Journal articles on the topic 'Federal Country Party'
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1
GEMECHU, Milkessa. "ETHIOPIA: FEDERALISM, PARTY MERGER AND CONFLICTS." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 42 (January 5, 2023): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.2.
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This article has a twin mission: examining the impact of party merger on the federal arrangement and its association with the current conflicts in Ethiopia. The 1995 federal constitution of Ethiopia devolves powers to regional states. Since then, each regional state was fused with its distinct ruling party that created a coalition at the federal level. This state-party fused federal arrangement faced serious challenges with the rise of intra coalition disagreements since 2016 following the protest movements in the country, which further plunged Ethiopia into a devastating civil war since November 2020. This article asks what caused the conflicts. While recognizing the multidimensional roots of the conflicts, this article uses a political party-driven theory of federalism in order to identify the political processes that led to the conflicts. It argues that in a multiethnic federation such as Ethiopia where there is state-party fusion, a ruling party’s metamorphosis from a coalition to a union may not only centralize power but could also result in both de facto merger of that fragile federation and conflicts. Delinking the state from the party through inclusive national negotiations and democratic elections within a federal arrangement might help transition Ethiopia to a stable country. Keywords: Civil war, conflicts, political parties, Ethiopian federalism, Prosperity Party, power centralization, Abiy Ahmed.
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Berezina, Irina Sergeyevna, Geht Anton Borisovich, Tsverianashvili Ivan Alekseyevich, and Shutman Denis Valeryevich. "The Process of Institutionalization of the Green Party in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1979–2019." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 12 (December 11, 2020): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.12.15.
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The present research considers the problem of insti-tutionalization of the Green Party in Germany for the period of 40 years, which was determined by a multi-stage process of the party formation, as well as the innovative approach of “The Greens” in the devel-opment of the party's political course. “The Greens” began their activities by creating small local envi-ronmental groups, which by the 1980s had formed a single political party and began to actively partici-pate in the political life of the country, which had marked the beginning of “The Greens” institutional-ization process. Initially, the party positioned itself as an “alternative” to existing traditional political forces, which was clearly reflected in their proposed initiatives. However, over time, during the institu-tionalization process, “The Greens” began to move towards a “systemic” integration into the political life of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the status of “marginal opposition” disappeared. During its existence, the party put forward hundreds of var-ious initiatives aimed at improving the environmen-tal situation and the socio-economic system of Germany. These initiatives found receptive audience among the country’s population, which in recent years has had a positive impact on the dynamics of the party's popularity and made it one of the main socio-political forces in the country, finally complet-ing the process of institutionalizing “The Greens”.
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Salata, André. "INEQUALITIES AND THE BRAZILIAN NEW DEMOCRACY: INCOME DISTRIBUTION BETWEEN CLASSES IN RECENT DECADES." Sociologia & Antropologia 6, no. 1 (April 2016): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752016v618.
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Abstract A high level of income inequality has marked Brazilian society for many decades. In the period of transition to democracy, still in the 1980s, there was the expectation that the new regime would be able to solve some of the countrys major problems, one of the most important being inequality. This article aims to verify whether there was a reduction of income inequalities between classes in Brazil between 1995 and 2013, when two of the largest and most important political parties operating in the country, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and Workers Party (PT), headed the federal government. To this end, National Household Sample (PNAD-IBGE) data will be used for the period under study.
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Okpanachi, Eyene. "The Limits of Federation-wide Political Parties in Ensuring Federal Stability: Nigeria under the Peoples Democratic Party." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 49, no. 4 (2019): 617–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjy045.
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Abstract Since Nigeria’s return to electoral rule in 1999, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) ruled the country as the majority party at both levels of its federal system until 2015. However, despite this dominance, the relationship between presidents and governors was often so divisive that the instability within the party threatened the stability of not only the ruling governments, but also the federation as a whole and undermined its productivity. This article examines this anomaly against the background of scholarship emphasizing the crucial role of federation-wide parties in fostering smooth intergovernmental bargains and in facilitating federal stability. It argues that Nigeria’s recent experience provides counterevidence of this theory and discusses the mutually reinforcing contextual factors that might have influenced this development, focusing on the PDP’s norms and the country’s intergovernmental fiscal structure.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Falling from Grace: The Collapse of Ethiopia's Ruling Coalition." Northeast African Studies 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 11–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.21.2.011v.
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Abstract The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the government party in Ethiopia from 1991 to 2019, was Africa's biggest party in terms of membership base and considered to be the most powerful incumbent on the continent. The factors behind its rapid fall from grace and eventual collapse in 2019 will be put under scrutiny in this article. Comparative political research has pointed to both endogamous and exogamous factors contributing to party instability. Party-specific concerns such as differences in local constituencies, variations in ethnopolitical identities, differences of ideological outlook, and policy preferences are all factors that may lead to a withering of party consensus. Furthermore, the governance structure of the country may also impinge on party stability, because federal models may be more divisive in nature than unitary states. The argument pursued in this article will be to investigate how the origin of the EPRDF's component parties and their ethnopolitical base under the federal system were made relevant in the internal power struggle to claim control of the coalition and hence the government of the land. The article concludes by identifying four key factors contributing to the internal power struggle that led to the demise of the EPRDF: disagreements over ideology; disputes over party bylaws, procedures, and practices; contestation over the federal state model; and finally, the surge of ethnonationalism with intrinsic territorial ambitions.
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Bonafont, Laura Chaqués, and Anna M. Palau Roqué. "Comparing Law-Making Activities in a Quasi-Federal System of Government." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 8 (May 4, 2011): 1089–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405171.
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In this article the authors develop a new approach to the study of policy dynamics in a quasi-federal system of government. The goal is to contribute to previous research on comparative federalism by analyzing the variations of issue attention between levels of government and across four regional governments—Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country. To do so the authors follow the policy dynamics approach, developing a comparative and empirical analysis about issue attention across time, territories, and policy subsystems. The analysis relies on an extensive database, created following the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project, which includes all laws passed from the early 1980s to present. The results indicate that legislative agendas have become increasingly diverse since the 1990s, and this is partly explained by party preferences and the type of government.
