Academic literature on the topic 'Federal elections'

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Journal articles on the topic "Federal elections"

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Bélanger, Éric, and Jean-François Godbout. "Forecasting Canadian Federal Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 691–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001113.

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AbstractIn recent decades, the scientific forecasting of election outcomes has made great strides in a number of advanced industrial democracies. One country that has not received much attention to date is Canada. In this article, we present a vote function model to forecast Canadian federal elections. We explain our model's theoretical underpinnings and assess its statistical properties and forecasting capabilities against all federal elections held between 1953 and 2008. We then explore potential ways for improving the model's accuracy. We conclude by discussing the forecast of different hypothetical scenarios for an upcoming federal election.
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Patterson, Steven Thomas. "Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828.

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The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections. This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.
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Weinstein-Tull, Justin. "Election Law Federalism." Michigan Law Review, no. 114.5 (2016): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.114.5.election.

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This Article provides the first comprehensive account of non-Voting Rights Act federal voting laws. Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act—long the most effective voting rights law in American history—was disabled by the Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is in the crosshairs. As the Supreme Court becomes more hostile to race-based antidiscrimination laws like the Voting Rights Act, Congress will turn to race-neutral, election administration-based reforms to strengthen the right to vote. Indeed, many proposals for reform post-Shelby County have taken this form. The federal laws this Article examines—the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA), the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA), and the Help America Vote Act (HAVA)—regulate major aspects of the elections process: voter registration, absentee ballots, voting machine technology, and accessibility for disabled persons. These statutes, and the model of regulation they illustrate, both represent the future of federal election law and present previously unstudied challenges with implications for election law broadly. Federal legislation that seeks to regulate and standardize elections implicates complicated relationships among federal, state, and local governments. This domain of “election law federalism” has two distinct features: (1) unusually expansive federal power to legislate pursuant to the Elections Clause; and (2) widespread state prerogative to delegate election responsibilities to local government. Because of these unusual characteristics, federal election laws of the kind this Article discusses run in perceived tension with traditional federalism doctrines like the anticommandeering principle and state authority to organize its own subdivisions. That tension has created enforcement difficulties and widespread noncompliance with the statutes. This Article proposes reforms that would allow federal election legislation to accommodate the realities of the elections system and more effectively optimize the roles of federal, state, and local governments within the elections system.
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Loewen, Peter John, and Frédérick Bastien. "(In)Significant Elections? Federal By-elections in Canada, 1963–2008." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390999076x.

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Abstract. Despite the development of electoral studies in Canada, by-elections have received little attention from researchers. We believe that these are important political events. This research note examines the 121 federal by-elections held between general elections from 1963 to 2008. Our analysis indicates that turnout in by-elections is driven by the larger societal determinants of turnout and not the characteristics of each race. We also find that the support of the government party in a by-election is affected by changes in national opinion towards the government, but only in the third-party system. We find that minor parties and independent candidates perform better in by-elections than in general elections. And we find no difference in the re-election rates of by-election winners and those who enter parliament through general elections.Résumé. Malgré le développement des études électorales au Canada, les élections partielles ont reçu très peu d'attention de la part des chercheurs. Nous croyons qu'il s'agit pourtant d'événements importants dans la vie politique canadienne. Cette note de recherche examine les 121 élections partielles fédérales survenues entre les élections générales de 1963 à 2008. Notre analyse indique que le taux de participation aux élections partielles est davantage influencé par des déterminants sociétaux que par des caractéristiques propres à chacune. Nous constatons aussi que les fluctuations de l'opinion publique canadienne à l'égard du gouvernement influençaient la performance du parti gouvernemental lors des élections partielles avant le réalignement partisan de 1993, mais que ce n'est plus le cas dans le système partisan actuel. Nous observons également que les petits partis et les candidats indépendants enregistrent de meilleures performances lors des élections partielles et qu'il n'y a pas, aux élections générales qui suivent, de différence notable entre le taux de réélection des gagnants aux élections partielles et celui des autres députés sortants.
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Prysby, Charles. "North Carolina: Color the Tar Heels Federal Red and State Blue." American Review of Politics 26 (July 1, 2005): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.185-201.

