voting, and the application of cryptographic voting protocol for preferential voting. The threats and corresponding requirements for a secure secret-ballot voting scheme are rst discussed. There are significant security concerns about the conduct of electronic voting, and it is essential that the voting results re ect the true opinions of the voters - especially in political elections. We examine and extend batch processing proofs and verifications theorems and proposed applications of the theorems useful for voting. Many instances of similar operations can be processed in a single instance using a batch technique based on one of the batch theorems. As the proofs and verications provide formal assurances that the voting process is secure, batch processing offers great efficiency improvements while retaining the security required in a real-world implementation of the protocol. The two main approaches in cryptographic voting protocols, homomorphic encryption based voting and mix-network based voting, are both studied in this research. An alternative homomorphic voting scheme using multiplicative homomorphism property, and a number of novel mix-network schemes are proposed. It is shown that compared to the mix-network approach, homomorphic encryption schemes are not scalable for straight-forward adaptation of preferential systems. One important requirement of secret-ballot voting is receipt-freeness. A randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness in voting is examined and applied in an ecient and practical voting scheme employing an optimistic mix-network. A more general technique using threshold randomisation is also proposed. Combination of the primitives, both the homomorphic encryption and mixnetwork approach, yields a hybrid approach producing a secure and ecient secret-ballot voting scheme accommodating a exible ballot structure. The resulting solution oers a promising foundation for secure and practical secret-ballot electronic voting accommodating any type of counting system.
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Robinson, Sarah Elizabeth. "Civil Liberties and National Unity: Reaction to the Sedition Act in the Southern States, 1798." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062890/.
Full textAbstract:
The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.
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Bourgaux, Anne-Emmanuelle. "La démocratisation du gouvernement représentatif en Belgique, une promesse oubliée." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209536.
Full textAbstract:
Au lendemain de la Première Guerre Mondiale, les travaux de révision de la Constitution de 1919-1921 s’ouvrent sur des promesses substantielles de démocratisation du gouvernement représentatif hérité de 1831. Que deviennent ces promesses par la suite ?En privilégiant une approche interdisciplinaire, nous analysons l’évolution du droit positif belge qui régit la participation politique des citoyens et le lien entre électeurs et élus de 1831 à nos jours. Au terme de notre recherche, nous montrons que le constat posé par Bernard Manin dans son ouvrage Principes du gouvernement représentatif, selon lequel «la démocratie s’est assurément étendue, mais il est au mieux incertain qu’elle se soit approfondie » ,se vérifie dans le cas de la Belgique. Celle-ci a assurément augmenté le nombre de bénéficiaires de la participation politique mais, pour une large part, elle semble avoir perdu de vue l’approfondissement du contenu de celle-ci. A partir de 1919-1921, s’impose peu à peu la conviction selon laquelle la Belgique aurait basculé dans la démocratie grâce à l’universalisation du droit de vote. La face démocratique solaire du suffrage universel (masculin) tend à plonger dans l’ombre l’héritage aristocratique hérité de 1831. Nous montrerons que, pourtant, les attentes et les promesses de démocratisation formulées à cette date étaient plus substantielles que l’abolition du suffrage censitaire. Par la suite, sous l’influence du scénario selon lequel la Belgique aurait une fois pour toutes basculé dans la démocratie depuis l’universalisation du suffrage, les promesses de démocratisation semblent tomber dans l’oubli: l’approfondissement de la démocratisation n’est plus à l’ordre du jour et certains acquis démocratiques hérités des temps passés font l’objet d’inattentions.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes February 5, 2018." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/627053.
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Hunt, Richard. "Mapping the 2006 Canadian election : a user-controlled multilayered overlay map of federal electoral districts /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.Des.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in higher education.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285
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Heeren, Silke. "Microtargeting via Facebook and its impacts on federal state elections in Hamburg." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/23619.