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Wiliarty, Sarah, and Louise K. Davidson-Schmich. "Introduction." German Politics and Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380101.
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With its 5 percent electoral threshold, constitutional goal of creating a “wehrhafte Demokratie,” (defensive democracy) and the Christian Democrats’ goal of never allowing a party to their right, the Federal Republic has long seemed immune to the rise of a national-level, populist far-right party. In September 2017, however, Germany joined most European countries when the Alternative for Germany (AfD) entered the Bundestag with over 12 percent of the popular vote. By 2020, the party was represented in all state legislatures in the country and its votes briefly helped elect a state level chief executive in Thuringia.
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Reutter, Werner. "A New Start and “Renewal” for Germany? Policies and Politics of the Red-Green Government, 1998-2002." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353556.
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According to Jürgen Habermas, the federal election in 1998 finally“sealed” the democratic foundation of Germany and confirmed thatthis country belonged to the “west.”1 Until then, the day of judgmenthad left the “judges” in Germany—that is, the voters—with only limitedinfluence in coalition building and the formation of each government.2 Between 1949 and 1998 no federal government has totallybeen unsettled by elections. Changes in government were due tochanges in coalitions, thus based on decisions by the parties ratherthan on the electorate. Insofar as the landslide victory of the SocialDemocratic Party and the Alliance ‘90/Greens in the 1998 electionnot only reflected important changes in the party system, but it alsocould mean that the German electorate is going to play a more influentialrole in the future.
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Marattha, Purushotam. "Quest for Political Stability: Party Leadership Role in CA." Tribhuvan University Journal 29, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v29i1.25967.
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The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.
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Smirnov, Iakov. "Montenegro’s political crisis of 1997-1998." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2020): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.10.34107.
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The subject of this research is the struggle of political elites in Montenegro, which was a constituent federated state of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in the late 1990s. In 1997, as a result of split between the ruling in Montenegro Democratic Party of Socialists, the political life of the country faced a severe crisis. The opposition wing within Democratic Party of Socialists, headed by the young politician Milo Đukanović won the confrontation. The result of this conflict became a drastic change in the country's political orientation in its relations with Serbia and the federal center in Belgrade. The author examines the factors that caused crisis situation and proliferation in the republic. The article determines the key stages of political confrontation in the republic and their fundamental characteristics. The first stage marks the internal struggle of the elites, juxtaposition of reformist wing of the ruling party, which criticized the allied authorities in Belgrade, and its conservative parliamentary group that supported alliance with the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and its leader Slobodan Milošević. At the second stage, the confrontation extends beyond the republic and shifts onto the federal level, becoming an inter-republican conflict. The scientific novelty of this work consists in the original approach towards studying the topic at hand, using the new sources and literature.
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Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires, Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale, and Getahun Antigegn Kumie. "The Pitfalls of Ethnolinguistic-Based Federal Experiment in Ethiopia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-661-672.
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In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).
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Шарапов, Алексей Владимирович. "FORMS OF REJUVENATION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION POLITICAL AND STATE ELITE IN THE 2000S." Society and Security Insights 2, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2019)1-5164.
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We studied the effect of events for the recruitment of young people into the federal elite held by the state authorities and the United Russia party over the past 15 years. The article presents advantages and disadvantages of staff projects: "Political Plant", "Youth Primaries" and "Leaders of Russia". As a result of these projects implementation, the concept of “youth” has become essentially blurred. The degree of youth involvement in these projects has increased. But there was no significant influx of young personnel to leading managerial positions through these measures, which reveals an underestimation of the young people’s role in the social and political development of the country by the current elite. Each new project started before the beginning of the next federal election.
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Timoshenkova, E. P. "Political and Party System of Germany after Elections to the Bundestag (2014-2015)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-108-117.
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Analyzed in the article is German political party system after the 2013 Bundestag elections. The author studies results of the 2015 elections to the European Parliament and of2014-2015 elections to German federal legislative bodies. European elections are known to be the voters' second priority; but what role do they play for German citizens? The author reveals the voters' motives for taking part in elections and making corresponding decisions, which allows to describe the key patterns and trends of development of elections to the European Parliament. Special attention is paid to the role of smaller parties and assessment of FDP's possible retirement from the German federal political stage. Success of the new right-wing populist party «Alternative for Germany», which succeeded in getting seats not only in the European Parliament, but also in all legislative bodies in German lands where elections took place, makes one consider its prospects and consequences of its emergence for the German political party system. Since its best results were achieved in the East of the country, the article offers thorough analysis of the voters' behavior in so-called new lands. Elections in Hamburg and Bremen have always had special features. People in these lands are more eager to support social democrats, which was proved by the 2015 elections. Could the «choice of the big city» be considered to follow its own logic, and does the CDU have a chance to break this tradition? Attempting to answer with this question, the author turns to the results of a sociological study of the Adenauer Fund, which support the statement that it is the candidate's personality and not the party itself that plays decisive role in the party's victory. In conclusion, the author gives her own interpretation of features of the modern German political party system and a forecast of its future development.
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Bellini, Maria Isabel Barros, and Rodollfo de Bellini e Soares. "Risk of Retrogression in Social Rights and Reduction of Brazilian Public Policies." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, s1 (May 2019): s94—s95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x19001961.
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Introduction:Brazil has 200 million descendants of African, Portuguese, Indigenous, German, Italian, and other peoples who have built their identities. The Federal Constitution was rewritten in 1988 to include a Social Protection System. Between 2000 and 2016, the federal government was governed by the Workers’ Party. This party invested in the creation of inclusive public policies and affirmative actions built through collective processes of citizenship that guaranteed better living conditions for the population. In one decade, it went from being underdeveloped to developing. In 2016, the elected president of the Workers’ Party was withdrawn from power through impeachment. In the next election, right-wing conservatives excluded speech, attacked minorities (e.g. LGBT population), and defended the traditional family.Aim:To understand the retreat of Brazilian public policies in a country that set public social policies, compensatory policies, and affirmative actions guaranteeing citizenship of men and women.Methods:Qualitative research with analysis and reflection on the regression of universalist public policies and affirmative policies with the creation of quotas.Results:The creation of affirmative actions was guaranteed. Vacancies in public tenders for the black population led to the establishment of 50% quotas for blacks in universities, and the creation of a universal health system, or universal expanded health indicators. The federal government created a group of SUS analysis by reducing actions.Discussion:Social inequality in Brazil is one of the worst in the world. 16 million people live below the poverty line (OXFAM, 2017). In recent decades, the population that was expanding and strengthening access to services, health, education, and social assistance network has seen a reduction of public policies. The importance of research that points to this reduction of rights is fundamental for documenting what has already been achieved.
