Journal articles on the topic 'Fat feminism'
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Solander, Tove. "Fat Feminism: Reading Shelley Jackson's ‘Fat’ through Elizabeth Wilson's Gut Feminism." Somatechnics 4, no. 1 (March 2014): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2014.0118.
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In this article, I treat a literary text as a form of somatechnics making an intervention in fat embodiment. I read contemporary American author Shelley Jackson's short story ‘Fat’ from The Melancholy of Anatomy through what Elizabeth Wilson terms ‘gut feminism’, a feminism accounting for the dynamism of the biological body and acknowledging ‘organic thought’ as an alternative to the mind/body split. Wilson's ‘gut feminism’ is related to theories drawing on Deleuze's concept the ‘Body without Organs’ such as hypertheorist N. Katherine Hayles’ argument for the ‘Text as Assemblage’. I show how the seemingly surreal narrative of ‘Fat’ provides crucial insights about fat, understood as an assemblage of images, affects and matter and as a liminal substance questioning the integrity of the subject. Fat is associated with the feminine in a reclamation of the early modern rhetorical term ‘dilation’, which figures the swelling text as a fat, fertile woman with voracious orifices. I describe how Jackson's ‘aesthetics of fat’ works through dilation, disgust and ‘bad taste’ to draw the reader into an experience of fat embodiment. I characterise fat as a ‘sticky sign’ in Sara Ahmed's sense, one that will not stay confined to the page but sticks to the reader and elicit gut reactions. In conclusion, I argue for a non-derogatory model of reading as incorporation
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Boling. "On Learning to Teach Fat Feminism." Feminist Teacher 21, no. 2 (2011): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/femteacher.21.2.0110.
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Bell, Kirsten, and Darlene McNaughton. "Feminism and the Invisible Fat Man." Body & Society 13, no. 1 (March 2007): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x07074780.
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Boisvert, Jennifer A. "Native American Indian Women, Fat Studies and Feminism." Somatechnics 2, no. 1 (March 2012): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2012.0042.
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This paper examines the experience of fat oppression in Native American Indian women from a feminist-multicultural perspective, thereby increasing our understanding of the multiple intersecting oppressions in these women's lives. This examination uncovers the unique realities of Native American Indian women and bridges fat studies and feminist bodies of literature. Recommendations are made that can further research, practice and activism agendas for women of colour.
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Lyons, Pat. "Fitness, Feminism and the Health of Fat Women." Women & Therapy 8, no. 3 (October 31, 1989): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j015v08n03_08.
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Morabito, Valeria. "Developing Transnational Methodologies in Feminist Studies: the relationship between postcolonial feminisms and new materialist feminism = Desarrollo de metodologías transnacionales en los estudios feministas: la relación entre los feminismos postcoloniales y el feminismo neo-materialista." FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2019.4566.
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Abstract. The following article is an attempt to establish a constructive dialogue between two of the leading feminist philosophical theories of our time, new materialist feminism and postcolonial feminisms. Despite the fact that new materialist feminism has claimed to share the same concerns of postcolonial feminisms, this paradigm in some cases has been unappreciated among the postcolonial field, even though the two theories actually do have some common viewpoints, as I want to demonstrate. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight the main standpoints of new materialist feminism, in relation with the theoretical positions of postcolonial feminism. In order to do so, I have engaged critically with Rosi Braidotti’s thought, putting it in dialogue with the critiques advanced by postcolonial feminist thinkers. After the analysis and the definition of new materialist feminism in the first section, and postcolonial feminism in the second, I then proceeded by envisaging a common ground for the two theories. The importance of this intercommunication is based on the idea that there can be no effective politics for new materialism if this theory doesn’t develop its ability to be transdisciplinar and intersectional. It also has to become capable of accounting for the dynamics of power at all levels and with different prospective, as a way to create new politics of identity and resistance. To answer to the challenges and paradoxes of our contemporary era the creation of a space for transnational actions is more effective than ever, as I want to attest.Palabras clave: Postcolonial Feminism, Neo-materialism, Feminist Philosophical thinking, New Methodological Perspectives in Gender Studies. Resumen. El siguiente artículo es un intento de establecer un diálogo constructivo entre dos de las principales teorías filosóficas feministas de nuestro tiempo, el nuevo feminismo materialista y el feminismo poscolonial. A pesar del hecho de que el nuevo feminismo materialista ha afirmado compartir las mismas preocupaciones de los feminismos poscoloniales, este paradigma en algunos casos no se aprecia en el campo poscolonial, aunque las dos teorías realmente tienen algunos puntos de vista comunes, como quiero demostrar. Por lo tanto, el objetivo de este artículo es destacar los principales puntos de vista del nuevo feminismo materialista, en relación con las posiciones teóricas del feminismo poscolonial. Para hacerlo, me he comprometido críticamente con el pensamiento de Rosi Braidotti, poniéndolo en diálogo con las críticas formuladas por las pensadoras feministas poscoloniales. Después del análisis y la definición del nuevo feminismo materialista en la primera sección, y del feminismo poscolonial en la segunda, procedí a prever un terreno común para las dos teorías. La importancia de esta intercomunicación se basa en la idea de que no puede haber políticas efectivas para el nuevo materialismo si esta teoría no desarrolla su capacidad de ser transdisciplinar e interseccional. También debe ser capaz de explicar la dinámica del poder en todos los niveles y con diferentes perspectivas, como una forma de crear nuevas políticas de identidad y resistencia. Para responder a los desafíos y las paradojas de nuestra era contemporánea, la creación de un espacio para acciones transnacionales es más efectiva que nunca, como quiero afirmar.Palabras clave: Feminismo poscolonial, neomaterialismo, pensamiento filosófico feminista, nuevas perspectivas metodológicas en los estudios de género.
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Łyszko, Paulina. "Around the Issue of the Body in Feminist Narratives of Selected Pop Artists of the Young Generation." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia de Cultura 13, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20837275.13.2.8.
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Feminism in music is not a new concept, but we can observe a new wave of pop feminism in pop music, in a younger generation of female artists. They are open to discuss taboo topics, connected to carnality, sexuality, body positivity or feminism. The artists such as Miley Cyrus, Beyoncé, Pink, Avril Lavigne or Taylor Swift, with more courage are presenting in their creation, until now – taboo topics, rejected in mainstream music. They are not afraid of portraying topics, such as: sexual freedom, women’s rights, the objectification of women, men power and domination, social injustice, fat shaming, slut-shaming, or existence of unfair stereotypes. They are also advocating the legalization of homosexual relationships, race equality and human rights.
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Wiberg Pedersen, Else Marie. "Contradictions, Contextuality, and Conceptuality: Why Is It that Luther Is Not a Feminist?" Religions 11, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020081.
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It is the aim of this article to constructively discuss some of the feminist critique that has been raised against the sixteenth century reformer, Martin Luther, and concomitantly to demonstrate the complexity, and primarily liberal aspects, of his view of women. At its outset, the article points to the fact that there are many different types of feminism, the biggest difference existing between constructivist and essentialist feminisms. Having placed myself as a constructivist feminist with a prophetic-liberating perspective, I ponder how feminism as an -ism can again earn the respect it seems to have lost in the wider academia. I suggest that feminists nuance their use of strong concepts when assessing historical texts, viewing the assessed texts against the backdrop of their historical context, and that feminists stop romanticizing the Middle Ages as a golden age for women. In this vein, I point to the problem that many feminists make unsubstantiated and counterfactual statements based on co-readings of different strands of Protestantism, and that they often uncritically repeat these statements. I problematize, first, the psycho-historian Lyndal Roper’s claim that Luther should have held some of the most misogynist formulations known, which is absurd against the backdrop of the misogyny found in the centuries before Luther, especially in medieval texts by the Dominicans /the Scholastics. Second, the claims of feminist theologian Rosemary R. Ruether’s that Luther, like Calvin, worsened the status of women, which are counterfactual.
