Journal articles on the topic 'Fashion shows – China'

in the post-mao era china competed successfully for a place in the international trade in textiles and apparel, but its economic success has not been matched by recognition of chinese fashion design on the world stage. one reason for this lies in the obstacles posed by the existing hierarchy of fashion capitals, which has proved notoriously difficult to subvert. shanghai may mean fashion in china, but unlike paris, it does not mean that to the world at large. yet the chinese fashion industry is also bedevilled by problems of its own. a high degree of national self-consciousness on the world stage is evident in international fashion shows featuring rather predictable pastiches of chinese culture. it may be the case that state-sponsored nationalism militates against both a more interesting approach to cultural heritage on the part of designers and a more receptive climate for chinese fashion on international catwalks.

This paper develops a conceptual connection between the Revised Technology Acceptance Model and Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions in explicating the adoption by customers of a social media platform in the fashion industry in the context of the US and China. This study shows that the trustworthiness of Facebook is positively related to US customers’ intention to purchase fashion items and the trustworthiness of WeChat is positively related to Chinese customers’ intention to purchase fashion items. Also, US customers’ perceived usefulness is not positively related to the intention of using Facebook to buy fashion items. However, their Chinese counterparts had the opposite result. The findings enhance our understanding of the factors that influence customers’ adoption of social media platforms for purchasing fashion items and provides suggestions for marketing managers as to how they can utilize social media platforms to market fashion items. The paper concludes with a discussion of possible future research in this field.

Purpose The increased complexity of global supply chains and its inherent risk requires the re-evaluation of the SCRM discipline as a source of value creation for shareholders. This paper aims to unveil the areas that require more focus considering the point of view of Chinese manufacturers, and following a social constructivist approach oriented to fashion organizations outsourcing to China, unveil the elements driving the point of SCRM strategies. Design/methodology/approach The authors studied the existing body of knowledge related to SCRM and developed a model to quantify the influence of macro and micro risk factors to the different operations performance indicators. This model was used in a survey to 61 Chinese manufacturers of fashion products, while at the same time, an interview to 20 members of the SC group of fashion companies around the globe was conducted to understand the qualitative and quantitative elements shaping their SCRM initiatives. Findings The study shows that, while supply, manufacturing and demand risk remain as the main factors hindering value creation in the industry, the addition of the manufacturer’s perspective proves that other elements that are less evident to the customer, such as macro-social and micro-infrastructure (transportation, financial and information), require more attention. Additionally, it was noted that the influence of the different risk factors is different for the different performance indicators of quality, speed, cost, dependability and flexibility. Finally, it shows that current SCRM programs tend to be simplified methods of trial and error, fed with incomplete KPIs, shaped by the experience and priorities of dominant stakeholders and prompt to potential agency costs and focused on the short term. Research limitations/implications The focus on the fashion industry led to relatively small sample sizes for surveys and interviews. Although some patterns are identified, studies with larger sample sizes could facilitate the statistical analysis of unique characteristics in the different sub-groups. Additionally, the use of cross-sectional research designs that include survey techniques has the limitation of not explaining processes over time. Future reference to this work can be complemented with a new study to unveil the latest priorities. Practical implications This study shows that, to create value, fashion organizations first need to determine the operational elements that create value for them and then focus their limited resources on the risk elements that have proved more influence. The authors offer a systematic framework to measure the risk associated with global outsourcing; it can be used by organizations outsourcing globally to make strategic decisions, including potential outsourcing locations, to allocate resources across categories and to evaluate changes over time. Finally, the interview with SC practitioners shows that, to advance toward its objective of value creation, the SCRM discipline requires cross-collaboration and a holistic approach supported by more systematic processes that can reduce bias and potential agency costs. Originality/value This study offers insights about contemporary factors affecting the value creation function for fashion organizations outsourcing production to China and a more holistic approach vs other studies by including: a wider and more relevant categorization of risk factors, the perspective of Chinese manufacturers and the view of SC practitioners around the world. This study also develops a model to explain the cycle of SCRM in fashion organizations and the most common traps hindering its execution.

This paper examines the basic design theories underpinning contemporary Chinese fashion by exploring a fundamental question: are there any common features that can be summarized about Chinese fashion, and, if yes, what is Chinese fashion? Chinese fashion in this paper means clothing that is in “Chinese” style and designed by People's Republic of China (PRC) designers. To answer the specific question, I undertook in-depth interviews with selected Chinese designers and then supplemented these with a textual analysis of interviews published previously in prominent Chinese fashion journals. This study shows the Chinese style exhibiting features of “implied beauty” in aesthetic, flat form in shape, and harmony in spirit. I synthesize the three features into one Chinese character, HE. HE literally encompasses rich meanings: harmony, peace, implicit but evoking, reserved, pure, natural, and any synonyms of these words. The character indicates an implied beauty system of China—presenting the beauty in an implicit and subtle form. Implied beauty urges viewers to imagine the beauty that is between visibility and invisibility under the clothing, rather than to sense the beauty by directly seeing the body of the wearer through the eyes. The primary form in Chinese style clothing as a reflection of implied beauty is the flat form, meaning that the clothing is cut without any darts or seam lines to reduce the volume differences between the bust line, the waist line, and the hip line. The cutting hides body rather than reveals body. Finally, in spirit Chinese fashion reflects the core Chinese philosophy of harmony, which means being in tune with both the social and the natural environment.

This study explores consumers’ decision-making in terms of intention to switch to foreign brands from domestic brands when purchasing cell phones and sports shoes. A survey of 584 undergraduates in Guangdong, China, shows that domestic brands retain their low quality-conscious, low fashion-and-recreational-conscious and low price-conscious customers and attract low brand-conscious and high choice-confused buyers from foreign brands. Foreign brands typically retain their consumers who are highly conscious of fashion and recreation and keep and draw customers with low choice confusion. High-price-conscious consumers and those who are highly brand-confused will assess foreign and domestic brands when searching for bargains. Regarding managerial implications, local brands should offer products of high quality at low pricesand constantly invest in R&D; foreign brands may expand their customer bases and build interactive brand channels; all companies can retain brand-confused customers with preferential packages and design their marketing strategies based on decision-making styles of their target consumers.