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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Thilo Sarrazin, Deutschland schafft sich ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen ['Germany does away with itself: How we are gambling with our country']." ICR Journal 2, no. 4 (July 15, 2011): 737–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v2i4.614.
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Perhaps the event on the German book market in 2010 was the publication of Deutschland schafft sich ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen, a book which went into several printings in that year alone. Its author, Dr Thilo Sarrazin (b. 1945), is a serious critic of unchecked immigration, a German politician (Social Democratic Party, SPD), who was until September 2010 a member of the Executive Board of the German Federal Bank (Bundesbank). The first edition of his book sold out within a few days.
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Swayze, Mikael Antony. "Continuity and Change in the 1993 Canadian General Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 3 (September 1996): 555–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900008234.
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AbstractThis research note considers the complex relationship between the electoral and party systems in Canada from 1921 to 1993. By drawing on Douglas Rae's theoretical model, the note demonstrates that the electoral system exerts a powerful influence on the party system and makes the case that important regional information is often washed out in national-level results. Furthermore, a novel approach is taken to the measurement of regional data in a federal election—a comparison of the indices of fragmentation of the regions and the country provide an interesting explanation for some of the stunning changes in parliamentary representation in 1993. In interpreting the 1993 Canadian general election in this framework, the author argues that although the results in parliament seem to indicate momentous changes in Canadian politics, the voting patterns are, nonetheless, consistent with Canadian political history.
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Williamson, M. "TAX REFORM IN THE OIL INDUSTRY." APPEA Journal 42, no. 1 (2002): 639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj01040.
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Following the return of the Liberal National Country Party for its second term of office under the Prime Minister, Mr John Howard, the Federal Government established a committee headed by a business executive Mr John Ralph. This Committee produced an extensive report recommending substantial changes to the Australian tax legislation. Following consideration of the report by the Federal Government, substantial amendments were proposed in September and November 1999. Many of these proposals have now been legislated and several remain in the pipeline awaiting Parliament scrutiny.This paper covers the practical aspects of the changes to the tax legislation, along with examination of particular issues associated with new developments in matters such as gas banking. Particular focus has been made on the new Uniform Capital Allowances Provisions and the deductions which will be available to the industry against upstream project development expenditures.
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Mattiace, Shannan, and Sandra Ley. "Yucatán as an Exception to Rising Criminal Violence in México." Journal of Politics in Latin America 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2022): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x221079636.
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Yucatán state’s homicide level has remained low and steady for decades and criminal violence activity is low, even while crime rates in much of the rest of the country have increased since 2006. In this research note, we examine five main theoretical explanations for Yucatán's relative containment of violence: criminal competition, protection networks and party alternation, vertical partisan fragmentation, interagency coordination, and social cohesion among the Indigenous population. We find that in Yucatán, interagency coordination is a key explanatory variable, along with cooperation around security between Partido Revolucionario Institucional and Partido Acción Nacional governments and among federal and state authorities.
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Datta, Polly. "Debating Contribution vis-à-vis Equity Principle in Tax Sharing: A Review of Recommendations of the Finance Commission of India." South Asian Journal of Macroeconomics and Public Finance 1, no. 2 (December 2012): 281–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277978712473404.
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This article discusses the objectives of the Finance Commission of India since inception, within the ambit of critical issues in public finance. Amidst increasing political tensions between the central and state governments in India and waning trends in single party majority at the Centre, the evolution of tax sharing arrangements are critical indi- cators of a functional federal structure. The article compares various objectives put forth by the Finance Commission and evaluates observed conditions in four important states in the country. We carefully evaluate if the recommendations of the Finance Commission have influenced the degree of industrialization in these states.
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Kaso, Kemal Abdela, Sukanya Aimimtham, Sukhumvit Saiyasopon, and Weerakul Chaiphar. "Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation in Ethiopia." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p153.
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This research aims (1) to study the practice of an Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation (IRDPF) in Ethiopia and (2) to explore and identify the challenges of integrated regional development policy formulation in Ethiopia. The research is conducted by collecting data from 20 purposely selected key informants from both the federal and regional government sectors, political parties and community in Ethiopia. Data are collected through in-depth interviews and review of relevant documents, and systematically analyzed using content analysis technique. The results show that the practice of policymaking and IRDPF process in particular is not in line with of the law of land, in which the executive branch, particularly, the Prime Minister and ruling party’s elites are the key actor in the process at both federal and regional levels with limited consultation and participation of other House of Peoples Representatives, federal and regional policy makers, and other stakeholders. The study also identified various political, social, economic and technical challenges that affect sound and effective integrated regional development policy formulation in the country.
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Smirnov, Ivan V. "Critical perception by the leaders of the populist party of the US Constitution (turn of the 19th–20th centuries)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 195 (2021): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-195-341-352.
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The subject of this research is the criticism by the populist party, which went down in history as one of the most radical farmers’ organizations in North America, of the text of the US Constitution, which for many generations of Americans has been considered the “holy book” of freedom as the standard of building a democratic state. The views of a number of party ideologists on the process of adoption and on the essence of the Basic Law of the American state are considered. This study is the first study in the domestic literature in which, on the basis of archival and published sources, it is shown the reasons for the negative perception by populists of the foundations of a federal structure, which, in their opinion, serves exclusively the interests of corporate capital, from which it is concluded that the US Constitution is not intended to protect human rights, but to reduce them to a minimum through a number of means designed by the “founding fathers” (creation of a strong federal government, indirect elections of senators and the president of the country, irreplaceability of Supreme Court judges, as well as the right to judicial review of laws for compliance with the Constitution, etc.). In the conclusion, the methods proposed by populist ideologues to correct the shortcomings and democratization of the US constitutional order are described in detail.