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Joseph, Ralina L. "“Tyra Banks Is Fat”: Reading (Post-)Racism and (Post-)Feminism in the New Millennium." Critical Studies in Media Communication 26, no. 3 (August 2009): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15295030903015096.
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Dylewski, Daniel. "Feminism and the right to life." Studia Iuridica, no. 90 (June 27, 2022): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-90.6.
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Feminism as a movement is strongly connected with a political and philosophical reality which came after the French Revolution. The feminist movement in the 19th and early 20th century was focused on obtaining for women the right to vote and equal salary for work of equal value. The activists of this movement were called suffragettes. After their victory, the majority of feminists started to present abortion as a human right, thereby in fact refusing unborn children the right to life. The modern term „reproductive rights”, in contemporary feminist understanding of these words, means a right to decide about procreation both in morally acceptable and unacceptable way (e.g. allowing abortion). However, some feminist initiatives are worth to analyse as a way to protect human dignity, e.g. the prohibition of prostitution in France, which was supported by the French feminists. Finally, it should be said that feminism is a very differentiated movement and some feminists do not accept abortion. Also, not all women, or probably even not the majority of women, feel represented by the feminists.
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Hamera, Judith. "Weighty Anti-Feminism, Weighty Contradictions: Anti-Fat Coverage and Invective in US Right-Wing Populist Outlets." Women's Studies 48, no. 2 (February 17, 2019): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.2019.1580523.
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Snyder-Hall, R. Claire. "Third-Wave Feminism and the Defense of “Choice”." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 255–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992842.
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How should feminist theorists respond when women who claim to be feminists make “choices” that seemingly prop up patriarchy, like posing for Playboy, eroticizing male dominance, or advocating wifely submission? This article argues that the conflict between the quest for gender equality and the desire for sexual pleasure has long been a challenge for feminism. In fact, the second-wave of the American feminist movement split over issues related to sexuality. Feminists found themselves on opposite sides of a series of contentious debates about issues such as pornography, sex work, and heterosexuality, with one side seeing evidence of gender oppression and the other opportunities for sexual pleasure and empowerment. Since the mid-1990s, however, a third wave of feminism has developed that seeks to reunite the ideals of gender equality and sexual freedom. Inclusive, pluralistic, and non-judgmental, third-wave feminism respects the right of women to decide for themselves how to negotiate the often contradictory desires for both gender equality and sexual pleasure. While this approach is sometimes caricatured as uncritically endorsing whatever a woman chooses to do as feminist, this essay argues that third-wave feminism actually exhibits not a thoughtless endorsement of “choice,” but rather a deep respect for pluralism and self-determination.
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Khader, Serene. "Is Universalism the Cause of Feminist Complicity in Imperialism?" Social Philosophy Today 35 (2019): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20193569.
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Global and transnational feminist praxis has long faced a seemingly inexorable dilemma. Universalism is often charged with causing feminist complicity in imperialism. In spite of this, it seems clear that feminists should not embrace relativism; feminism is, after all, a view about how certain types of treatment based on gender are wrong. This article clears the path for an anti-imperialist feminist universalism by showing how feminist complicity in imperialism is not caused by the fact of having universalist normative commitments. What I call “missionary feminism” stems more from ethnocentrism, justice monism, and idealizing and moralizing ways of seeing that associate Western culture with morality (and thus prevent Western culture and Western intervention from becoming objects of normative scrutiny) than from universalism about the value of gender justice.
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Intemann, Kristen. "25 Years of Feminist Empiricism and Standpoint Theory: Where Are We Now?" Hypatia 25, no. 4 (2010): 778–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2010.01138.x.
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Over the past twenty-five years, numerous articles in Hypatia have clarified, revised, and defended increasingly more nuanced views of both feminist empiricism and standpoint feminism. Feminist empiricists have argued that scientific knowledge is contextual and socially situated (Longino 1990; Nelson 1990; Anderson 1995), and standpoint feminists have begun to endorse virtues of theory choice that have been traditionally empiricist (Wylie 2003). In fact, it is unclear whether substantive differences remain. I demonstrate that current versions of feminist empiricism and standpoint feminism now have much in common but that key differences remain. Specifically, they make competing claims about what is required for increasing scientific objectivity. They disagree about 1) the kind of diversity within scientific communities that is epistemically beneficial and 2) the role that ethical and political values can play. In these two respects, feminist empiricists have much to gain from the resources provided by standpoint theory. As a result, the views would be best merged into “feminist standpoint empiricism.”
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Laris Pardo, Jorge Alejandro. "Discursos de ciencia, naturaleza, religión, historia y poder en los feminismos de La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1907)." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2663.
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El propósito de este trabajo es plantear las diversas maneras como las escritoras de la revista feminista La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1907) entendían la relación entre feminidad, naturaleza y búsqueda del conocimiento. En las páginas de esta publicación, distintas autoras expresaron ideas sobre ciencia, religión, historia y poder. A través de este ejercicio de análisis, no sólo se busca contribuir a la comprensión de los feminismos durante el porfiriato, sino hacer patentes las complejidades discursivas con que en la revista en cuestión, entre otras fuentes, se expresó una gama realmente amplia y plural de visiones sobre el papel que las mujeres de entonces debían desempeñar en la sociedad mexicana.Palabras clave: Discurso, Feminismo, Historiografía, Prensa femenina Discourses of science, nature, religion, history and power in the feminisms of La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1907)SummaryThe purpose of this work is to present the different ways in which the writers of the feminist magazine La Mujer Mexicana (The Mexican Woman) (1904-1907) understood the relationship between femininity, nature and the search for knowledge. In the pages of this publication, different female authors expressed ideas about science, religion, history and power. Through this exercise of analysis, it is not only sought to contribute to the understanding of feminisms during the Porfiriato, but to make patent the discursive complexities with which in the magazine in question, among other sources, a truly wide and plural range of views about the role that women of that time had to perform in Mexican society was expressed.Keywords: Speech, Feminism, Historiography, Women's press Discours de science, nature, religion, histoire et pouvoir chez les féminismes de La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1907)RésuméLe but de ce travail est celui d’exposer les diverses manières à travers lesquelles les écrivaines de la revue féministe La Mujer Mexicana (1904-1907) comprenaient la relation parmi féminité, nature et recherche de la connaissance. Dans les pages de cette publication, diverses auteures ont exprimé des idées sur science, religion, histoire et pouvoir. À travers cet exercice d’analyse, on ne cherche pas seulement à contribuer à la compréhension des féminismes pendant le Porfiriat, mais aussi contribuer au fait de mettre en évidence les complexités discursives avec lesquelles la revue mentionnée a exprimé, entre autres sources, une gamme vraiment grande et plurielle des visions sur le rôle que les femmes d’autrefois devraient jouer dans la société mexicaine.Mots clés : Discours, Féminisme, Historiographie, Presse féminine
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Allen, Judith. "Contextualising Late-Nineteenth-Century Feminism: Problems and Comparisons." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031009ar.