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The 2004 elections in North Carolina resembled those in 1996 and 2000 in many ways. The candidates changed in a number of races, and some of the outcomes were different, but nevertheless there was a fundamental similarity among these three election years. Republicans carried the state by comfortable margins in all three presidential elections, and they had an advantage in each of the congressional elections as well. Even so, Democrats won all three gubernatorial elections and maintained control of state government. Thus, North Carolina in 2004 was once again both red and blue, depending on whether one looked at federal or at state election results.
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Grossman, Edward. "Content analysis and elections: The 1987 federal election." Politics 23, no. 2 (November 1988): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268808402065.

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Khaniya, Bharat, and Arun Kumar Sharma. "Election and Development in Federal Nepal: Perspective of APF in Election Security." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 1, no. 1 (December 14, 2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v1i1.26711.

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Free and fair elections are the elements that contribute in strengthening the democracy. They are more important for the fragile democracies like Nepal. The new constitution promulgated in 2015 by Constituent Assembly led the country to federal state. Elections of all three tiers of government were to be held within two years from the date of promulgation. The constitution granted a number of tasks to be performed by local bodies for the development of the country. Elections and development are interrelated and connected. Elections elect candidates and those candidates are the vehicle of development. But the first year passed by without doing much and later government had to execute the task within the period of eight months. Local elections were planned and held in three phases due to security reason, whereas, provincial and federal elections were completed in two phases. All security forces mobilized in duty performed their duty well and elections went on peacefully except some petty incident in some parts of the country. This article is centered on the security provision of election and a long-term security plan. It needs to be prioritized by the government, as the security situation deteriorates further each day. Anti-election elements, agitating groups attempting to achieve their rights, lack of law and order, and banditry are just some of the security challenges Nepal is currently facing, and affects the ability to hold free and fair elections. Consequently, security is integral and inseparable part of an election and electoral process. The study concluded that the security agencies were proactive, capable of providing security to the political leaders, candidates and voters perform their functions effectively and peacefully during legislative elections 2017.
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Schakel, Arjan H., and Wilfried Swenden. "Rethinking Party System Nationalization in India (1952–2014)." Government and Opposition 53, no. 1 (March 8, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.42.

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This article provides a new conceptual and empirical analysis of party system nationalization, based on four different measurements. Unlike previous nationalization studies, these measurements conceptualize party system nationalization on the basis of electoral performance in national (general or federal) and sub-national (state) elections. After introducing these measurements we apply them to 16 general and 351 state elections in India, the world’s largest democracy with strong sub-national governments. By incorporating state election results we are able to demonstrate that: (1) the pattern of denationalization in India has been more gradual than assumed in previous studies of party system nationalization; (2) denationalization in recent decades results less from dual voting (vote shifting between state and federal elections) than from the growing divergence among state party systems (in state and federal elections); (3) the 2014 general election result, although potentially transformative in the long run, provides more evidence of continuity than change in the short run.
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Chebotarev, Gennady N. "Public observation as a tool of election legitimacy." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 1 (2022): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520018279-7.

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The author of the article considers election observation as a form of public control provided by civil society to contribute to election legitimacy and to strengthen voters’ confidence in the election results as well as in the legality of the legislative branch. The article analyzes the practice of video broadcasting of voting process, the cases of public observation done by public chambers at the elections to the State Duma in 2021. The conclusion is made about the need to improve the legal regulation of public control at elections. The author proposes to appoint election observers in places of detention with this right to be realized by civic monitoring commissions. Since elections are a form of democracy, it is important to expand the possibility of public control in the federal legislation not only over the vote, but also at the previous stages of the electoral process federal legislation
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Turovsky, Rostislav, and Marina Sukhova. "Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes." Russian Politics 5, no. 3 (August 25, 2020): 329–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00503004.