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Niclauß, Karlheinz. "Die Bundestagswahl als Kanzlerwahl? Personen und Parteien im Wahlkampf 2021." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 1 (2022): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-1-3.
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The campaign for the 2021 federal election was exceptional, because Angela Merkel con- cluded her political career . The usual duel between an incumbent chancellor and the candi- date of the second strongest party therefore did not materialize . Instead, three chancellor candidates from different parties competed for the leadership of the country . The election campaign was volatile and opinion surveys show many ups and downs . Thus, the perfor- mance of the top candidates was decisive for the election results of the parties . The old question: Do voters elect personalities or parties must thus be asked anew . It is evaluated in connection with the personalization of the political debate in other democracies and dis- cussed in light of classic writings on the topic . It becomes evident, that even in a pluralized party system and a coalition of three partners, the strong and personalized role of the chan- cellor must not be neglected
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Lee, David. "Labor, the External Affairs Power and the Rights of Aborigines." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.4.
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The Australian Constitution gave the Commonwealth not a “treaty power” but a vague power over “external affairs,” the precise meaning of which was elusive for most of the twentieth century. From the 1930s, Labor judges and politicians such as H. V. Evatt saw its potential to extend Commonwealth power by legislating international agreements throughout Australia. The non-Labor parties rejected the idea of using the “external affairs” power to legislate in areas formerly the responsibility of the states but the federal Labor Party continued in the Evatt tradition. After significant uncertainties, the Whitlam government used the external affairs power to pass the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, the first significant human rights legislation in the country, which in turn had a profound effect on the law of the land in the country by making the second Mabo Case possible.
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Shodmonov, Mirzokhid. "THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL PARTY, ITS LEGAL NATURE AND ITS THEORETICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS." Review of Law Sciences 5, no. 4 (December 24, 2021): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.51788/tsul.rols.2021.5.4./bhnn2694.
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In order to develop the activities of political parties in our country and strengthen their role in the life of the state and society, every change in our legislation is aimed at ensuring that political parties play an important role in public life and operate freely. The Strategy of Actions for the Further Development of the Republic of Uzbekistan identifies the development of the political system, strengthening the role of political parties in the life of the state and society as a priority and the introduction of more modern mechanisms in this direction. The article deals with the concept, legal essence and theoretical-legal analysis of a political party, mainly through the comparative analysis of national and foreign legislation and scientific research in this area. In particular, the legislative acts of a number of foreign countries, such as the Federal Republic of Germany, the Russian Federation, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Macedonia, Ukraine, were studied and compared with national legislation. In our research work, practical suggestions and scientific conclusions on the concept, legal essence and theoretical analysis of a political party were given.
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Jorg Michael, Dostal. "The German Political Economy between Deregulation and Re-regulation: Party Discourses on Minimum Wage Policies." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 27, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps27205.
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In the German political economy of the early 21st century, labor market policymaking has shifted toward deregulation and liberalization. In particular, the so-called Hartz labor market reforms of the Social Democratic Party and Green Party government, introduced in 2002 and 2003, pushed for employment growth in low-wage and deregulated employment sectors. This article focuses on one of the key debates triggered by Germany`s labor market deregulation after 2002, namely whether the introduction of a statutory minimum wage is required to re-regulate the country`s labor market. Based on interviews with members of the five political parties in the German federal parliament and analysis of each party`s policy-making discourses over time (2002-2012), the article suggests that the deregulation of the last decade has triggered demand for new policies of reregulation. This would include the introduction of a statutory minimum wage in Germany at some future point in time. However, such re-regulation does not question earlier labor market liberalization but serves as a political side-payment to ingrain the shift of the German political economy toward a more liberal regime.
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Marcelo de Lara, Luiz, Celso Bilynkievycz dos Santos, Bruno Pedroso, Camila Lopes Ferreira, and Luiz Alberto Pilatti. "Technological university in Brazil: examining the development and (de)construction of the model." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 12 (December 30, 2021): 2060–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i12.el05.
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Based primarily on an analysis of laws and legal frameworks, this qualitative exploratory study aims to examine the development, context, construction, as well as deconstruction, of the technological university model in Brazil. The Federal University of Technology – Paraná (UTFPR) is the only technological university in the country. The analysis presented herein demonstrates that its development is the outcome of movements and efforts within its predecessor, the Federal Center of Technological Education of Paraná (CEFET-PR), to respond to the deconstruction of the technical education model, on which the Institution was based, during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government. The concept of a technological university has not been replicated in any government since the transformation of CEFET-PR to UTFPR, not even during the Workers’ Party (PT) government, which introduced the model. We conclude that, despite efforts from within, the legal apparatus and the pursuit of certain characteristics and goals, such as obtaining world class status, are aligning UTFPR increasingly toward the profile of traditional universities.
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Krasovitskaya, T. Yu, and V. S. Khristoforov. "“Ah, Comrade Descendants, Socialism was Built on Trickery”." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S1 (March 2022): S49—S56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622070061.
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Abstract This article contains a polemic with conclusions by B.N. Mironov. The author points out that the 1920s forced the authorities in the USSR to use the external signs of the federal structure to establish control over the national margins of the former Russian Empire. Federalism, in her opinion, was a lateral and induced branch of the party goal. During the 1920s, many national leaders who had previously collaborated with the Soviet government were replaced, killed, or exiled. A monopolistic organization of power, reliance on the administrative levers of control, a strict hierarchy of the political elite, and the ideologization of the political system as a whole were established in the country.
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Antczak, Anna. "Separatyzm baskijski." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 37 (February 18, 2022): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.027.