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Abstract Histories of feminism since the 1970s have generally observed national and regional boundaries. In view of the international character of women's movements in western countries since the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the neglect of comparative approaches has been unfortunate. The outcome is parochialism and inwardness, as feminist historians evaluate feminists of the past according to current preoccupations, in a cycle of identification and repudiation. An Anglo-American hegemony in the field is identified as is the consequent and pervasive “Northern Hemispherism” it ordains (notwithstanding an almost invariable omission of Canadian feminist experience). Advantages of comparative, international approaches to the history of feminism are not confined to the virtues of representativeness and comprehensiveness. Rather, major causal and chronological schema generalised from Anglo-American experience stand to beproblematised and revised in more useful directions. Most significantly, comparative studies of feminism permit due recognition of the fact that feminism emerged relatively contiguously across western countries in response to relatively common international characteristics of transformations in sexual patternings and sexual cultures.
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Janutama, Herman Sinung. "Fenomenologi Sejarah Nuswantara." Buletin Al-Turas 20, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v20i1.3743.
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Abstrak Tulisan ini mencoba mengemukakan mengenai hakikat kebudayaan Nuswantara dalam kaitannya dengan Islam sebagai rahmatan lil ngalamin . Upaya te9rsebut dilakukan dengan menggunakan beberapa macam pendekatan: pendekatan historis, semiotik, dan feminis;sehingga dapat menemukan fakta baru yang sebelumnya belum pernah mengemuka. Pendekatan historis memperhatikan literatur-literatur berbagai bangsa yang terindikasi pernah melakukan interaksi dengan Nuswantara seperti bangsa Semit (dalam hal ini Arab), Cina, dan Asian Selatan. Pendekatan tersebut berhasil menunjukkan adanya keterpengaruhan budaya-budaya lokal di beberapa wilayah di Nuswantara oleh budaya bangsa- bangsa asing itu yang dibagi ke dalam tiga pola: Pola Aceh-Sumatera (PAS) yang didominasi budaya Arab, Pola Sulawesi- Maluku (PSM) yang didominasi Arab-Cina, dan Pola Pulau Jawa (PPJ) yang menyatukan budaya Arab, Cina, dan Asia Selatan. Pendekatan Semiotik menggali simbol-simbol yang muncul dari interaksi antara bangsa tersebut sehinga ditemukan fakta bahwa simbol-simbol yang ada seperti Sanskerta dan Cina merupakan simbol transmisi sistem petanda Islam. Pendekatan feminisme mengupas berbagai macam fenomena dalam kebudayaan Nuswantara dari sudut feminim- maskulin. Pendekatan ini berhasil mengukuhkan bahwa Islam sebagai rahmatan lil ngalamin terjewantahkan dalam jiwa masyarakat Nuswantara yang memuliakan olah-rasa sebagai ekslporasi kenyataan feminitasnya.---Abstract This paper tries to present the cultural fact of Nuswantara in relation to Islam as rahmatan lil ngalamin.This effort is done by using several kinds of approaches: historical approach, semiotic, and feminist; so that it can find new facts that had previously not been shown.The historical approach notice the literatures of many races which had a interaction with Nuswantara such as Semitic race (in this case Arabic race), Chinese, and South Asian.The results showed the presence of various local cultures influenced by foreign nations culture that is divided into three patterns: Pattern Aceh-Sumatra (PAS), which is dominated by Arab culture, patterns of Sulawesi-Maluku (PSM), which is dominated by Arab-Chinese, and Patterns Java (RPM) that combines these culture: Arabic, Chinese, and South Asia. Semiotic approach excavates symbols emerge from the interaction between the races which discovers the fact that symbols of Sanskrit and Chinese are symbols of Islam transmission system. Feminism approach analyzes a wide range of phenomena which is showing in Nuswantara cultur on feminine-masculine view. This approach works to strengthen that Islam as rahmatan lil ngalamin shows in Nuswantara people that honor the soul-felt as a exploration of their feminities.
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Bakanova, Marina V. "FEMINIST MOVEMENT IN PAKISTAN. YESTERDAY, TODAY, TOMORROW." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 1 (2021): 306–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2021-1-306-314.
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Despite the fact that Pakistan is considered a traditionally conservative Muslim country, it is also characterized by a feminist movement. Women’s activity in the political, economic and other spheres of society began in the period of British India and continued in an independent country. Prominent political figures took part in the struggle for women’s rights, and feminist organizations were created. At the same time, feminism of that period can be viewed as an elite phenomenon, accessible only to the upper class of society. During the Afghan War, feminist organizations entered into sharp confrontation with the government. In the 21st century, the activation of Pakistani feminists has reached its maximum and continues to increase, but with certain difficulties. Currently, the country is represented by classical European feminism (which is subject to decomposition to a certain extent), the Nisaism movement (they seek the rights for women in accordance with Islam) and individual activists. Potentially feminism in Pakistan has great chances for the development and elimination of the chauvinist norms of the country’s civil and criminal law, what will certainly give an impetus to new phenomena in the development of the future Pakistani society.
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Duff, Koshka. "Feminism Against Crime Control: On Sexual Subordination and State Apologism." Historical Materialism 26, no. 2 (July 30, 2018): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001649.
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AbstractIts critics call it ‘feminism-as-crime-control’, or ‘Governance Feminism’, diagnosing it as a pernicious form of identity politics. Its advocates call it taking sexual violence seriously – by which they mean wielding the power of the state to ‘punish perpetrators’ and ‘protect vulnerable women’. Both sides agree that this approach follows from the radical feminist analysis of sexual violence most strikingly formulated by Catharine MacKinnon. The aim of this paper is to rethink the Governance Feminism debate by questioning this common presupposition. I ask whether taking MacKinnon’s analysis of sexual violence seriously might, in fact, itself give us reason to be critical of political strategies that embrace the punitive state. By raising this question, I hope to persuade radical feminists to listen to critics of carceral politics rather than dismissing them as rape apologists, and critics of carceral politics to listen to radical feminists rather than dismissing them as state apologists.
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Witkowska, Sylwia. "POLISH FEMINISM – PARADIGMS." DYSKURS. PISMO NAUKOWO-ARTYSTYCZNE ASP WE WROCŁAWIU 25, no. 25 (February 25, 2019): 192–239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.9836.
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Sylwia Witkowska Polish Feminism – Paradigms The issue of feminist art struggles with a great problem. In my study I focus solely on Polish artists, and thus on the genealogy of feminist art in Poland. Although all the presented activities brought up the feminist thread, in many cases a dissonance occurs on the level of the artists’ own reflections. There is a genuine reluctance of many Polish artists to use the term “feminist” about their art. They dissent from such categorization as if afraid that the very name will bring about a negative reception of their art. And here, in my opinion, a paradox appears, because despite such statements, their creativity itself is in fact undoubtedly feminist. I think that Polish artists express themselves through their art in an unambiguous way – they show their feminine „I”. The woman is displayed in their statement about themselves, about the experiences, their body, their sexuality. Feminism defined the concept of art in a new way. The state- ment that art has no gender is a myth. The activities of women-artists are broader and broader, also in Poland women become more and more noticed and appreciated. Feminist art does not feature a separate artistic language, it rather features a tendency towards realism, lent by photogra- phy or video, which reflects the autonomy of the female reception of the world. It should be stated that feminism is a socially needed phenomenon, and its critique drives successive generations of women-artists.
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Vaamonde Gamo, Marta, and Jaime Nubiola. "El legado feminista de John Dewey." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 3, no. 2 (July 18, 2016): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.2016.003.002.012.