The literary heritage of Alexander Pushkin is well known to a wide range of readers. A line in a letter to Count A. Benckendorff, written in January 1830 and in which Pushkin asks permission to let him go to China, attracts attention. The purpose of the article is to try to find out what reasons prompted Pushkin to make such a request. It is essential to understand the age during which the poet lived. The fascination with Chinese culture came to Russia from France, which significantly impacted Russia’s life in the 18th–19th centuries. Chinese goods, the so-called Chinese rarities, began to appear in Russia even during Peter I’s reign, who often gave orders to buy them for the St. Petersburg Kunstkamera. Exotic things from China were delivered to St. Petersburg by caravans from Beijing through Siberia and the Urals or by sea on ships of the East India Company through Western Europe. Empress Catherine II set the fashion for interiors in the Chinese style: the Chinese Palace (1762–1768) appeared in Oranienbaum; Chinese buildings, the largest complex of buildings in the Chinese style, appeared in Tsarskoe Selo. There, in Tsarskoe Selo, in 1811, Emperor Alexander I established the Imperial Lyceum, in which Alexander Pushkin studied, and where, undoubtedly, the poet’s first encounter with the Middle Kingdom occurred. At this time, Russian periodicals also paid much attention to China. In them, articles about the trade of Europeans in China, about porcelain and silk factories, as well as about the wisdom of Chinese rulers and moral instructions for posterity began to be published. Pushkin read a lot and could not have been unaware of these publications. The acquaintance of Pushkin with monk Father Iakinf (N. Bichurin), an outstanding Russian sinologist, had a significant influence on the poet. Father Iakinf was appointed the Head of the ecclesiastic mission in Beijing in 1807 and lived there until 1821. As the examination of Pushkin’s library shows, the poet had Bichurin’s books about China. Also, he read Jean-Baptiste Du Halde’s book The General History of China in the Russian translation known at that time. As the study shows, Pushkin was interested in China and was going to visit it; however, fate had its own plans.

This paper revisited the relationship between capital buffers and risk adjustments by showing the impact of the business cycle. Empirically, we used an unbalanced panel dataset from 426 banks of the BRIC countries (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, and China) for the period 2007–2016. By using the two-step system GMM (2GMM), this study shows the results as: (i) capital buffers of Russia, India, and China behave counter-cyclically while it is pro-cyclical for Brazilian banks over the business cycle; (ii) in BRIC’s economy, credit risk, and bank financial stability is related to business cycle in counter and pro-cyclical fashion, respectively; (iii) capital buffers adjustment speed is the premier in China and India, shining banks accessibility to capital refill is much easier to Brazil and Russia. The adjustment speed is heterogeneous across countries; and (iv) financial stability in apex for the Chinese, Russian, and Indian banks apart from the Brazilian banks.

Abstract In February 1926, Chinese art collector John Hilditch opened the Hilditch–McGill Chinese Palace Temple in Manchester. Filling a garage with Chinese objects and performing what he claimed to be Buddhist rituals, Hilditch insisted the temple offered visitors a chance to see Chinese art in ‘actual Chinese fashion and atmosphere’. This article analyses Hilditch’s attempts to construct an authentic temple and visitor accounts of its realism to analyse the relationship between high and low culture, and how China was understood and imagined in the 1920s. It shows how Hilditch’s combination of sensory effects adopted from mass culture and claims to museum notions of scientific verification, in addition to the projection of well-established stereotypes of China, skewed understandings of authenticity and invited faith—albeit most likely ‘ironic’ faith—in the temple’s legitimacy. Scholars have argued that the rise of mass culture prompted art museums to restructure on high cultural values but interpretation of the temple as a museum shows that the lines between mass culture and museums were blurred. The temple thereby encourages a broader definition of museums and complicates our understanding of interwar culture more generally by showing how the categories of high and low culture were less stable than some scholars have presumed.

On the basis of multiple skeletal specimens from Liaoning, China, we report a new genus and species of Cretaceous stem therian mammal that displays decoupling of hearing and chewing apparatuses and functions. The auditory bones, including the surangular, have no bone contact with the ossified Meckel’s cartilage; the latter is loosely lodged on the medial rear of the dentary. This configuration probably represents the initial morphological stage of the definitive mammalian middle ear. Evidence shows that hearing and chewing apparatuses have evolved in a modular fashion. Starting as an integrated complex in non-mammaliaform cynodonts, the two modules, regulated by similar developmental and genetic mechanisms, eventually decoupled during the evolution of mammals, allowing further improvement for more efficient hearing and mastication.

The aim of the study is to form a holistic image of China as presented in the artistic and journalistic works of Fyodor Dostoevsky. The article examines the issue of China’s place in Dostoevsky’s works and its special significance for the formation of a holistic picture of the writer’s world. A broad historical and cultural background is presented, showing the relevance of Dostoevsky’s views on Chinese issues. Despite the existence of works devoted to the Chinese issue in the writer’s work, the issue of the place and significance of China in the writer’s heritage has not yet been resolved. For the first time, a number of fragments are introduced into academic discourse that reveal Chinese problems in the writer’s works. The imagological concept unfolds on the broad material of the entire body of Dostoevsky’s texts, bringing the scholarly apparatus of research to a new level. The article uses the following works: White Nights, Humiliated and Insulted, The Village of Stepanchikovo, The House of the Dead, The Idiot, Crime and Punishment, The Possessed, The Brothers Karamazov, the poem “On European Events in 1854”, A Writer’s Diary, preparatory materials for A Writer’s Diary, notebooks of 1864 and 1865. It is concluded that the understanding of the Chinese theme is in harmony with the general journalistic trends of the second half of the 19th century, on the one hand; on the other hand, the unique place of China in Dostoevsky’s creative mind is emphasized. A clear structure of the constituents that form the writer’s idea of China is proposed. China is considered in several significant aspects. China is a symbol of the alien and the distant. China is like a set of clichés and a fashion for Chinese household items. China is a real threat to the outskirts of Russia, Siberia. These positions are consistently analyzed in the article. The article also analyzes the Chinese attributes found in different works by Dostoevsky, demonstrates the writer’s acquaintance with the clichéd idea of China. The position of understanding China as a symbol of the alien and the distant is considered in detail. The article shows how the author imposes the realities of Chinese statehood and the principles of organizing society on Russian reality based on the key theme of chaos and disorder. Particular attention is paid to the perception of China as a real threat to the outskirts of Russia. In considering this aspect, Dostoevsky’s geopolitical ideas about the place and role of Siberia in the issue of the revival of Russia are touched upon. The need to expand the understanding of the specifics of Dostoevsky’s Asian views is shown by including a detailed analysis of China and the Asian outskirts of Russia, which undoubtedly are part of the writer’s circle of special reflections on the role and mission of Russia.