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Basque SeparatismThis article examines the origins of Basque nationalism, major reasons why the terrorist organization ETA was founded, and the evolution of ETA’s activities. Alongside this discussion, a parallel history of moderate nationalism pursued by the Basque Nationalist Party is also examined. The article adopts a historical approach, since Basque nationalism has evolved in a specific way, and the historical, political and systemic changes influenced the Basque Country in a different way than other regions of Spain.In the literature, researchers show that Basque citizens are characterized by a strong sense of national identity. This is due firstly to the fact that many Basques identify themselves with the Basque Country rather than with Spain, which indicates a clear declaration of their national identity. This means that the Basques consider themselves a separate nation. The consequence of this is their desire to have a greater autonomy, preferably under the Spanish federal state, or to gain independence.
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Béland, Daniel, and André Lecours. "Fiscal federalism and American exceptionalism: why is there no federal equalisation system in the United States?" Journal of Public Policy 34, no. 2 (February 14, 2014): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000038.
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AbstractThis article addresses the absence of a federal equalisation programme in the United States, which is a significant aspect of “American exceptionalism”. Comparing the United States with Australia and Canada, we argue that three factors are relevant when accounting for this absence. On one hand, we turn to two societal factors to explain why there was never much political appetite for the creation of a stand-alone equalisation programme in the United States, namely the lack of a direct threat to the territorial integrity of the United States after 1865 and the comparative weakness of the idea of social citizenship in that country. On the other hand, our analysis shows that key institutional features of American political institutions, particularly strong bicameralism combined with the absence of formal party discipline, help illuminate why it would have been difficult to create an equalisation programme even if there had been some societal pressures to do so.
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Zhussip, S. K., M. M. Kozybayeva, and K. B. Maslov. "АBOUT THE АCTIVITIES OF АLIKHАN BUKEIKHАN IN THE FIRST YEАRS OF SOVIET POWER IN KАZАKHSTАN (1920-1922)." History of the Homeland 99, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_69.
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In this article, the authors explore a little-known segment of the life and work of the ideological founder and leader of the national liberation movement, the Alash party of the early twentieth century, the founder and head of the Autonomous Republic of Alash A.N. Bukeikhana in the early years of the establishment of Soviet power in Kazakhstan. After the establishment of Soviet power in Kazakhstan, he lived and worked in his native country for less than two years -from August 1920 to December 1922. New historical materials found in the fund of the Central State Archive of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the central archives of the Russian Federation (Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, Department of Archives of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation), as well as collections on the movement and the Alash party, individual historical documents, published in the periodical press, allow us to restore the little-studied periods of the life and work of A.N. Bukeikhana (1920-1922), conducted by him in his homeland.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Reform of the government structure of Russia in the framework documents of political parties (based on the materials of electoral campaigns of 2011 and 2016)." Право и политика, no. 7 (July 2020): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.7.32354.
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Currently, the question of transformation of government institutions, including through the change of Constitution, is of primary importance on the political agenda. The subject of this research is the proposals of political parties on modernization of state structure and reform of the federal branches of government. The object of this research is the election programs of political parties on the elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in 2011 and 2016. The author examines the ideas of party actors regarding modernization in the sphere of public administration, attitude of the parties towards modification of powers of the federal branches of government, relationship format between the center and the federal subjects, strengthening of social control over government. Despite the critical approach of political parties, they did not suggest any integrated projects on modernization of the system, but rather expressed disparate opinion. Part of the proposals pertinent to the reforms of public administration were of populist nature and did not have a mechanism for their implementation. Most specific and realizable initiatives were associated with restoration of the previously existing norms. The parties made various proposals on the question problem of administrative and territorial structure of the country, demonstrating a range of approaches from strong decentralization to unitary state. It is assumed that the question of modernization of state structure will remain on the agenda in the next electoral cycle. However, the integrated approach most likely will not be demonstrated. Reforms of the Federal Assembly and judicial system will continue to be the key vectors of political discourse.
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Pushkareva, V. V. "THE NEW ROLE OF THE GREENS IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF GERMANY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634//2587-9030-2020-4-1-63-75.
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The article analyzes the new role of the Alliance 90/The Greens in the political life of Germany. The Greens have come a long way: from the leftist radical movement of protest and opposition to the parliamentary party. The author describes the reasons of the Greens’ popularity in the modern period, notes the success of the party both within the country and at the European level. According to the public opinion poll conducted in the autumn of 2019, the ratings of the ruling CDU/CSU and the Greens became equal. It should be stated that the Greens have lost their radical position and off-system orientation but they continue to demonstrate a predisposition to the opposition of the liberal-democratic nature, which implies a willingness to fight for the reform of the existing social system. In this regard, the Greens are close to modern Social Democrats, but the degree of their social criticism is certainly higher, which makes them a potential partner of the left party. From the leftist off-systemic standing to the systemic leftism: that is the result of the political evolution of the Greens. It is in favor of this conclusion that the party's current position in the political life of Germany testifies. But the problem is whether the party will be able to adapt to new conditions and maintain the credibility with the voters until 2021, the next federal election in the Bundestag?
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DIAS, EDNEY CIELICI. "Profits and votes: Entrepreneurs and the government in Brazilian housing policy." Revista de Economia Política 35, no. 4 (December 2015): 763–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572015v35n04a05.
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ABSTRACTAfter more than twenty years of low housing construction output, the housing policy recovered its momentum in the country with the ascent of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) to the seat of the federal government. This article demonstrates - through the analysis of documents, interviews and research conducted with businessmen - that the impetus of such a state policy is a part of the PT electoral strategy, which is based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The research analyses the dovetailing of interests between the Lula (the Brazilian President from 2003 to 2010) administration and the civil construction business - the latter concerned with expanding its business, and the former with increasing the supply of jobs and the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the launching of the largest social housing program to be implemented in the country. Minha Casa, Minha Vida (My House, My Life), is a project in whose planning building companies played a key role, performing feasibility studies and carrying out social housing projects.
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McCracken, Damian John. "Tailor-Made for Canada." Federalism-E 21, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v21i2.14074.