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This article demonstrates how feminism welcomed and was influenced by the pragmatism of John Dewey. While in real terms his impact on European feminism has been minimal, this was not the case in contemporary America. In this article we study both how Dewey’s ideas were received amongst American feminists, as well as certain aspects of his thinking that could be enormously useful in present-day debates between critical and postmodern feminists. We compare the Deweyan and feminist arguments against the traditional dualisms that acted as philosophical support for social inequality, paying particular attention to mind–body dualism, and the consequent undervaluation of physical and emotional wellbeing. We also show that John Dewey’s proposals were, in fact, more radical than those of the feminists of the day. Indeed, democracy has to be understood as a way of life that affects every dimension of experience, and is crucial to the personal and social growth that enables the unjust social inequalities between men and women to be overcome.
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Witkowska, Sylwia. "Polski feminizm - paradygmaty." DYSKURS. PISMO NAUKOWO-ARTYSTYCZNE ASP WE WROCŁAWIU 25, no. 25 (February 25, 2019): 194–241. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.9855.
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The issue of feminist art struggles with a great problem. In my study I focus solely on Polish artists, and thus on the genealogy of feminist art in Poland. Although all the presented activities brought up the feminist thread, in many cases a dissonance occurs on the level of the artists’ own reflections. There is a genuine reluctance of many Polish artists to use the term “feminist” about their art. They dissent from such categorization as if afraid that the very name will bring about a negative reception of their art. And here, in my opinion, a paradox appears, because despite such statements, their creativity itself is in fact undoubtedly feminist. I think that Polish artists express themselves through their art in an unambiguous way – they show their feminine „I”. The woman is displayed in their statement about themselves, about the experiences, their body, their sexuality. Feminism defined the concept of art in a new way. The statement that art has no gender is a myth. The activities of women-artists are broader and broader, also in Poland women become more and more noticed and appreciated. Feminist art does not feature a separate artistic language, it rather features a tendency towards realism, lent by photography or video, which reflects the autonomy of the female reception of the world. It should be stated that feminism is a socially needed phenomenon, and its critique drives successive generations of women-artists.
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Bound Alberti, Fay. "Fat shaming, feminism and Facebook: What ‘women who eat on tubes’ reveal about social media and the boundaries of women’s bodies." European Journal of Cultural Studies 24, no. 6 (November 26, 2021): 1304–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13675494211055499.
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Women’s bodies and appetites attract a disproportionate level of media coverage, and reveal heightened cultural concern around ‘appropriate’ behaviour. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the ‘Women Who Eat on Tubes’ Facebook group, which raises important questions about the nature of ‘the public’ and monitoring of female desires, as well as the historically gendered surveillance of women’s relationship with food and eating. This chapter explores the emergence of ‘Women Who Eat on Tubes’ as a social phenomenon, and what its existence, and challenges to that existence, reveals about sexism, misogyny and gender in early-21st century digital culture.
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Ferreira, Mary. "MOVIMENTO DE MULHERES E FEMINISTAS E SUA AÇÃO ANTICAPITALISTA NO BRASIL E MARANHÃO." Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (August 5, 2014): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep359-367.
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A ação do feminismo no Brasil tem como marco os anos setenta, quando este movimento irradia para vários estados brasileiros, trazendo para a sociedade a perspectiva das mulheres na construção de uma sociedade sem relações de gênero, em que pudessem partilhar igualdade dos espaços de poder e ter respeitados os seus direitos. Nesse contexto,este artigo evidencia que, embora a luta nos últimos quarenta anos tenha contribuído para grandes mudanças, ainda se observa a responsabilidade quase exclusiva das mulheres com as tarefas domésticas. Constata, ainda, sua exclusão na política, quando estudos apontam uma presença de apenas 13% de mulheres nos legislativos brasileiros, exclusãoque também se traduz nos empregos subalternos e baixos salários que demonstram que o capitalismo se articula com o patriarcado no sentido de desvalorizar a força do trabalho feminino, imputando-lhe os cargos menos valorizados e mal remunerados. Conclui que esse fato reflete a divisão sexual do trabalho que criou cisões entre o trabalho produtivo e oreprodutivo, segregando as mulheres nos trabalhos que reforçam as relações de gênero e sua exclusão da vida pública.Palavras-chave: Movimento feminista, patriarcado, ação política, mulheres, relações de gênero.Women and feminist movement and its anti-capitalist action in Brazil and Maranhão Abstract:The Feminism action in Brazil which has as mark the seventies, when this movement spread through several Brazilian states, bringing to society the perspective of women, to build a society without gender relations, in which women could share equal spaces of power and have their rights respected. In this context, this article shows that, although thefight over the last forty years has contributed to major changes, it is still observed the almost exclusive responsibility of women with the housework. Shows that, there is still exclusion in politics, when studies indicate a presence of only 13% of women in Brazilian legislative, exclusion that is also observed in secondary jobs and low wages, which demonstratesthat, capitalism articulates with the patriarchate in order to devalue women workforce, imputing undervalued and underpaid positions. This fact reflects the sexual division of labor that created divisions between productive and reproductive work, segregating women in jobs that reinforce gender relations and their exclusion from public life.Keywords: Feminist movement, patriarchate, political \ction, women, gender relations.
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Cano, Julieta Evangelina. "Feminismo comunitario: pluralizando el sujeto y objeto del feminismo." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 12 (June 24, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i12.4786.
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<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>La intención del presente trabajo es pensar al feminismo como un movimiento social, dentro del cual surgen otros movimientos que además de cuestionar al Patriarcado, cuestionan al propio feminismo por entender que cierto feminismo blanco, burgués y de clase media hegemonizó las demandas del colectivo, invisibilizando las situaciones de muchas mujeres con realidades específicas y demandas particulares, que no se sienten representadas, como el feminismo afrodescendiente, indígena, lesbiano, etcétera. Puntualmente me interesa abordar al feminismo comunitario para preguntarme acerca de su potencial disidente. En esta (pseudo)ruptura, aunque la identidad de lo que entendemos por feminismo no se pone en cuestión, lo cierto es que el feminismo hegemónico no estaría ofreciendo lugar para todas aquellas identidades de mujeres que necesitan crear otros espacios de identificación, sin divorciarse plenamente del feminismo, “conservando el apellido”.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The aim of the present paper is to think feminism as a social movement, in which other movements arise questioning not only the Patriarchy, but also questioning feminism itself. This questioning to feminism is due by the fact that white, bourgeois and middle class feminism hegemonized the demands of women´s collective, making invisible the situations of many women with specific realities and particular demands, who do not feel represented as Afro-descendant feminism, Indigenous feminism, Lesbian feminism, etcetera. I am interested in exploring the dissident potential of community feminism. In this (pseudo) rupture, although the identity of what we understand as feminism is not challenged, it is true that hegemonic feminism would not be giving place to all the identities of women who need to create other spaces of identification without fully divorcing from the feminism, in other words, "preserving the surname".</p><pre> </pre>
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Windiyarti, Dara. "DISKRIMINASI KELAS DAN GENDER DALAM NOVEL KASTA KARYA WITRI PRASETYO AJI." Sirok Bastra 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37671/sb.v8i1.202.