Background: This study evaluated the association between maternal B vitamins in early pregnancy and gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM) risk. Methods: A cohort of 1265 pregnant women was recruited at 8–15 weeks of gestation in 2021–2022 (Shanghai, China). Pregnancies with both serum B vitamin measurements at recruitment and glucose measurements at 24–28 weeks of gestation were included in the final analysis. Results: Of the 1065 pregnancies, in the final analysis, GDM occurred in 121 women (11.36%). In multivariate logistic models, an increased risk trend across serum vitamin B1 quartiles with GDM was observed (p-Trend = 0.001). Compared with women in the lowest quartile of serum vitamin B6, those in the upper two quartiles had approximately twofold higher odds of GDM. Moreover, compared with women with vitamin B12 levels < 150 pmol/L, those with vitamin B12 levels > 150 pmol/L had lower odds of GDM (p = 0.005). The restricted cubic spline regression models also revealed that serum vitamin B6 and vitamin B12 were associated with an increased risk of GDM in a nonlinear fashion. Conclusions: Our study shows that higher maternal serum vitamin B1 and B6 levels in early pregnancy are associated with increased GDM risk, while sufficient vitamin B12 status is associated with lower GDM risk.

Proposals for regional economic integration, namely, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the One Belt One Road proposal, have recently been driving the security dynamics of the Asian region. To explain the growing ‘economic’ focus of states’ foreign policies, we need to go beyond the dominant approaches in International Relations and International Political Economy, which are limited in their analytical power because they often make a distinction between politics/security and economics, and prioritise one over the other, rather than seeing them as internally related. Drawing on Leon Trotsky’s theory of ‘uneven and combined development’ and Nicos Poulantzas’s notion of ‘internalised transformations’, we develop a ‘Poulantzian-uneven and combined development’ framework to argue that the increased focus on economics in foreign policymaking represents a fundamental change related to the transnationalisation of capitalist state-building projects. The paper argues that while the Trans-Pacific Partnership reflected an attempt by the Obama administration to fashion a new stage in the transnationalisation of American capital, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and One Belt One Road proposal reflect an emerging China-centred transnationalised state project. We characterise the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and One Belt One Road proposal as constituting different forms of a particular type of geoeconomic strategy called ‘regulatory geographies’ because they entail the export of distinctive modes of regulatory governance that aim to overcome key contradictions of uneven and combined capitalist development in the US and China. As the recent demise of the Trans-Pacific Partnership with the election of Donald Trump shows, however, these transnationalised state projects generate resistance and contestation within, as well as between, states.

Whilst knowledge about diseases is universal, access to health care is not equally distributed. During the last decade, the countries of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) have become important actors on the global health scene, pushing for universal, affordable, and more equal access to health care. Although non-communicable diseases place a significant burden on all populations and health systems, low- and middle-income countries (LMIC), such as BRICS, have been affected particularly hard. Approximately 80 percent of worldwide deaths from non-communicable diseases occur in LMIC. We examined if guidelines concerning chronic heart failure from BRICS countries are influenced by global scripts and if these guidelines have converged or diverged in an inter-state context. Our analysis shows that guidelines on heart failure published in BRICS predominantly rely on models initially formulated by European or American cardiological organisations. Guidelines from BRICS deviate from these models to some extent, in particular with regard to specific epidemiological conditions. Except for the Indian guideline, they do not, however, extensively engage with BRICS-specific aspects of costs, access to and affordability of health care services. We interpret these results through the lens of sociological theories on globalisation. Consistent with neoinstitutionalism, recommendations for clinical practice guidelines have spread in BRICS countries in a rather isomorphic fashion. Notwithstanding, some local medical traditions have also been included into these guidelines through localised adaptation and variation.

Abstract. The modern instrumental record (1979–2006) is analyzed in an attempt to reveal the dynamical structure and origins of the major modes of interannual variability of East Asian summer monsoon (EASM) and to elucidate their fundamental differences with the major modes of seasonal variability. These differences are instrumental in understanding of the forced (say orbital) and internal (say interannual) modes of variability in EASM. We show that the leading mode of interannual variation, which accounts for about 39% of the total variance, is primarily associated with decaying phases of major El Nino, whereas the second mode, which accounts for 11.3% of the total variance, is associated with the developing phase of El Nino/La Nina. The EASM responds to ENSO in a nonlinear fashion with regard to the developing and decay phases of El Nino. The two modes are determined by El Nino/La Nina forcing and monsoon-warm ocean interaction, or essentially driven by internal feedback processes within the coupled climate system. For this internal mode, the intertropical convergence zone (ITCZ) and subtropical EASM precipitations exhibit an out-of-phase variations; further, the Meiyu in Yangtze River Valley is also out-of-phase with the precipitation in the central North China. In contrast, the annual cycle forced by the solar radiation shows an in-phase variation between the ITCZ and the subtropical EASM precipitation. Further, the seasonal march of precipitation displays a continental-scale northward advance of a southwest-northeastward tilted rainband from mid-May toward the end of July. This coherent seasonal advance between Indian and East Asian monsoons suggests that the position of the northern edge of the summer monsoon over the central North China may be an adequate measure of the monsoon intensity for the forced mode. Given the fact that the annual modes share the similar external forcing with orbital variability, the difference between the annual cycle and interannual variation may help to understand the differences in the EASM variability on the orbital time scale and in the modern records.