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While reform of Canada's electoral system has not yet occurred, it has been an ever-present, ever-potent topic in Canadian political science since the middle of the 20th Century. While there are aspects of First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) to be admired, its fundamental flaws cannot be ignored; the system encourages parties to exacerbate sectionalism, leaves far too many voters unrepresented, and too often allows for uncooperative governments. Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP), a form of Proportional Representation (PR), possesses the best aspect of FPTP, local representation and accountability, and amends its most serious flaws. MMP represents all votes cast, attenuates sectionalism, and creates diverse legislatures that incentivize cross-party cooperation far more than FPTP does currently. Canada is nearly a perfect country for MMP, and this system should be implemented for our federal elections.
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Markov, Evgeniy A. "Transformations in political preferences of voters (Comparative analysis of the 2016 and 2021 election campaigns)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 1 (2022): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-1-5.
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In the article offered to the readers, the author analyses the results of the 2021 Russian legislative elections, using a comparative method. The parallels with the results of previous election campaigns on the basis of the results obtained by both political parties and individual candidates are drawn. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the level of political activity of voters in different regions of Russia and to identify changes that have taken place in the moods of various social groups. The article analyses the peculiarities of the election campaigns organized by different political forces as well as the course of preparation and conduct of the elections themselves, both at the federal and regional levels. Finally, the author concludes that the United Russia political party (Edinaya Rossiya), which received a constitutional majority in the renewed State Duma again, will have to consider the realities highlighted by the election campaign. But most importantly, it is this party that will have to take responsibility for passing the laws that would ensure socio-economic development of the country as a condition of increasing the welfare of the population.
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Glushachenko, Sergey Borisovich. "Political parties of Russia and Kazakhstan: comparative legal analysis of the legislation." Право и политика, no. 8 (August 2020): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.8.33381.
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The subject of this article is the comparison of the legislation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan with regards to regulation of the establishment and activity of political parties. Multi-party system became a new phenomenon for both countries at the turn of the XXI century, and one of the tasks faced by the states consisted in its proper normative regulation. History of the countries did not provide adequate source material for the establishment of genuine multi-party system. The political parties basically functioned in the atmosphere of legal vacuum, which attached the attributes of chaos to the political life. Despite the common starting point along with the external similarity of party system in Russia and Kazakhstan, the legislation on parties has national specificity. Kazakhstan's legislation at the constitutional level enshrines the importance of parties for public life of the country. The first law on political parties was adopted in 1996, while the effective law has a different conceptual framework – it arguably became the product of evolution of the party system and corresponds with its current state. Russian legislation on political parties has a shorter history, and clearly is in a formative stage, which is testified by a number of amendments made to the corresponding federal law. However, the legislation of both Russia and Kazakhstan has a number of advantages that should be considered in further improvement of the normative legal base, which is especially relevant in a time of political transformation that affected both countries.
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Smith, Marissa J. "Power of the People’s Parties and a post-Soviet Parliament: Regional infrastructural, economic, and ethnic networks of power in contemporary Mongolia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520916743.
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In 1994, the new Orkhon Province was created, transforming the status of the Soviet-established federal municipality Erdenet, a major copper-mining center responsible for much of the country’s export revenues and central to ongoing Mongolian–Russian relations. Rather than representing increased participation in national government for Erdenet residents, many of whom are members of transborder minority ethnicities with ties to remote parts of the country, the formation of the province has been controversial locally, as it has meant the introduction of provincial governors, de facto appointed by the Prime Minister. At the same time, the People’s Parties descending from the single state party of the socialist era have in fact been successful at maintaining their networks across the country, and often fielded successful candidates for seats representing Orkhon. Representatives have included the director of a large local construction firm who also held the post of director of foreign trade within the mining enterprise (2008 to 2012, 2016 to present), the son of the mining enterprise’s former General Director (2012 to present), and a politician long based in Ulaanbaatar but central to the MPRP (2016 to present). The situation demonstrates the tension in Mongolian governance between Ulaanbaatar-based centralization and vertical integration on the one hand (also pursued through attempts to privatize the mining enterprise) and the independence of constituencies integrated with regional infrastructural, economic, and ethnic networks built up through long histories of international imperial entanglements on the other.
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Al-Shunnaq, Abdulmajeed. "Political Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel (1965-1969)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 5 (October 17, 2022): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i5.2769.
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The study dealt with the German Federal Israeli political relations since the political recognition and the exchange of diplomatic representation on May 12, 1965, and the timing of the political recognition on this date is considered a gift to Israel on the seventeenth anniversary of its founding.
The study focused on the development of bilateral political relations from 1965-1969 due to the exchange of power when the leader of the Social Democratic Party, Willy Brandt, formed the government for the first time in contemporary German history. The study addressed the research questions, which are what are the political factors that led to political recognition and the exchange of diplomatic representation and at the highest the level of how the internal German policy affected the bilateral relations between the two countries, and whether the German – Israeli political relations could be considered special and distinct relations on Germany's relations with any other country, especially during the Israeli aggression on the Arabs in 1967, and the study proved that there are many factors affecting the continuity of development in relations for what it presented the successive German government until 1969 provided finaneial, economic and other assistance for the benefit of the Israeli side and without the slightest consideration of its negative impact on German Arab relations, and the study highlighted the support of the Federal Republic of Germany with Israel during its aggression against Egypt, Jordan and Syria in June 1967, noting that it was the expansionist goals of Israel.
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SBARDELLATI, JOHN, and TONY SHAW. "Booting a Tramp: Charlie Chaplin, the FBI, and the Construction of the Subversive Image in Red Scare America." Pacific Historical Review 72, no. 4 (November 1, 2003): 495–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.4.495.
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This article examines the battle over popular culture in the age of McCarthyism. The Federal Bureau of Investigation, under J. Edgar Hoover, targeted Charlie Chaplin because of his status as a cultural icon and as part of its broader investigation of Hollywood. Some of Chaplin's films were considered ““communist propaganda,”” but because Chaplin was not a member of the Communist Party, he was not among those investigated by HUAC in 1947. Nevertheless, he was vulnerable to protests by the American Legion and other patriotic groups because of both his sexual and political unorthodoxy. Yet, although countersubversives succeeded in driving Chaplin out of the country, they failed to build a consensus that Chaplin was a threat to the nation. Chaplin's story testifies to both the awesome power of the countersubversive campaign at mid-century and to some of its limitations as well.