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Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengungkapkan diskriminasi kelas dan gender dalam novel Kastakarya Witri Prasetyo Aji yang diterbitkan pada tahun 2017 oleh Bhuana Sastra, Jakarta. Tokoh perempuan bernama Ida Ayu Made Maharani (Rani) merupakan subjek yang digunakan pengarang untuk menggugat ketidakadilan atau diskriminasi kelas dan gender yang hidup dalam masyarakat Bali. Diskriminasi kelas dan gender yang dialami tokoh Rani adalah bahwa ia harus meninggalkan kekasihnya yang berbeda kelas (kasta) dan menikah dengan laki-laki yang sederajat demi mempertahankan kadar kebangsawanannya. Namun faktanya, ia harus menderita karena ia adalah perempuan (istri) yang dianggap tidak memiliki hak yang sama dengan laki-laki (suami). Sementara, kadar kebangsawanan juga tidak menjamin kemuliaan moral seseorang. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori feminisme. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik kepustakaan. Metode yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah deskriptif analisis dengan pendekatan feminis. Berdasarkan hasil pembacaan kritis dengan pendekatan feminisme kultural diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa perempuan Bali melalui tokoh utama perempuan dalam novel tersebut berupaya melakukan resistensi terhadap dominasi patriarki yang berlaku terhadap diri mereka. The purpose of this study is to reveal class and gender discrimination in the Kasta novel by Witri Prasetyo Aji published in 2017 by Bhuana Sastra, Jakarta. A female figure named Ida Ayu Made Maharani (Rani) is a subject used by the author to challenge injustice or class and gender discrimination living in Balinese society. Class and gender discrimination experienced by the character Rani is that he must leave his beloved of a different class (caste) and marry a man who is equal in order to maintain his level of nobility. But the fact is, she must suffer because she is a woman (wife) who is deemed not to have the same rights as a man (husband). Meanwhile, nobility also does not guarantee one's moral dignity. The theory used in this research is the theory of feminism. Data collection is done using library techniques. The method used in this study is descriptive analysis with feminist approach. Based on the results of the critical reading using the cultural feminism approach, it was concluded that Balinese women through the main female characters in the novel sought to resist the patriarchal domination that prevailed against them.
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Ciocoi-Pop, Ana-Blanca. "“She Isn’t Going to Give Up”: Women’s Resilience in Monica Ali’s Brick Lane – A Feminist Reading." East-West Cultural Passage 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2019-0002.
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Abstract While Monica Ali’s novel Brick Lane is most often analyzed from the vantage points of postcolonialism as a text dealing primarily with the plight of the Bangladeshi immigrant community in London, it is difficult, if not downright impossible, to overlook the crucial role women and feminine resilience (in the face of not only patriarchy, but also racism, religion and social unrest) play in the novel. In actual fact, the story can much easier be read as the plight of women in their quest for self-determination and identity than as a novel about cultural clashes in the multicultural metropolis. The present essay sets out to prove that feminism is actually at the forefront of Ali’s novel, and that the feminine characters in Brick Lane stand for a post-feminist reflection on the (still) gasping abyss between theoretical gender equality and real-life sexism.
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Moi, Toril. "Att erövra Bourdieu." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 15, no. 1 (June 21, 2022): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v15i1.4918.
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Tliis article is about appropriating Pierre Bourdicn for feminist theory. This means a critical assessment of a given theory formation with a view to taking it over and using it for feminist purposes. Only recently, Bourdieu has found an audience outside the social sciences in the English-speaking world. One of the reasons for this belated interdisciplinary interest is surely the fact that his resolntely sociological and historical thought (classical french sociology, structuralism and marxism), could find little resonance in a theoretical space dominated, in the humanities at least, by poststructuralism and postmodernism. Today, however, there is a renewed interest in the social and historical determinants of cultural production. The fact that Bourdieu has always devoted much space to problems pertaining to literature, language and aesthetics makes his work particularly promising terrain for literary critics. His theory allows feminists to produce highly concrete and specific analyses of the social determinants of the literary énonciation. This is not to say that such determinants are the only ones that we need to consider, nor that feminist critics should not concern themselves with the énoncé, or the actual statement itself. In this article 1 hope to show that a Bourdieuian approach enables us to reconceptualize gender as a social category in a way which undercuts the traditional essentialist/nonessentialist devide. In reading with Bourdieu Héléne Cixous's highly influential essay "The Laugh of the Medusa" can be analysed as an effort to snub Simone de Beauvoir, a deliberate challenge to the doyenne of French feminism, and, more specifically, as Cixous's bid for power - legitimacy - within the field of French feminism. Implicitly casting Beauvoir as orthodox, Cixouss defiant exclusion of the author of The Second Sex in her essay signals her need to erase a figure she perceives as the powerful and censorious origin of her own discourse.
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MICHAILIDOU, ARTEMIS. "Edna St. Vincent Millay and Anne Sexton: The Disruption of Domestic Bliss." Journal of American Studies 38, no. 1 (April 2004): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875804007911.
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Popular perceptions of Edna St. Vincent Millay do not generally see her as a poet interested in so-called “domestic poetry.” On the contrary, Millay is most commonly described as the female embodiment of the rebellious spirit that marked the 1920s, the “New Woman” of early twentieth-century feminism. Until the late 1970s, the subject of domesticity seemed incompatible with the celebrated images of Millay's “progressiveness,” “rebelliousness,” or “originality.” But then again, by the 1970s Millay was no longer seen as particularly rebellious or original, and the fact that she had also contributed to the tradition of domestic poetry was not to her advantage. Domesticity may have been an important issue for second-wave feminists, but it was discussed rather selectively and, outside feminist circles, Millay was hardly ever mentioned by literary critics. The taint of “traditionalism” did not help Millay's cause, and the poet's lifelong exploration of sexuality, femininity and gender stereotypes was somehow not enough to generate sophisticated critical analyses. Since Millay seemed to be a largely traditional poet and a “politically incorrect” feminist model, second-wave feminists preferred to focus on other figures, classified as more modern and more overtly subversive. Scholarly recognition of Millay's significance within the canon of modern American poetry did not really begin until the 1990s.
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Sidorenko, Viktoriia. "The peculiarities of ideology of the first-wave feminist movement in Alberta: maternal feminism, Anglo-Canadian nationalism, and eugenics." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.5.35670.
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This article examines certain ideological peculiarities of the first-wave feminist movement in the Canadian province of Alberta, and intertwinement of Anglo-Canadian nationalism, maternal feminism and eugenics in the ideological basis of the feminist movement in the early XX century. The author examines the fusion of the questions of gender and nationality in ideology of the feminist movement, and analyzes the formation and realization of a particular feminist agenda in Alberta, which was based on the specific ideology of maternal feminism. Paying special attention to similarity of the ideology and objectives of the Anglo-Canadian nationalistic and feminist movements in the province, the author notes the causes for rapid success of the feminist movement by pivotal goals of the agenda. The scientific novelty of this research is substantiated by the fact that the author is first within the Russian historiography to explore the intertwinement of nationality and gender in ideology of the feminist movement in Alberta. The conclusion is drawn on the interinfluence of Anglo-Canadian nationalism, maternal feminism and eugenics in the ideological basis of the first-wave feminist movement in Alberta, as well as placing in the agenda the question of equal rights of men and women as an important aspect in preservation of Anglo-Canadian ideals for the future generations in Alberta.
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Champagne, John. "A Feminist Pirandello: Female Agency in As You Desire Me." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 39, no. 1 (March 2005): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580503900103.