Summary This paper presents the development of an integrated, multidiscipline reservoir model for dynamic flow simulation and performance prediction of a geologically complex, naturally fractured volcanic reservoir in the Shang 741 Block of the Shengli field in China. A static geological model integrates lithological information, petrophysics, fracture analysis, and stochastic fracture network modeling with Formation MicroImage (FMI) log data and advanced 3D seismic interpretations. Effective fracture permeability, fracture-matrix interaction, reservoir compartmentalization, and flow transmissibility of conductive faults are obtained by matching various dynamic data. As a result of synergy and multiple iterations among various disciplines, a history-matched dynamic reservoir-simulation model capable of future performance prediction for optimum asset management is constructed. Introduction The multidisciplinary approach of closely related teamwork across the disciplines of geology, geophysics, petrophysics, and reservoir engineering is now the accepted approach in the industry for reservoir management and field development.1–6Fig. 1 shows components of integrated reservoir characterization and the contribution of each discipline to the process. The strength of integrated reservoir modeling, however, can be particularly dramatized with some reservoirs that contain extreme forms of heterogeneity and unusual structural features. The Shang 741 Block of the Shengli fractured volcanic reservoirs is one such example. The Shang 741 Block contains a series of vertically separated fractured volcanic reservoirs with different characteristics. Matrix porosity and permeability are both low in most horizons; thus, natural fractures are the main flow pathways for fluids. FMI logs delineate the orientation and density of the fracture distribution. Lithology variations, extensive compartmentalization, and looping of reservoir body units are recognized from the geologic depositional model and seismic data. Tying acoustic well data to 3D seismic data through synthetic seismograms combined with FMI information controls time and depth structure maps for a reliable geological model. Reservoir modeling (RM) software provides a platform to integrate lithology correlations with seismically based structural features and petrophysical properties to yield a framework for a dual-porosity Eclipse** reservoir flow-simulation model. Fractures delineated and characterized from well data are stochastically distributed in the reservoir for each horizon with a fractal-based, fracture-mapping algorithm.7 Simulation of effective gridblock fracture permeability and matrix-fracture transfer function parameters are upscaled into coarse-scale simulation gridblocks. These upscaled values are verified and calibrated by available pressure-transient effective permeabilities for consistency. In this paper, a dual-porosity reservoir-simulation model is constructed from a static geological and geophysical (G&G) model in a stepwise fashion through successive incorporation of dynamic information from pressure-transient tests, static reservoir pressure, water breakthrough behavior, and well-production performance data. Compartmentalization incorporates effects of multiple oil/ water contacts (OWC) for proper modeling of regional pressure-trend behavior. Fault conductivity or thin channel transmissibility, verified by seismic and well tests, is augmented for better modeling of water movement in the reservoir. As a result of synergy among various G&G disciplines and incorporation of dynamic reservoir engineering data, a representative and production-data calibrated model is constructed for this reservoir. The paper shows that this is possible only through multiple iterations across the disciplines and through integrated project teams. The model also serves as a reservoir-management tool in production monitoring, in evaluating the effects of implementing pressure-maintenance injection programs, and in better understanding the impact of various uncertainties on the ultimate recovery of the field. Database The data sources available for this study include:Geological interpretations and geological framework model, including geological markers.Three-dimensional seismic survey data with 529 lines by 583 common depth points (CDPs) at 25-m bin size that covers a 200-km2 area.Three vertical seismic profile (VSP) surveys and their detailed interpretations.Petrophysical analysis on 13 nearly vertical wells that penetrate the reservoir horizons.FMI logs and analysis for fracture delineation.Pressure/volume/temperature (PVT) samples and analyses.Conventional and special core analysis for matrix and fracture relative permeability, matrix capillary-pressure characteristics, and rock compaction.Two single-well, pressure-buildup tests.Three interference tests.Spot static-pressure measurements.Production data, including flowing bottomhole and tubing pressure, oil, water, and gas flow rates.Extensive information from 13 drilled wells in the field. Reservoir Characterization Geology. Shang 741 fractured reservoirs are located within the large Shengli field in the Bohai basin, China (Fig. 2). These volcanic reservoirs, primarily of the Oligocene Shahejie and Dongying formations, are composed of fractured basalt, extrusive tuff, and fractured diabase of intrusive origin (Fig. 3). The Shang 741 consists of a stack of separated fractured reservoirs, which communicate with each other only through drilled wellbores. These are divided into the H1, H2, H3, Lower H3, H3 1, and H4 fractured reservoir units. Fig. 4 shows the stacking order of these reservoirs along with geological markers, lithology type, and facies relationships.

<p>‘Geng Yi Ji’, written by Eileen Chang, is the important literature for fashion research of the Republic Period of China, and most of scholars in fashion field also focus on this part, they mensioned this article in lots of books. While, there is nearly no literature talk about the fashion of Qing dynasty in ‘Geng Yi Ji’. In fact, compare with the fashion in the Republic Period, the fashion in Qing dynasty is also a mian part of ‘Geng Yi Ji’. This thesis analyzes Eileen Chang’s Qing dynasty fashion review in ‘Geng Yi Ji’ through historiography point, in order to explore certain fashion culture and fashion history in ancient China. The thesis analyzes three fashion reviews of Eileen Chang, briefly including ‘over the course of three hundred years of Manchu rule, women lacked anything that might be refeered to as fashion’, ‘the details of ancient Chinese clothes were completely pointless, such as the soles of cotton shoes inscribed with patterns’, ‘the dissipation of energy on irrevevant matter, marked the attitude toward life of the leisure class in China, such as the three or more pippgs and trimmings on coats’. Through the historiography analysis, it explores the real fashion trends in Qing dynasty, the culture connotation of fashion decoration in ancient China, the root and development of coat embroidery borders.</p>

(K)Hanbok, which is Korea’s traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the ‘Koryo Yang’. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han’s Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, onepiece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.

With the rapid development of national economy and the improvement of consumption level, the catering industry, which plays an important role in people’s life, has shown a trend of upgrading in recent years. Several fast fashion catering brands have sprung up in the Chinese market. Chinese fast fashion catering brings more choices to consumers, at the same time, it is also constantly enriching people’s consumption experience. This paper will deliberate and discuss the factors affecting fast fashion catering and the current development situation of fast fashion catering in China.