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Glanz, Karen, Jade Avelis, Pui L. Kwong, and John H. Holmes. "Correlates of attitudes toward COVID-19-related public health policies and prevention practices in six states." Journal of Public Health Research 11, no. 2 (April 2022): 227990362211021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22799036221102178.
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Objectives: The COVID-19 pandemic rapidly impacted communities, however there is limited information about the beliefs, behaviors, and trust in government responses of populations across the country. It may be especially useful to understand state-based and regional differences that people reported early in the pandemic, to inform national and regional public health policies and communication strategies. This paper reports on correlates of perceptions of state and federal policies and prevention practices in six states with varying trajectories of COVID-19 cases and deaths, during the first major wave of the pandemic. Methods: A cross-sectional survey of COVID-19 policies, perceptions, and behaviors in six states (three in the northeast/mid-Atlantic and three in the southeastern United States), was conducted in April 2020 using an online platform of research volunteers. The survey asked about demographics; use of and belief about the effectiveness of preventive behaviors; experience with COVID-19 testing, diagnosis, quarantine, and hospitalization; risk behaviors and perception; opinion of local, state, and federal government guidelines and information; sources of information; and scales measuring time perspective and collectivism/individualism. Results: Responses from 1476 adults in six states showed that the most often-practiced prevention practices involved social distancing, and that reactions to federal government policies differed regionally and by political party affiliation. Conclusions: These findings improve understanding of how Americans view government responses to the pandemic, and their prevention practices, early in the pandemic. These data will help to create more effective public health policies to control the pandemic and achieve public support for control measures.
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Savenkov, Roman. "The Social Movement of Alexei Navalny." Politeja 16, no. 5(62) (December 31, 2019): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.62.11.
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The article focuses on the major stages of development of Alexei Navalny’s social movement in 2017-2019 on the federal and regional levels. The movement aims to form and mobilize the supporters of Alexei Navalny in the movement’s structural elements to carry out opposition activities in large cities. In the long-term, the movement wants their activists to participate in regional and local elections. The movement is developing in the context of slowly growing socio-economic and political dissatisfaction in the country and the government’s aim to restrict public expression of concern. The conditions make the movement look for new formats of manifesting people’s discontent. The weakness of the movement is Alexei Navalny’s non-eligibility to hold the office and absence of Navalny’s political party. His image of a “fringe” and “protesting” politician created by the television media prevents him from becoming a respectable and worthy of support politician for the majority of Russians.
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Fiseha, Assefa. "Federalism and Development: The Ethiopian Dilemma." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 25, no. 3 (August 3, 2018): 333–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02503004.
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Key to Ethiopia’s remarkable political and economic changes is its transformation from highly homogenising and centrist rule to a federal system aiming at managing its complex diversity. The post-1991 dispensation has ended years of civil war, and served as a foundation for the impressive economic performance. Lately the country has continued to face wide-spread protests. How does one explain the paradox between an impressive economic performance versus growing political instability? Development is centrally designed and managed along with the identification of poverty as an existential threat against which all resources must be mobilised. This means that development takes overriding priority and a central role, compromising the constitutional autonomy of the states. The outcome as witnessed in the protests is new mobilisation and conflict unleashed by growing ethno-nationalism. The absolute dominance of a single vanguard party that monopolised power has also overshadowed institutions and sidelined political opposition while emboldening hardliners.
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Kharlan, Hanna. "European integration in the program documents of political parties of Federal Republic of Germany in elections to the Bundestag 2017." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.43-57.
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The article covers the specific depiction of Eastern Europe in the programs of the main political forces in parliamentary elections in Germany 2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact to the course of political life. The election programs of the six parties (CDU / CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90 / The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) that managed to overcome the barrier were analysed. Almost all political parties that succeeded in breaking the barrier in the parliamentary elections on September 24, 2017, presented their own vision of the European direction of FRG’s foreign policy in their election programs. All parties, except the right-wing populists, spoke in favor of Germany’s active participation in the processes of European integration. Such issues as a strategy for the further development of the EU, overcoming the negative effects of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, and the prospects of community enlargement at the expense of Turkey and the Western Balkans were the focus of political forces. The Christian and Democratic Union / Christian and Social Union, led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel, emphasized the need to strengthen the European Union as a subject of world politics against the background of geopolitical shifts after 2014 and the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. The Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Free Democratic Party and the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” spoke in favor of reforming the EU institutions. Instead, the far-right “Alternative for Germany” called for a radical revision of FRG’s foreign policy strategy. All political forces have noted the deterioration of the situation with democracy and human rights in Turkey, which makes it impossible for this country to enter the EU in the near future. As for membership prospects for the Western Balkans, the parties’ positions differ. The conclusions state that the formation of another “grand coalition” led by A. Merkel testified to the stability of the foreign policy and the desire to maintain the leading role of FRG in the processes of deepening and expanding European integration.
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Orlova, Keemya V. "Е. А. Стулов и его поездка в Архангайский аймак в 1932 г.: по материалам сборника документов «Монголия в документах из архивов ФСБ России (1922–1936 гг.)»." Oriental Studies 15, no. 5 (December 26, 2022): 941–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-63-5-941-950.