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Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Federal elections"

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Turcotte, André. "Dialogue de sourds, economic voting in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ41523.pdf.

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Arash, Reza. "Making Sense of Negative Campaigning in Canadian Federal Elections." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39797.

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In recent years, negativity has become a dominant theme in the political campaign. However, there are no comprehensive studies to measure the amount of negativity and to examine how parties and candidates adopt these negative strategies, particularly in the Canadian context. Although some studies have focused on a particular aspect of negative campaigning in a Canadian election, the question remains of how and to what extent parties adopt negative strategies in an election. In this thesis, I have collected and analyzed parties’ press releases in the 2015 federal election to examine and explain negativity in parties’ political campaigns. I have tested my results according to five primary theories of negative campaigning, including competitive positioning, ideological proximity, party organization, coalition or minority effect, and negative personalization, to see if these theories apply in the Canadian context. My results indicate that the 2015 federal campaign was a highly negative one, and most of the negative attacks have been directed towards the leader of the Conservative Party, Stephen Harper, while the Conservative Party published the least amount of negative attacks during the campaign. I also found that the Liberal Party has published the most negative statements during the campaign. My results also show that one of the influential factors in shaping parties’ negative campaign strategies is the other parties’ status in public opinion polls, particularly the federal voting intention factor. Although the results show that most of the attacks in the 2015 campaign targeted leaders of parties, I did not find enough support in my models to verify the negative personalization theory. The overall findings of this thesis show that Canadian elections are moving toward a presidential-style campaign, similar to the United States, by becoming more negative and more personalized, which can have significant implications for Canadian democracy.
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Mazzei, Giacomo. "The Origins of the Presidential Election: The Creation of the Electoral College through the First Federal Elections." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626466.

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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.

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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." University of Sydney. Gender Studies, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.

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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Farries, Greg, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "What voters want, what campaigns provide : examining Internet based campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2005, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/250.

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This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.
vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.
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Méndez, de Hoyos Irma. "Electoral reforms and the rise of electoral competitiveness in Mexico, 1977-1997." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327124.

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Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.

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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.

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Stitt, Ross William. "Public preferences: their influence through elections on the policy positions of incoming Australian federal governments." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16050.

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This thesis sits within the broad topic of the relationship between public preferences and government policy. Its specific ambit is the influence, through elections, of majority public preferences on the policy platforms of incoming federal governments in Australia. It constructs a synthesis of each of the two key branches of theory that seek to explain the preferences-to-platform link: both parties in a two-party system deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions in order to win electoral support, and voters electing a government on the basis of its public preference-consistent positions. By revealing the core underlying assumptions of the theories, this analysis facilitates an understanding of the contours of the debate and points the way to an empirical research strategy. Using a database generated from a comprehensive review of opinion polls and surveys in the periods leading up to the 2001-2013 federal elections, the thesis builds from calculating the level of public preference-holding, to placing public preferences in ideological space, measuring their congruence with incoming government policy platforms, and then examining the causal relationship between them. The research reveals significant preferences-to-platform incongruence and indicates that little congruence is attributable to the parties deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions and even less to the public voting on the basis of its preferences. The parties are rarely motivated to deliberately follow public preferences and have many constraints on doing so. However, public preferences exercise a passive influence by curbing the parties’ policymaking. The public is offered limited policy alternatives, and many voters have minimal knowledge of those alternatives or do not policy vote. The additional contributions of the thesis are the synthesis of the theories, the formulation of an analytical framework, and the creation of the public preferences database.
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Books on the topic "Federal elections"

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Federal elections. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2010.

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Canada, Chief Electoral Officer of. Federal electoral legislation. Ottawa: Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, 2007.

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Newman, G. Federal elections 1990. [Canberra]: Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Research Service, Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1990.

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Newman, G. Federal elections, 1987. Australia: Legislative Research Service, Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1987.