Li Ning is a rising star in China these years, this brand gradually attracts many fans and causes discussion among customers. One of the obvious characteristics is the using of Chinese elements. In order to find out why its promotion strategy of using Chinese elements is attractive to customers, both discussion and its impacts will be shown, as well as providing advice for Li Ning to maintain its benefits and improve insufficient. In this passage, it can be found that Li Ning promotes its products with Chinese elements is popular among young generation in China, it may because the current fashion trend in China is combine fashion with traditional style, and the application of word-of-mouth effect. Now young generation in China are pursue this kind of fashion and some prefer to decorate themselves with Chinese traditional items, so Li Ning’s promotion strategy works. Another result is the bold ‘Chinese Li Ning’ logo used on Li Ning’s clothes, it also become one reason for consumer to purchase. Li Ning takes advantage of its brand position of Chinese brand to win Chinese consumer’s respect. The third result is about Li Ning’s co-branding with international brands or celebrities, the fan effect is used to expand market globally. Overall, Li Ning makes use of the benefits of the brand and customer’s preference to promote its own products with Chinese elements to a larger market.

Összefoglalás. A jelen írás alapja a témában tartott előadásom. Először általános kérdésekkel foglalkozom, majd a tervezett „EU AI Act”-ről lesz szó, utána egy VW projektet ismertetek röviden, majd a „megmagyarázható MI”-ről fogok beszélni, aztán egy saját, hazai kezdeményezésről, az Alfi projektről teszek említést. Végezetül egy kitekintés zárja le az írást. Summary. This writing is based on a lecture on the topic. In my other (German) affiliation I am manager of a large-scale EU project called “HumanE AI Net” (funded with 12m Euro) comprising 53 leading EU institutions, including large universities (UCL London, LMU Munich, Sorbonne, Sussex or ELTE), networks of research institutes (Fraunhofer, Max Planck Gesellschaft, INRIA, CNR Italy), large international companies (ING Bank, SAP, Philips, Airbus), etc. In the writing I discuss general issues related to Humane AI, the planned EU AI Act, social credit systems, explainable AI, and the Alphie project, respectively. In April 2021, the European Commission proposed a regulation on artificial intelligence, known as the AI Act. The regulation aims at human-faced AI in a European dimension. Although it is still only a draft, the stakes are high. The planned law has, however, faults (I maintain here), to be corrected before the text passes as law. Another subject to discuss is the study – and prohibition (at least in Europe) – of social credit systems. The original “Social Credit System” is a national credit rating and blacklist developed by the Government of the People’s Republic of China. Proponents of the system claim that it helps regulate social behaviour, improves citizens’ ‘trustworthiness’ (which includes paying taxes and bills on time) and promotes the spread of traditional moral values. Critics of the system, however, argue that it goes far beyond the rule of law and violates the legitimate rights of people – in particular, the right to reputation, privacy and personal dignity – and that it can be a tool for extensive government surveillance and suppression of dissent. “Explainable AI” (XAI) has become a hot topic in recent years. AI applications are mostly “opaque”: this is especially true for learning systems and by definition for neural networks (NN). The current fashion, “deep learning”, usually means the application of a particularly opaque NN anyway. It is natural not to know what the system is doing and why. So, let’s change that! With this tenet, XAI was born. I review some solutions to the problem. In the writing I also mention an application, Alphie, the first version of which was done in the OTKA project “Good Mobile” and is now supported by the MI National Laboratory. Alphie is a science-based playful application for children that helps them to use digital tools more consciously and within limits, while developing a variety of skills. It performs the functions of a ‘grandmother’ who shows emotions towards the child: can be e.g. angry, loving, etc. The application makes the corresponding sounds (!) and facilitates real social interactions (e.g. sends the child to play football (!).

Abstract Carpentry skills were among the most important elements of building practice in premodern China and Japan, and traditional carpentry skills continue in use in both countries to the present day. Although their importance has been greatly marginalised in building practice, in both countries some master carpenters have gained public recognition. This paper compares the modernisation of traditional building knowledge in China and Japan, and the fate of carpentry knowledge as the building industry and the formal discipline of architecture evolved. It distinguishes three phases in this historical trajectory: the period during the introduction of Western architecture as a discipline, when traditional knowledge was rejected or used selectively in the construction of national histories of building; the period when modern technology took over the main building industry and traditional craftsmen had to confront the realities of new technologies of production; and the period, still unfolding today, where heritage movements are promoting the recuperation and development of traditional craft knowledge. For each country, the paper traces how the nation’s history of building was selectively fashioned into an orthodox narrative; explores the content of key early technical works (for China, the official handbook Yingzao fashi [Building standards] and the craftsman’s manual Lu Ban jing [Carpenters’ Canon], and for Japan kikujutsu [literally, “compass and ruler techniques”] books); and shows how a talented master carpenter succeeded in creating a niche for himself within the contemporary heritage culture. It concludes that differences in the cultural respect accorded to carpentry knowledge in the two countries are rooted in the contrasting status of craftsmen in the premodern era.

The multiple and occasionally contradictory response of Bloomsbury to the Orient is the focus of this essay which also considers the reverse: the Orient's response to Bloomsbury and the promotion of their texts in the East. From Roger Fry to G. L. Dickinson, Virginia Woolf, and Vanessa Bell, the Orient became a source of aesthetic interest and problematized politics. French Orientalism and Proust initially corroborated the experiences of Woolf in Constantinople and Leonard Woolf in Ceylon, soon to be revised by new views of Imperial authority. Yet Bloomsbury and the Orient artistically depended on each other, at one point Fry scolding Bloomsbury and England that ‘we can no longer hide behind the Elgin marbles and refuse to look at the art of China’. And look they did, from attending museum shows to collecting Oriental art and furniture, while adopting Oriental fashions – and, when possible, traveling to China and Japan marked by visits by Bertrand Russell, William Empson, and Harold Acton. The response of individual Bloomsbury writers to the Orient mixes curiosity and jealousy. To her nephew Julian Bell, teaching at Wuhan University, Woolf wrote that ‘you are much to be envied. I wish I had spent three years in China at your age’.