Full textAbstract:
The case of Cambridge Analytica in 2018 showed how the digital age and the resulting new possibilities for commercial marketing affect political campaigning. Despite concerns, today we observe that Facebook ad services are growing and political microtargeting has arrived in Europe. Since research in this context is still rare, this thesis aimed to analyze how advertising on a specific social media channel could impact a regional German election. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), political advertisements on Facebook during a two-month period before the federal state election in Hamburg in 2020 were studied. Content and discourse analysis were in line with Roemmele's and Gibson’s (2020) argument that the "subversive" form of microtargeting is very apparent and undermining the potential positive consequences of targeting political advertisements (p. 595). While inducing negative emotions such as fear and feelings of physical and social insecurity, targeted advertisements showed sexist and ageist attitudes, as well as they encouraged local identity and xenophobia. Essentially, the thesis argues that microtargeting encourages digital inequality, contributes to a voting culture which is emotionally and ideologically motivated, and may accelerate the polarization in society. Above all, the large share of discourse aiming to convince voters rather than to inform them, leads to the assumption, that microtargeting is a tool that serves to win potential voters at lowest possible information levels.O caso da Cambridge Analytica em 2018 mostrou como a era digital e as novas possibilidades resultantes do marketing comercial afectam as campanhas políticas. Apesar das preocupações, observamos hoje que os serviços de publicidade no Facebook estão a crescer e que o microtargeting político chegou à Europa. Uma vez que a investigação neste contexto ainda é escassa, esta tese visa analisar como a publicidade num canal específico dos meios de comunicação social poderia ter impacto numa eleição regional alemã. Utilizando a Análise do Discurso Crítico (CDA), foram estudados anúncios políticos no Facebook durante um período de dois meses antes das eleições estaduais federais em Hamburgo, em 2020. A análise do conteúdo e do discurso estava de acordo com o argumento de Roemmele e Gibson (2020) de que a forma "subversiva" de microtargeting é muito aparente e mina as potenciais consequências positivas de visar anúncios políticos (p. 595). Embora induzindo emoções negativas como o medo e sentimentos de insegurança física e social, as propagandas direccionadas mostraram atitudes sexistas e anti-idade, assim como encorajaram a identidade local e a xenofobia. Essencialmente, a tese argumenta que o microtargeting encoraja a desigualdade digital, contribui para uma cultura de voto que é emocional e ideologicamente motivada e pode acelerar a polarização da sociedade. Acima de tudo, a grande parte do discurso que visa convencer os eleitores em vez de os informar, leva à suposição de que o microtargeting é uma ferramenta que serve para ganhar potenciais eleitores aos níveis de informação mais baixos possíveis.
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Sayers, Anthony M. (Anthony Michael). "Riding style, party ethos : nominations, candidates and local campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7499.
Full textAbstract:
Despite having the appearance of a single event, federal elections in Canada concatenate
nearly 300 individual constituency contests. Yet little is known of how constituency campaign
teams operate, or how they interact with each other. In order to provide a better understanding
of local campaigns, this thesis describes and explains the nature of local riding associations, the
candidates they select, and the environment in which they operate. In so doing, it traces the
impact of both riding and partisan forces on the character of constituency politics, and on
Canadian politics more generally.
The thesis focuses on major party campaigns in seven ridings in British Columbia in the
1988 federal election. It begins with a socio-political profile of each riding, including the media
resources available to local campaigns. The dynamics of the local association, nomination, and
campaign are then reconstructed using information gleaned from interviews with candidates,
campaign managers, party strategists, and volunteers. Similarly, personal interviews with
journalists who covered each of the local contests give further insights into the nature of
constituency politics, and the methods by which local campaigns communicate with voters.
Information on ridings and associations is then used to develop a typology of candidates
and campaigns. This typology suggests that there are four archetypal candidates: local notables,
party insiders, stopgaps, and those with a high profile. Each tends to be selected by a certain
type of association, and to run a distinctive campaign. This typology is then applied to a number
of the actual campaigns from 1988.
The patterns of politics identified by this typology suggest that local associations are
central to the nature of Canadian politics and democracy. Each association combines riding and
partisan forces together in idiosyncratic ways. Associations are also distinctive in a comparative
sense. Unlike local party organizations in other countries, they are neither beholden to their
party, nor to the personal politics of a particular candidate.