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Lang, Michael B. Federal tax elections. Boston: Warren, Gorham & Lamont, 1991.

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Newman, G. Federal elections, 1984. [Canberra]: Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1986.

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Bonn, Moritz J. Federal electoral law. Edited by Born Sigrid. [Bonn?]: Inter Nationes, Visitor's Information, 1994.

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Bonn, Moritz J. Federal Electoral Law. 3rd ed. [Bonn]: Inter Nationes, Visitor's Information, 1998.

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Montes, Fausto Diáz. 1988 federal elections in Mexico. Storrs, Conn: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Connecticut, 1989.

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Canada, Canada Elections. Ontario federal electoral districts: Representation order of 1996. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Federal elections"

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Hale, Kathleen, Robert Montjoy, and Mitchell Brown. "The Evolving Federal Role in Election Administration." In Administering Elections, 53–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137388452_3.

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Bulmer, Simon, and William E. Paterson. "The Federal Republic of Germany." In Direct Elections to the European Parliament 1984, 190–210. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18090-5_10.

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Norpoth, Helmut. "Elections and Political Change: a German Sonderweg." In The Federal Republic of Germany at Fifty, 87–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27488-8_7.

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Schofield, Norman, and Anna-Sophie Kurella. "Party Activists in the 2009 German Federal Elections." In The Political Economy of Governance, 293–311. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15551-7_16.

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Demirel, Denise, Maria Henning, Peter Y. A. Ryan, Steve Schneider, and Melanie Volkamer. "Feasibility Analysis of Prêt à Voter for German Federal Elections." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 158–73. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32747-6_10.

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Abbink, J. "The Organization and Observation of Elections in Federal Ethiopia: Retrospect and Prospect." In Election Observation and Democratization in Africa, 150–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62328-0_8.

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André, Audrey, and Sam Depauw. "The Electoral Impact of Local Campaigning in the 2014 Regional and Federal Elections." In Candidates, Parties and Voters in the Belgian Partitocracy, 189–211. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96460-7_7.

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Borins, Sandford, and Beth Herst. "It’s the Way You Tell It: Conflicting Narratives in the 2011, 2015, and 2019 Canadian Federal Elections." In What Political Science Can Learn from the Humanities, 57–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51697-0_3.

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Ladner, Andreas, and Joëlle Pianzola. "Do Voting Advice Applications Have an Effect on Electoral Participation and Voter Turnout? Evidence from the 2007 Swiss Federal Elections." In Electronic Participation, 211–24. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-15158-3_18.

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Diamond, Larry. "The 1964 Federal Election Crisis." In Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria, 190–247. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08080-9_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Federal elections"

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Podlazov, Andrey Viktorovich. "Reconstruction of falsified election results using Shpilkin integral method." In 4th International Conference “Futurity designing. Digital reality problems”. Keldysh Institute of Applied Mathematics, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20948/future-2021-18.

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I propose a simple and formal method to reconstruct falsified election results, based on the hypothesis of the mutual independence of the overall turnout and the result of power. This method is a development of the classical method of S.A. Shpilkin, however, it does not require additional assumptions and has no free parameters. In addition, it uniformly reconstructs all key values and uses a simpler and clearer mathematical procedure. Comparison of official and true results of federal elections allows to perform a political science analysis of the development of the institution of electoral frauds in Russia in the 20th century and its impact on the political system.
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Volker, Mittendorf V. M., and Schmale A. S. Andre. "Mapping Elites and Anti-Elite Distinction in Social Media During German Federal Elections 2017." In 2018 Fifth International Conference on Social Networks Analysis, Management and Security (SNAMS). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/snams.2018.8554442.

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Gontar, S. G. "Parallels in the organization and conduct of elections of the Constituent Assembly and elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation." In НАУКА РОССИИ: ЦЕЛИ И ЗАДАЧИ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/sr-10-10-2018-31.