The purpose of the study is to observe historically national identity expressed in Chinese and Korean Clothing. The literature review and the case study both in China and South Korea were conducted at the same time. The outcomes from the studies are as follow: National identity has been reflected in clothing mainly via the adoption of ethnic elements and civic elements. Chinese and Korean visible-symbolized ethnic elements are from their traditional arts, costumes and lifestyles, invisible-spiritual ethnic elements mainly from religious philosophy. But the Korean wave, which is the modern ethnic invisible-spiritual element, is growing popular all over the world. Chinese and Korean visible-symbolized political elements refer to national or governmental sign, marks or national logo. The invisible-spiritual political elements contain the specific political atmosphere. Chinese are Socialism and anti-capitalism. Meanwhile Korean are Patriotism, Collectiveness, anti-communism and Military ideology. It provides a comprehensive and complete theoretical background for investigating how national identity has been shown in China and Korea&rsquo;s past and current fashion. It is expected to promote the diversified development of both Chinese and Korean clothing design expression in the future.

This article investigates the use of the Autochrome, an important photographic process invented by the Lumière brothers that produced the most accurate representation of colour between 1907 and the early 1930s, in a government-backed exhibition of French luxury commodities, the Salon du Goût Français. Between 1921 and 1923 the exhibition showed in Paris and undertook two international tours, first to North America and then to Australasia, China, Vietnam, Japan and India. Thousands of objects were displayed, from automobiles to umbrellas, including couture, ready to wear, lingerie, menswear, children's wear and accessories. By reducing the objects to two dimensions on the glass Autochrome plates, the exhibition could be shown in a relatively small venue in Paris, transported to America in a trunk and voyage on a decommissioned battle cruiser to the Far East. Using the trope of Western fashion as a form of soft power mediated by the global reach afforded by the Autochromes, the article proposes that the Salon du Goût Français offered a kind of roving virtual art gallery, a vividly colourful encyclopaedic display of over 2,000 images of luxury manufacturing deployed to restore France's imperial and cultural hegemony as supreme arbiter of taste after the trauma of the First World War.

With the development of Internet technology, online shopping has been activated, and e-commerce sites are emerging as the top shopping list. The purpose of the research is to identify the current status and characteristics of existing Chinese shopping app designs and present the direction of consumer use. The brands of Chinese clothing shopping apps collected from data and literature through research scope and method include pink bar apps, style matching apps, virtual dressing room apps, new salt apps, and fashion technology virtual fitting custom apps. It examines the comparative analysis of visual elements of the app, the factors that affect convenience for consumers, and the advantages of AI technology being applied to the app. Through the comparison of design elements by app, the influence of consumers' product purchases and the order of reflection of shopping apps became one of the important factors that spread technology and enhance cultural beyond simple online purchases, providing innovative progress in human society. Although shopping apps have grown the Chinese market, studies have shown that the visual elements of shopping apps are simple, so they have not formed their own brand image. Even in AI technology, AI intelligence still has technical difficulties because there is no all-round application system with simulation intelligence. Accordingly, Chinese fashion shopping apps are enriching shopping life by showing their own charm in fun and idea design, contributing to the brand image of companies and economic interests of companies, and increasing emotional experiences for consumers.

The question of the use of fashionable words as markers that contribute to the identification of social characteristics of various subjects of speech is considered. The material for the study was the texts of microblogs of the Weibo Internet platform dedicated to China. We study the use of 10 fashion words of 2021, identified by the National Center for Monitoring and Research of Language Resources. Their functioning on the Weibo Internet site is analyzed. It has been established that the majority of Weibo users belong to the younger generation. The relevance of the study is due to the desire of Chinese society to build a strong welfare state, in which a significant role is given to young people. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that earlier the analysis of fashionable words of the Chinese language in the Internet discourse as a means of characterizing the younger generation was not carried out. It is shown that fashionable words on Weibo in most cases are used in positive contexts, which can be considered as “achieving a stable development of the country”, since all microblogs are dedicated to China. The author comes to the conclusion that the topics of blogs and the nature of the use of fashionable words in youth accounts testify to the confidence of Chinese youth in their future and the future of the country.

The digitalization of trade is a reality, and yet the regulation of the world trading system as embedded in the World Trade Organization (WTO) only tangentially, if at all, touches upon this issue. True, digitalization of the economy, the fourth industrial revolution as it is colloquially referred to, is a recent phenomenon, and to some extent post-dates the conclusion of the Uruguay round agreements (1994). True also, however, is the reality that the world trading system has shown a remarkable inability to adjust to modern business realities in its multilateral rule architecture. To the extent these transformations are being reflected in new rules, they are being introduced in regional or bilateral frameworks, albeit in an incomplete fashion. It is also the case that the world is witnessing several different regimes around data and information economy developing in the world today – most notably in the US, Europe, and China. As always, part of the reason that international frameworks have not been born stems from the fact that international rules rarely occur before domestic regulatory and legal regimes are well developed.

Over the last couple of decades, workers in China’s vast and poorly regulated construction industry have increasingly turned to suicidal performance as a radical means of securing wage arrears. These so-called suicide shows have drawn attention as expressions of escalating labor unrest in China, and thus have mostly been read through a political science prism. But these displays, precisely in their dramatic dimension, also open themselves up to a culturalist, even aesthetic analysis: they braid together mixed threads, from the Chinese tradition of suicide as righteous remonstrance to present-day forms of creatively embodied protest in the era of Occupy. At the same time, though, these workers have also fashioned an aesthetic intervention that is very much of their own devising. This article draws on an empirical base of two dozen suicide shows posted on video-sharing sites to argue that these performances force a visual rupture in the narcotically identikit Chinese cityscape, as the nation’s new poor, so often invisible to their social others on the street, climb to the highest urban summits and command extreme attention. Once there, they turn the rooftop into a site of performance that acts out the excruciating distinction between those who belong within the polis and the dispossessed: those who are cast out from the circle of humanity and are thus excluded from all avenues to legal and economic redress when they are wronged. As such, “cliffhanging” in China exemplifies what I call the fractious form, in which a tense encounter between different class actors under the regime of precarity becomes the genesis for a volatile cultural practice.