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Given that Luigi Pirandello's 1930 Come tu mi vuoi (As You Desire Me) is about a woman's attempt to determine her identity, one would think that the play would be praised by feminists. In fact, some critics argue that it simply reinforces traditional gender norms. This essay offers a different feminist interpretation of the play, one that foregrounds the question of female agency, L'Ignota is the only character who may know the truth of her identity. That she withholds this truth from both the other characters and the audience is evidence of the play's feminism. The character retains the right to her self, placing both the other characters and the audience in the position of “lack” and not the plenitude associated with male authority and subjectivity. The unmasking of that plenitude as illusory is for some theorists at least a feminist gesture par excellence. By the conclusion of “As You Desire Me,” both characters and audience are confronted with a woman who refuses the usual rules of the game. The essay concludes by examining an earlier work of Pirandello's that also takes up the question of the identity of a woman. This suggests that perhaps a feminist re-evaluation of Pirandello's work is in order.
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Roy, Srila. "From Feminist Killjoy to Joyful Feminisms." Cultural Politics 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-9516897.
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Abstract Young urban Indian women have made women's rights to seek pleasure and have fun, especially in public, central to a new repertoire of feminist resistance and also as a way of demarcating themselves from “joyless” feminisms of the past. Concerns around pleasure, fun, and joy appear far removed from the everyday lives of poor and marginalized rural women. In this contribution, the author foregrounds rural women's pleasure-seeking practices, in consumption, fun, and friendship, which were the unanticipated outcomes of their involvement with a local NGO seeking to empower poor women. These were primarily lower-caste, lower-class women who were partially included in the aspirational futures of a globalized India, through poorly paid and precarious development work. Their participation in such work—a disciplinary domain imbued with its own regulatory potentials—enabled the development of new skills, techniques, and capacities in an entirely other domain, of nonwork or fun. The fact that fun, pleasure, and self-making relied on cultures of enterprise, empowerment, and aspiration also brings into view some of the contradictions at stake in neoliberal India.
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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.
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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.
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Davanger, Oda K. S. "Epistemology, Political Perils and the Ethnocentrism Problem in Feminism." Open Philosophy 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 551–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opphil-2022-0208.
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Abstract Nobody claims to be a proponent of white feminism, but according to the critique presented in this article, many in fact are. I argue that feminism that does not take multiple axes of oppression into account is bad in three ways: (1) it strategically undermines solidarity between women; (2) it risks inconsistency by advocating justice and equality for some women but not all; and (3) it impedes the ultimate function of feminism function by employing epistemological “master’s tools” that stand in antithesis to feminist emancipatory work. In investigating ethnocentrism in feminism, I develop the idea of latent ethnocentrism, which occupies the space between meaning that is generated from reference to the self and overt racism. I identify an epistemological prong in the ethnocentrism charge against feminism, where I draw on bell hooks’ interlocking axes-model of oppression to answer why the ethnocentrism problem is important for feminism and what its underlying epistemological causes are. I draw on Uma Narayan’s destabilization of cultural dualisms to argue that they do not serve emancipatory agendas. There is a mutually constitutive relation between language that informs our understanding, on the one hand, and the political agendas that produce this language to sustain the male and the western norm as center, on the other hand. I call this circular and reciprocally reinforcing mechanism the episteme-politic. I conclude that the ethnocentrism problem is not merely an issue of (1) strategy or (2) feminist consistency but of (3) shooting oneself in the foot by uncritically accepting patriarchal concepts for feminist politics.
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Kelly, Greg. "Feminist or Feminine? The Feminine Principle in Occupational Therapy." British Journal of Occupational Therapy 59, no. 1 (January 1996): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030802269605900102.
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Recently, there has been renewed interest in the relationship between feminism and occupational therapy, but does occupational therapy continue to operate on the feminine principle which underlies the philosophical basis of the profession? There is a strong tendency by some occupational therapists to emulate the masculine principle which drives the medical model but this, in fact, places occupational therapy at a disadvantage in the prevailing male culture. Drawing on a wide range of recent literature related to education, professionalism, management, research, clinical reasoning and complementary therapies, this article argues that the feminine principle is very much alive in the theory and practice of occupational therapy today.
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Meijs, Maartje, Kate A. Ratliff, and Joris Lammers. "Perceptions of feminist beliefs influence ratings of warmth and competence." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 2 (October 16, 2017): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217733115.
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Six studies test whether women who label themselves feminists are judged as warmer and less competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs but do not label themselves. An integrative data analysis shows that women who label themselves feminists are seen as less warm and more competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs but do not label themselves. This difference in evaluations is caused by the fact that women who label themselves feminists are seen as having stronger feminist beliefs than women who belief in gender equality but do not use the feminist label. This idea is confirmed by showing that women with strong feminist beliefs are seen as warmer and less competent than women with weak feminist beliefs. In summary, women who label themselves feminists are seen as warmer and less competent than women who express gender-equality beliefs, because it is inferred that the feminist labeler does not have the same, but stronger gender-equality beliefs.
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Sellberg, Karin. "The Philosophy of ‘The Gap’: Feminist Fat and Corporeal (Dis)connection." Somatechnics 4, no. 1 (March 2014): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2014.0114.
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The title of this article is multi-faceted: the ‘gap’ is the name attributed to a hollow space between the thighs that has become an essential part of the contemporary female body beautiful, but my usage also indicates the disparity between different feminist discourses of libratory corporeality and excessive body fat. Considering a somatechnical approach to body fat in terms of Foucauldian dispositifs, it investigates discourses of fat and discussions of anorexia both in the works of feminists who combat the contemporary beauty ideals, such as Naomi Wolf and Susie Orbach, and some Deleuzean and queer feminists, who look to the productive and transgressive potentials of emaciation. In this discussion between academic fat studies, feminist theory and queer theory, one central question emerges: what is it about body fat that makes it such a charged cultural concept? Why is this very essential bodily substance at all considered in terms of desirability? This article argues that the physical qualities of body fat – and the hollows that are formed when it fails to appear – take part in constructing it as concept directly linked to desire. Exploring the dichotomy built between the presence and absence of fat, it explores the philosophical background to this erotic potential.
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Farrimond, Katherine. "‘Being a horror fan and being a feminist are often a conflicting business’: Feminist horror, the opinion economy and Teeth’s gendered audiences." Horror Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/host_00016_1.
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Horror has long been understood as a ‘bad object’ in relation to its audiences. More specifically, this presumed relationship is a gendered one, so that men are positioned as the genre’s natural audience, while women’s engagement with horror is presented as more fractious. However, those horror films framed as feminist require a reorientation of these relations. This article foregrounds the critical reception of a ‘conspicuously feminist’ horror film in order to explore what happens to the bad object of horror within an opinion economy that works to diagnose the feminism or its absence in popular culture. Reviews of Teeth (2007), a ‘feminist horror film’ about vagina dentata, illustrate the push and pull of gendered power attached to feminist media, where empowerment is often understood in binary terms in relation to its gendered audiences. The assumed disempowerment of male audiences takes precedence in many reviews, while other narratives emerge in which Teeth becomes an educational tool that might change gendered behaviours, which directly empowers female audiences or which dupes women into believing they have been empowered. Finally, Teeth’s reviews expose a language of desire and fantasy around vagina dentata as an automated solution to the embodied experiences of women in contemporary culture. Teeth’s reviews, I argue, offer a valuable case study for interrogating the tensions in discourse when the bad object of horror is put to work for feminism.
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Åsberg, Cecilia. "Genetiska fantasier. Feministisk blick på populär vetenskap." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 24, no. 1 (June 15, 2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v24i1.4186.