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Muller, S. Raschid, and Corey E. Thomas. "Election Infrastructure Security: Grants and Reimbursement to the States for Usage of their National Guards in State Active Duty Status to Provide Cybersecurity for Federal Elections." In The International Conference on Research in Management & Technovation 2020. PTI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15439/2020km7.

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Lawless, W. F., Mito Akiyoshi, John Whitton, Fjorentina Angjellari-Dajci, and Christian Poppeliers. "A Comparative Study of Stakeholder Participation in the Cleanup of Radioactive Wastes in the US, Japan and UK." In ASME 2010 13th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2010-40219.

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We review case studies of stakeholder participation in the environmental cleanup of radioactive wastes in the United States, Japan and United Kingdom (e.g., [21,26,27,66,78]). Citizen participation programs in these three countries are at different stages: mature in the US, starting in Japan, and becoming operational in the UK. The US issue at the US Department of Energy’s (DOE) Savannah River Site (SRS) in South Carolina (SC) had been focused on citizens encouraging Federal (DOE; US Environmental Protection Agency, or EPA; and the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, or NRC) and State (SC’s Department of Health and Environmental Compliance, or DHEC) agencies to pursue “Plug-in-RODs” at SRS to simplify the regulations to accelerate closing seepage basins at SRS. In Japan, the Reprocessing of spent fuel and deep geological disposal of vitrified high-level waste have been among Japan’s priorities. A reprocessing plant in Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture is expected to commence operations in October 2010. The search of a site for a deep geological disposal facility has been ongoing since 2002. But the direct engagement of stakeholders has not occurred in Japan. Indirectly, stakeholders attempt to exert influence on decision-making with social movements, local elections, and litigation. In the UK, the issue is gaining effective citizen participation with the UK’s Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA). We hope that the case studies from these countries may improve citizen participation.
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Mustaqim, Andika Hendra. "The Contestation of Political Storytelling in Presidential Candidates During the 2019 Federal Election." In Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities Universitas Indonesia Conference (APRISH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210531.005.

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Das, Badhan Chandra, Md Musfique Anwar, and Iqbal H. Sarker. "Reducing Social Media Users’ Biases to Predict the Outcome of Australian Federal Election 2019." In 2020 IEEE Asia-Pacific Conference on Computer Science and Data Engineering (CSDE). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/csde50874.2020.9411633.

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Харин, Артём. "Диалог с Россией в дискурсе политических партий ФРГ на современном этапе." In Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/026.

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The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign policy attitudes of the parliamentary political parties of the Federal Republic of Germany. The article analyzes the coalition agreements and pre-election documents of the German parties in the context of their relation to Russia. The factors that influence the nature of the presence of the foreign policy component in the official discourse of the Germany political parties are revealed.
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Flesch, Benjamin, Ravi Vatrapu, and Raghava Rao Mukkamala. "A big social media data study of the 2017 german federal election based on social set analysis of political party Facebook pages with SoSeVi." In 2017 IEEE International Conference on Big Data (Big Data). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bigdata.2017.8258236.

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Reports on the topic "Federal elections"

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Bolton, Alexander, John de Figueiredo, and David Lewis. Elections, Ideology, and Turnover in the U.S. Federal Government. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22932.

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Levitt, Steven, and James Snyder. The Impact of Federal Spending on House Election Outcomes. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5002.

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DEFENSE MANPOWER DATA CENTER ARLINGTON VA. 2008 Post-Election Voting Survey of Federal Civilians Overseas: Tabulations of Responses. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada514128.

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DEFENSE MANPOWER DATA CENTER ARLINGTON VA. 2008 Post-Election Voting Survey of Federal Civilians Overseas: Administration, Datasets and Codebook. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada514130.

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The 37th Federal Election, 2000. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/301278.

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The 38th Federal Election, 2004. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/301279.

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The 39th Federal Election, 2006. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/301280.

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The 40th Federal Election, 2008. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/301281.

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