Ocean sound speed field (SSF) representation is often plagued with low resolution (i.e., the capability of explaining fine-scale fluctuations). This drawback, however, is inherent in a number of classical SSF basis functions, e.g., empirical orthogonal functions, Fourier basis functions, and more recent tensor-based basis functions learned via the higher-order orthogonal iterative algorithm. For two-dimensional depth-time SSF representation, recent attempts relying on dictionary learning have shown that fine-scale sound speed information can be well preserved by a large number of basis functions. They are learned from the historical data without imposing rigid constraints on their shapes, e.g., the orthogonal constraints. However, generalizing the dictionary learning idea to represent three-dimensional (3D) spatial ocean SSF is non-trivial, in terms of both problem formulation and algorithm development. It calls for integrating the dictionary learning framework and the tensor-based basis function learning framework, a recently proposed one that captures the 3D sound speed correlations well. To achieve this goal, we develop a 3D SSF-tailored tensor dictionary learning algorithm that learns a large number of tensor-based basis functions with flexible shapes in a data-driven fashion. Numerical results based on the South China Sea 3D SSF data have showcased the superiority of the proposed approach over the prior method.

Italy is one of the European countries hosting the largest number of Chinese immigrants. In the early 1980’s, the first Chinese new migrants came to Italy, where they would find an employment in the Italian textile industry. Since then, Chinese overseas have played an important role in the field of fashion, a sector of the Italian economy with a high demand in production and manual work. Petty trading and small-scale enterprises are also representations of the Chinese population’s activity in Italy. This article provides statistics concerning the Chinese migrants as an economically active person and the activities of the Chinese community in Italy as a whole.The authors analyze the phenomenon of Chinese labour migration to Italy from the point of view of the “push and pull factors” migration theory. This article illustrates the main factors leading Chinese citizens to leave their home country and shift to Italy, where China turns out to be the point of origin for one of the largest communities of extra-EU immigrants. It is shown that for the Chinese, Italy is a destination country, which is largely due to the already existing migrant network. As a case-study in the frame of this analysis, the authors take Prato (a municipal township located in Tuscany), renowned for hosting the largest Chinatown in Europe (so called “Chinese exclave”).

A highly contagious respiratory virus called SARS-CoV-2 began in Wuhan, China in end of 2019. It initiated a world-wide pandemic in 2020. Countries took extreme actions to avoid the transmission of such virus by implying restrictions in wearing personal protective equipment, which includes wearing masks [1-6]. The main reason behind the spread of this viral disease is sneezing and coughing, rendering the wearing of masks highly important for personal protection. Masks are usually used to prevent the transmission of pathogenic microorganisms from symptomatic and asymptomatic carriers to those who are in contact with them, wherein the mask filters the microorganisms from getting into the respiratory secretions. A common type of mask that is used due to its wide availability is the polyethylene (PE) filter mask. In this work, 3 nm silicon nanoparticles (Si-NPs) were used to model the SARS-CoV-2. The specific Si-NPs were chosen due to their chemical activity, ultra-small nature, easy attachment to other materials through chemical bonding, high luminescence and hydrophobicity, which makes clusters of diameters of 100-300 nm, which is similar to the virus size. Both N95 and surgical masks are investigated in this work using the Si-NPs. Si-NPs were used to examine the filtering process of the mask. The developed Si-NPs were dispersed in isopropyl alcohol (IPA) and filled into spraying bottle. The spraying bottle produces a cloud of droplets ranging from 40 to 900 mm, which is used to mimic the sneeze, where the droplets size is between 20 to 900 mm per spray. Testing the spraying was done on a Si wafer under UV radiation to picture the dropping pattern of the particles on the surface. To visualize the filtering process of the mask, we placed the mask between the prepared spraying bottle and 3x3 cm Si wafer that is mounted over a foam surface and above table surface. The testing conditions were carried in constant mode. The N95 mask fibers were studied by optical imaging and scanning electron microscopy (SEM) imaging. The SEM image show that the fibers have diameter of about 25 mm and that the roughness and surface typography is random. The mask fibers trap the Si-NPs creating clusters of fibers around it, which is not detected in the mask without the NPs. To examine the mask under UV, a luminescence image was taken for the mask with NPs and without NPs. The image shows bright red/orange luminescence for the mask with NPs, which indicates nano particles bonded to the fibers as a SARS-CoV-2 would do. A section of the N95 mask was taken and studied under UV light. The mask with the sprayed NPs showed very bright luminescence emitted from the mask fibers, which is not noticed without the NPs. To summarize, aerosolized Si nanoparticles were used visualize how mask are used to filter out SARS-CoV-2. A setup was created to test the mask, where Si-NPs were sprayed on to the mask from certain distance and a UV- induced fluorescence was used to observe the NPs being sprayed and reaching masks. The study showed that mask fibers are good at filtering nano-scale virus that led to infections. This indicates that the mask filter is effective in preventing the SARS-CoV-2 virus infection. References [1] “Timeline: WHO's COVID-19 response,” World Health Organization. [Online]. Available: https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/interactive-timeline#event-0. [Accessed: 10-Nov-2020]. [2] S. Verma, M. Dhanak, and J. Frankenfield, “Visualizing the effectiveness of face masks in obstructing respiratory jets,” Physics of Fluids, vol. 32, no. 6, p. 061708, 2020. [3] C. R. MacIntyre, S. Cauchemez, D. E. Dwyer, H. Seale, P. Cheung, G. Browne, M. Fasher, J. Wood, Z. Gao, R. Booy, and N. Ferguson, “Face Mask Use and Control of Respiratory Virus Transmission in Households,” Emerging Infectious Diseases, vol. 15, no. 2, pp. 233–241, 2009. [4] J. W. Tang, T. J. Liebner, B. A. Craven, and G. S. Settles, “A schlieren optical study of the human cough with and without wearing masks for aerosol infection control,” Journal of The Royal Society Interface, vol. 6, no. suppl_6, 2009. [5] J. Xiao, E. Y. Shiu, H. Gao, J. Y. Wong, M. W. Fong, S. Ryu, and B. J. Cowling, “Nonpharmaceutical Measures for Pandemic Influenza in Nonhealthcare Settings—Personal Protective and Environmental Measures,” Emerging Infectious Diseases, vol. 26, no. 5, pp. 967–975, 2020. [6] V. K. Midha and A. Dakuri, “Spun bonding Technology and Fabric Properties: a Review,” Journal of Textile Engineering & Fashion Technology, vol. 1, no. 4, 2017. Figure 1