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Introduction. The edition titled ‘Federal Security Service Archives: Mongolia Documented, 1922–1936’ contains a Note by Advisor to the MPR Economic Council E. Stulov on [His] Journey to Arkhangai Aimag. The document is of certain interest primarily from a perspective of the current economic and political situation in the country. Advisor E. Stulov was staying in Tsetserleg, the capital of Arkhangai Aimag, from 1 to 10 June 1932, and compiled the Note on 25 June of the same year to be marked top secret. The author mentions the main objective of the journey was to ‘investigate essentials and causes of the uprising’ in the aimag. Personal files of Evgeny A. Stulov are housed at the Russian State Archive of the Economy (Collection of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Trade as of the Year 1925). The Note can be viewed as an extended report on events to have taken place not only in Arkhangai but also in other provinces, and be structured as follows: 1) causes and essentials of the 1932 uprising, 2) economic reasons of the uprising, 3) work of the party organization in the aimag and wider — that of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party nationwide. Goals. The article attempts an analysis of Stulov’s journey to Arkhangai Aimag and examines reasons — political and economic ones — of the uprising and related riots both in Arkhangai and across the bulk of the country. Materials. The paper examines archival documents, published sources, and academic literature. Results and conclusions. E. Stulov’s Note reveals reasons of social unrests across various Mongolian estates. The journey is sure to have been crucial to that the Soviet Government undertook prompt measures to tackle the dramatic events. The unrests had begun in April 1932, and already in May the Mongolian question was being discussed at a meeting of the Politburo (VKP(b) Central Committee), which dispatched a letter to Ulaanbaatar containing proposals aimed at eliminating errors and miscounts afforded. This is why in June the Advisor to the MPR Economic Council was missioned to the country for detailed insights, and the officer’s journey note did reveal actual reasons of what had happened.
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Ushkin, S. G. "TV versus Internet: How media consumption affects the approval of the authorities." RUDN Journal of Sociology 21, no. 4 (December 7, 2021): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2021-21-4-855-867.
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The article considers the features of the Russians media consumption and their attitudes to political institutions (federal and regional). The survey of the population of the Republic of Mordovia aimed at finding correlations between the use of certain information channels, the level of trust in them, and the approval of the authorities. The study showed that the choice of traditional media (television, newspapers, magazines, radio) or new media (social networks, Internet websites, telegram channels) divides people into groups according to their political preferences. Traditional media (conditionally the TV party) tend to unite representatives of older cohorts living in rural areas and supporting the government. New media (conditionally the Internet party) tend to attract mainly young people living in cities, having a relatively high level of education and being critical of political institutions. The author believes that there is a potential for reconciliation of these two parties - in the communicative possibilities of personal connections (friends, relatives, acquaintances), because the close social circle seems to provide grounds for discussing the current situation in the country and the region. The results of the survey show a high level of distrust to all information channels and a low level of approval of the authorities. The situation is aggravated by the coronavirus crisis: skepticism about official information determined a significant number of rumors discrediting political institutions, which in the future may negatively affect election campaigns at all levels.
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Goodman, Adam. "Barring the Gates." Labor 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767338.
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When long-term Chicago resident and World War II veteran Rodolfo Lozoya traveled to Mexico in 1957 to visit his ailing mother, he probably did not think that he would face the threat of permanent separation from his US citizen wife and children. But when he tried to reenter the United States, authorities excluded him from the country because of his alleged past membership in the Communist Party. The saga of Lozoya’s exclusion and his family’s separation offer insights into the hypocritical nature of democracy in Cold War America. The case also sheds light on the intertwined lives of citizens and noncitizens, and how immigrant rights groups such as the Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Born mobilized to defend people from exclusion and deportation under the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952. Federal censors’ decision to withhold materials on Lozoya more than fifty-five years later, and thirty years after his death, points to the enduring legacy of the Cold War and to the pervasive fear of radical politics in the twenty-first century.
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Leng, Olivia Tan Swee, Rossanne Gale Vergara, and Shereen Khan. "Digital Tracing and Malaysia's Personal Data Protection Act 2010 amid the Covid-19 Pandemic." Asian Journal of Law and Policy 1, no. 1 (July 28, 2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ajlp.2021.3.
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Digital tracing is a proven effective means for the Malaysian government to trace and control the spread of COVID-19. However, the process of tracing and tracking in order to manage the spread of the pandemic have in many ways compromised personal information to third party applications. Malaysia is not the only country that uses digital tracing to manage the spread of the pandemic. Various countries have chosen different methods for digital contact tracing to manage the spread of COVID-19 and some are less respectful of privacy than others. This paper analyses Malaysia’s Personal Data Protection Act 2010 (PDPA) and its effectiveness in protecting personal data during the pandemic as Malaysians continue to utilise the contact tracing mobile applications such as MySejahtera and SELangkah. The researchers applied doctrinal research method and analysed the current Malaysian legislation on data protection. It should be noted that the PDPA does not apply in the case of government collection and would not require federal and state agencies to be transparent in their data management.
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Felshtynskyi, Yurii, and Mykhailo Stanchev. "Georgia on Protecting Independence: from the Brest Peace to Occupation by Soviet Government." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 882–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-53.
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Based on documents of the archive of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace at Stanford University and the archives of the International Institute of Social History, as well as on memoirs, the articles offers an insight into the coming of the Georgian Mensheviks to power in the country in 1918 and the attempts of the new republic to defend its independence and territorial integrity in the context of the First World War and the Civil War in Soviet Russia. It examines the diplomatic activities of the Georgian government as a part of the Transcaucasian Federal Republic and the protection of their own state interests in the struggle against both Soviet Russia and Turkey. The authors pay special attention to the complicated negotiations in Trebizond in March 1918 with respect to the signing of a peace treaty with Turkey and the organisation of military resistance against the Turkish invasion and the proclamation of the independence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. Keywords: Georgia, Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, emigration, Social Democratic Party (of Mensheviks), diplomatic negotiations in Trebizond.
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Schmitt, Hermann, and Andreas M. Wüst. "The Extraordinary Bundestag Election of 2005: The Interplay of Long-term Trends and Short-term Factors." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935324.
Full textAbstract:
When Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der went public and announced his plan for early elections on the evening of 22 May 2005, the SPD and the Green Party had just lost the state election in North-Rhine West-phalia. It was the last German state ruled by a Red-Green government, which left the federal government without any stable support in the Bundesrat. The chancellor's radical move resulted in early elections that neither the left (SPD and Greens) nor the conservative political camp (CDU/CSU and FDP) was able to win. While the citizens considered the CDU/CSU to be more competent to solve the country's most important problems, unemployment and the economy, the SPD once again presented the preferred chancellor. The new govrnment, build on a grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD, might be able to solve some of the structural problems of the country. While this will be beneficial for Germany as a whole, it will at the same time weaken the major German parties, which are running the risk of becoming politically indistinguishable.