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The aim of this article is to try to map out the potentials and genealogies of cyborg feminsm as a deconstructive tool when analyzing the spectacle of genes and genetics in populär science media. Cyborg feminism adds foremost a double vision to the analysis of genetic representations in the cultural imaginary (our fantasy images and discursive forms that we articulate in order to identify and mirror ourselves and our culture). The material is compared and thematidy analyzed and consists of artides from the Swedish magazine Forskning & Framsteg, the North European magazine Illustrerad Vetenskap and the British and "global" internet site- Gene Stories on BBCi. The notion of the cyborg (as a material-semiotic entity, a being of both fact and fiction, a thing of both the natural, organic world and the cultural imaginary) is used on the studied notion of genes. Genes are material-semiotic entities too, and this study focuseson the meaningand image producingqualities of genetic storytelling in populär science. The author wants to challange the contemporary ideas of genes from a feminist perspective.
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Beaulieu, Laure. "Journalistes et féministes." Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 8, no. 2 (December 20, 2019): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v8.n2.2019.402.
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FR. Trois groupes de femmes journalistes, qui dénoncent les inégalités liées au genre dans les rédactions et les représentations stéréotypées des femmes dans les productions journalistiques, sont apparus au tournant des années 2010 en France. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à interroger les tensions entre les logiques d’actions militantes et le statut de « professionnelle » du journalisme, et à appréhender quels sont les coûts et les rétributions de l’engagement féministe pour les journalistes étudiées. Dans la première partie, nous distinguons trois formes idéale-typiques d’articulation entre féminisme et journalisme : celles que l’on appelle les « politiques », les « expertes » et les « élitistes ». Nous abordons ensuite les stéréotypes stigmatisants auxquels sont assignés les femmes journalistes féministes dans leurs rédactions. Dans une deuxième partie, nous évoquons les conséquences de cette assignation à des stéréotypes dans les relations avec les collègues, avec la hiérarchie, et les coûts pour les carrières professionnelles et pour la pratique journalistique. On montre que les coûts varient en fonction de la forme d’articulation entre féminisme et journalisme. Les femmes de l’idéal-type des « politiques » subissent plus souvent la stigmatisation que les « expertes » et les « élitistes » qui adoptent, elles, des stratégies pour limiter les coûts. Nous évoquons, en outre, les ressources professionnelles que peut constituer l’engagement féministe pour les journalistes étudiés. Le fait d’être assignée au stéréotype de la féministe les rend visibles à l’intérieur de leur rédaction où elles peuvent acquérir une position de spécialistes sur les questions de genre et de féminisme. Cet engagement peut aussi les rendre visibles à l’extérieur de leurs rédactions, si elles sont invitées dans des émissions de télé ou de radio comme porte-parole d’un collectif ou pour parler d’une de leur production. Les liens créés dans un collectif autorisent enfin dans certains cas des formes de solidarité entre des femmes exerçant dans différentes rédactions.
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EN. Three groups of female journalists have emerged in the 2010s in France denouncing gender inequalities in newsrooms and stereotyped representations of women in journalistic production. In this article, we examine the tensions between activism rationales and the status of the journalism professional. First, we distinguish three different ideal-typical relationships between feminism and journalism: the “political,” the “experts” and the “elitists,” and how female and feminist journalists are stigmatized according to stereotypes in their newsrooms. Second, we examine the consequences of these stigmatizing stereotypes on relations with colleagues and the corporate hierarchy, and the costs they have on professional careers and the practice of journalism. We demonstrate how these effects vary depending on the link between journalism and feminism: the “political” are stigmatized more than the “experts” or the “elitists,” for example, who adopt strategies to mitigate iniquities. We also examine the professional resources feminist engagement may attract. For example, being assigned a feminist stereotype may afford a journalist higher visibility inside the newsroom, where she may acquire a position as an expert on gender and feminist issues. She may also become more visible outside the newsroom if she is invited to talk about her work or as the spokesperson for a group on TV or radio shows. Feminist engagement and the bonds created within the group may also create solidarity between journalists working for different media.
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PT. Três grupos de jornalistas, denunciando desigualdades de gênero nas redações e representações estereotipadas de mulheres em produções jornalísticas, surgiram nos anos 2010 na França. Neste artigo, questionamos as tensões entre a lógica do ativismo e o status profissional do jornalismo. Na primeira parte, distinguimos três vínculos ideais-típicos diferentes entre feminismo e jornalismo: os chamados “políticos”, os “especialistas” e os “elitistas”. Depois, falamos sobre como as jornalistas femininas e feministas são designadas a estereótipos estigmatizantes em suas redações. Na segunda parte, evocamos as conseqüências da atribuição de estereótipos estigmatizantes para relacionamentos com colegas e com a hierarquia. Também mencionamos os custos para carreiras profissionais e a prática do jornalismo. Mostramos que os custos não são os mesmos de acordo com a forma de interligação entre jornalismo e feminismo: os "políticos" são mais estigmatizados do que os "especialistas" ou os "elitistas". Finalmente, falamos sobre os recursos profissionais que o engajamento feminista pode constituir para jornalistas. Ser nomeado com estereótipos feministas pode torná-los visíveis dentro da redação, onde elas adquirem uma posição como especialista em questões de gênero e feministas. Elas também podem ser mais visíveis fora da redação, se forem convidadas para a TV ou em programas de rádio para falar sobre seus trabalhos ou como porta-voz de um grupo. O engajamento feminista e os vínculos criados em um grupo também podem criar solidariedade entre jornalistas que trabalham para diferentes mídias.
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Knapp, Cristina Loff. "A revista A Mensageira e a proposta de educação da mulher brasileira." Via Atlântica, no. 39 (September 20, 2021): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/va.i39.180858.
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O objetivo de nosso estudo é discutir como a revista A Mensageira foi propulsora da educação feminina nos lares brasileiros, por meio de seus escritos. Para tanto, nosso corpus de estudo será alguns artigos publicados no periódico, em sua edição fac-similar. Nossa pesquisa terá como referencial teórico os estudos de Luca (1999) e Kamita (2004) a respeito da Mensageira. Sobre a imprensa feminista serão levados em consideração os escritos de Duarte (2017), Perrot (2008) e Priore (2004). Nossa intenção é apresentar como os textos publicados por Presciliana Duarte de Almeida e Júlia Lopes de Almeida evidenciavam que a instrução era necessária ao sujeito feminino.
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Mert, Ahmet. "The History of Human Beauty in Feminist Thought." Inter 11, no. 17 (2019): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/inter.2019.17.2.
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The article reviews the historical dynamics of the conceptualization of human beauty in feminist thought throughout the 20th century. The article proposes a comparative and critical analysis of the texts, which represent certain stages and the characteristic modes of feminist theory in the most concentrated form. The author selected from the first wave of feminism Alexandra Kollontai, who also represents the Marxist theory; from the second wave, Simone dе Beauvoir, who plays a key role in the development of feminism; and from the third wave, Naomi Wolf, who draws attention to the human beauty for both research and revolutionary “ideological” perspective. It is argued that the trend of such research attention of the feminist approach shows that it is becoming more and more concentrated on the moment of the concept, which is reduced only to the function of human beauty in social life. Therefore, the sensuous experience of human beauty is limited exclusively to the subjective and false perception, which, in fact, brings about the losing its own truth.
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Dean, Jonathan, and Bice Maiguashca. "Gender, Power, and Left Politics: From Feminization to “Feministization”." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (May 6, 2018): 376–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000193.
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AbstractResponding to ongoing debates about the presence (or otherwise) of feminism within left-wing politics, this article has two central aims. First, it seeks to develop a set of analytical criteria to identify and assess the extent to which an instance of politics has become “feminist.” Second, it aims to illustrate the utility of this framework by applying it to a range of examples of contemporary left politics in Britain. Our argument is similarly twofold. Conceptually, learning from the literature on socialist feminism, gender and politics, and cultural studies and sociology, we identify five features of what we call “feministization,” arguing that in addition to feminist ideas, policies, and modes of organizing, we must also pay attention to the role of embodied performances and affect. Empirically, we suggest that, seen through this lens, the British left has in fact undergone a significant but uneven process of feministization in recent years.
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Mújika, Itziar. "El género del fin del mundo: aportes de la investigación feminista por la paz ante el mantropoceno." Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 7, no. 1 (June 21, 2021): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.13.5.
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The so-called Anthropocene debate has been characterized by an androcentric gaze, despite the fact that feminist perspectives such as ecofeminisms or new materialist feminisms have been making contributions on ecological and planetary sustainability for years. This article explores the possible contributions that Feminist Peace Research can make to this debate, thus including a critical analysis on conflicts and militarism on the debates regarding the sustainability of life on the planet.
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Nwanna, Clifford. "Dialectics of African Feminism A Study of the Women's Group in Awka (the Land of Blacksmiths)." Matatu 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001019.
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There appears to be a lack of interest from researchers on African art, on feminist related issues. Their researches are devoted to other aspects of African art. This situation has created a gap in both African art and African gender studies. The present essay interrogates the socio-economic and political position of women in Africa from a feminist theoretical viewpoint. Here, the formation and the activities of the women group in Awka was used as a case study, to foreground the fact that feminism is not alien to Africa; rather it has existed in Africa since the ancient times. The women group stands out as true African patriots and protagonists of the African feminist struggle.
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Welsh, Talia. "Unfit Women." Janus Head 13, no. 1 (2013): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh20141314.
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Feminist phenomenology has contributed significantly to understanding the negative impact of the objectification of women’s bodies. The celebration of thin bodies as beautiful and the demonization of fat bodies as unattractive is a common component of that discussion. However, when one turns toward the correlation of fat and poor health, a feminist phenomenological approach is less obvious. In this paper, previous phenomenological work on the objectification of women is paralleled to the contemporary encouragement to discipline one’s body in order to pursue better health. Similar ideologies of free choice in the face of bodily habits run through discussions of health and beauty. The paper uses the work of Merleau-Ponty and Beauvoir as well as the contemporary feminist phenomenologists Diaprose, Bartky, Bordo, Young, Grosz, and Carel to explore how women are constrained by health testing and health normalization. It argues that despite the apparent benefits of a focus on modifying health habits, feminists have good reason to be wary of the good health imperative.
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ltzwa, Susan E. "Another View of Feminine Networks: Tunisian Women and the Development of Political Efficacy." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 1 (February 1990): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003316x.
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Contemporary feminists have stressed the importance of women's networks in empowering women. In the Western context, professional networks, support groups, and the availability of role models are seen to provide a collective basis for the development of confidence and self-esteem as well as a potential base for political action. Feminist attention to the Middle East has uncovered patterns of interaction suggesting that there, too, women have found in feminine networks both the basis for power and the personal attributes that undergird social competence. Aswad, for example, describes the kabul, an upper-class formal visitation network in Turkey with distinct political overtones. Women exchange information that might be dismissed as gossip were it not for the fact that participants are from powerful land-owning families, and the discussions have impact well beyond the immediate setting.1
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Purificação, Marcelo Máximo, Maria Filomena Rodrigues Teixeira, Elisângela Maura Catarino, Maria Luzia Da Silva Santana, Katielly Vila verde Araújo Soares, and Vanessa Alves Pereira. "Pedagogia do Corpo: O Fenômeno Jojô Todynho Corpo Gordo no Funk - “Que Tiro Foi Esse, Que Tá um Arraso?” / Body Pedagogy: The Phenomenon Jojô Todynho Body Fat on Funk - “What's That Shot, What is a Damn?”." ID on line REVISTA DE PSICOLOGIA 14, no. 52 (October 30, 2020): 913–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14295/idonline.v14i52.2769.
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Resumo: Este texto, produzido no âmbito da disciplina Pedagogia do Corpo do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação (Doutorado) da Universidade Luterana do Brasil – ULBRA, e da pesquisa desenvolvida no eixo temático: Formação de Professores - Identidade e Gênero, vinculada ao Grupo de Pesquisa NEPEM/CNPq/UNIFIMES e a Escola Superior de Educação de Coimbra –ESEC - tem como objetivo problematizar, no viés da Pedagogia do Corpo - o Corpo Gordo no Funk-, visto a partir da perspectiva da cultura e da lupa teórica dos estudos culturais. Reflete sobre o fenômeno Jojô Todynho – funkeira, gorda e preta, cujo estilo e música caíram no gosto popular, arrebatando milhares de seguidores. É um texto de cunho qualitativo, ancorado no aporte bibliográfico. Como resultado, foi possível perceber indícios da autorepresentação feminina e da ressignificação do discurso feminista na figura Jojô Todynho, as representações do corpo feminino no funk, assim como questões de raça e classes sociais.
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Wottle, Martin, and Eva Blomberg. "Feminism och jämställdhet i en nyliberal kontext 1990-2010." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (June 13, 2022): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3550.
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The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democracy alike. To what extent has this development affected feminism on the one hand, and gender equality politics on the other? Do we detect a new kind of liberal feminism? A neo-liberal feminism? The article makes use of empirical evidence concerning the current politics on behalf of the Liberal-Conservative Swedish Government to promote female entrepreneurship. Three political areas with relevance for both gender equality and the issue of female entrepreneurship are investigated: the future of the public welfare sector, the issue of tax-deduction for household services, and, finally, gender quotas and women on company boards. While promoting a politics where the market is increasingly substituted for the public welfare-sector, and offered as a solution in most political areas, the Liberal-Conservatives of today have nevertheless embraced a feminist rhetoric. Acknowledging the forces of ‘the gender powerorder’ and structural inequality is now a standard feature within liberal gender equality politics. This political merger between feminism and neo-liberal politics may be interpreted as just paying lip-service; as a way of reconciling a long tradition of consensus surrounding gender equality with the overall neo-liberal aim of transforming the entire society along market principles. But, we may also see a neo-liberal feminism in its own right, intent on expanding the field of gender equality to enterprise, ownership and economic power.
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Anić, Jadranka Rebeka, and Zilka Spahić Šiljak. "Secularisation of Religion as the Source of Religious Gender Stereotypes." Feminist Theology 28, no. 3 (May 2020): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735020906949.
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Secular–religious dichotomy has been criticised in discourse on secularisation theory as well as in discussions of the relationship between secular and religious feminism. Feminist theorists have criticised the secular–religious divide of feminism for overlooking facts such as the inherent gendering of this dichotomy, the participation of women believers in the gender equality movement since its inception, and the contributions of feminist theologians and gender studies scholars who use their respective religious traditions as a basis for gender egalitarianism. This article will criticise secular–religious dichotomy for overlooking the fact that secular, rather than religious, principles underlie gender stereotypes. Namely, Christian and Islamic theological anthropology has accepted philosophical postulates regarding the nature of women and used them to build models of subordination and complementarity of gender relations, thereby neglecting the egalitarian anthropology that can be developed based on the holy scriptures of both traditions. One of the challenges in exploring the secular-religious dichotomy can be found in the anti-gender movement in which believers join secular organizations and use secular discourse to advocate and preserve gender stereotypes.