The end of the twentieth century was marked by the extensive and explosive development of two directions in the economy and culture of society — globalization and postmodernism. The postmodern is an aggressive and protest reaction to a modernist style. Modernists believed up to nowadays that reason, science, progress, self-sacrifice, respect are eternal values. However, the creation of a global consumer society, informatization, the development of new technologies, the Internet spread, mobile communications, social networks contributed to the emergence of new relations associated with the rejection of traditional values. The economy is being actively taken root into the culture of consumption in the service industry. Fashion, style, behavior standards, brands have become a commodity. Postmodern crosses culture to commerce, with consumption, liberates and releases instincts. At the same time, the newly-minted cultural mutants are characterized by imaginary identity, indifference and disunity. After the end of the Cold War, postmodernism ideas had been moved ahead over the different countries and continents successfully, until they had stumbled over China. The managerial problem of the human relations and impossibility of their measurement is shown in modern conditions as well as at the time of Platon, Aristotle, Lao-tszy, Confucius, Suntszy, etc. This phenomenon is considered by us by the example of sports development and mass culture in China. In a situation with the penetration of postmodernism into Chinese society, Chinese communist leaders are forced to address the practical wisdom of their ancestors to counter the destruction of national consciousness and the preservation of national identity. Sports has become one of the most accessible, important and capital-intensive mechanisms for the implementation of global projects. Commercialization and capitalization of major sporting mega events has become a part of political activity, national prestige in the international arena for many political systems and independent states. Several case studies illustrate how as well as how Chinese leaders try to preserve national identity and the balance of relations in society in the postmodern era using the example of the development of China’s sports reform.

The bicycle has gone from being an old-fashioned recreational product to a less polluting means of transport and a compact, ultra-light personal mobility tool. This is how electrical bicycles will be used as the pillar that could support individual public transport in large cities worldwide. The objective of this manuscript is to detect how worldwide research on the electric bicycle is being developed, and, especially, around which scientific domains is it clustered, to finally identify the main trends in the field. This study has been carried out based on the Scopus database, where all the publications related to the topic of the electric bicycle have been analyzed up to the year 2017. ¨Therefore, research on the global research trends of this topic was conducted. Its evolution over time shows that since 2008 the growth of publications is much higher than in the previous period. The main countries are China and the USA, and it can be inferred that there are two major trend countries with high environmental awareness, which also have a large population and that the electric bicycle is a suitable and sustainable form of transport. Among the main scientific fields, engineering leads in research. The keyword analysis shows that the central theme is electric, then battery and motor stand out. A community detection was applied to detect the six main clusters of this research, largely dedicated to the following topics: Transportation–Environment, Electrical Engineering, Safety, Batteries, Sporting Goods–Urban Planning, and Mechanical Engineering. This manuscript shows that global research trends about the electric bicycle are increasing, and that it should be considered a means of sustainable urban transport and will therefore contribute to energy saving and sustainable energy.

Gynura formosana Kitam. belongs to the Compositae family and has been traditionally used for the prevention of cancer, diabetes, and inflammation in China. Previous studies had indicated that the ethyl acetate extract of Gynura formosana Kitam. leaves (EAEG) exhibited antioxidant and anti-inflammatory activity. In this report, we demonstrated that EAEG possessed potent anticancer activity through autophagy-mediated inhibition of cell proliferation. EAEG induced a strong cytostatic effect towards HeLa cells and, to a lesser extent, HepG2 and MCF-7 cells. This cytostatic effect of EAEG was not a consequence of increased apoptosis, as neither DNA fragmentation nor change in protein expression level for a number of apoptosis-related genes including Bid, Bax, Bcl-2, and caspase-3 was observed after EAEG treatment, and the apoptosis inhibitor Z-VAD-FMK did not inhibit the EAEG-elicited cytostatic effect. On the other hand, EAEG induced autophagy in a dose-dependent fashion, as shown by increased GFP puncta formation, enhanced conversion of the microtubule-associated protein light chain LC3-I to LC3-II, and downregulation of the p62 protein. Treating the HeLa cells with EAEG together with Chloroquine (CQ) further accelerated LC3 conversion and p62 clearance, indicating that EAEG induced complete autophagy flux. Importantly, the autophagy inhibitor 3-methyladenine (3MA) significantly abrogated the cytostatic effect of EAEG, strongly suggesting that EAEG inhibited HeLa cell proliferation through the induction of autophagy rather than apoptosis. Our results provided a novel and interesting mechanistic insight into the anticancer action of EAEG, supporting the traditional use of this plant for the treatment of the cancer.

The novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19), with a start line in China, has spread hastily amongst human beings dwelling in other international locations, and is coming near approximately 34,986,502 instances worldwide in line with the facts of Edith Cowan University (ecu) Centre for disorder prevention and control. There are a restrained number of COVID-19 test kits to be had in hospitals due to the growing cases day by day. Consequently, it is important to implement an automated detection machine as a brief opportunity diagnosis choice to prevent COVID-19 spreading among human beings. Fusion was considered as a concatenation between the two-person vectors on this context. Speckle-affected and coffee-fine X-ray images along with top first-class pictures have been utilized in our test for carrying out exams. If training and trying out are done with best selected right fine X-ray photos in a super situation, the output accuracy can be observed higher. However, this doesn't constitute a real-existence situation, wherein the photo database would be a mixture of each appropriate- and poor-first-rate pictures. Therefore, this technique of the use of different excellent snap shots could test how nicely the machine can react to such real-lifestyles situations. A modified anisotropic diffusion filtering technique become hired to take away multiplicative speckle noise from the test photographs. The software of these techniques ought to successfully conquer the restrictions in enter photograph quality. Subsequent, the function extraction changed into finished on the test photographs. Ultimately, the Convolutional Neural Network (CNN) classifier accomplished a type of X-ray photographs to pick out whether or not it changed into COVID-19 or until now. Pneumonia, an interstitial lung sickness, is the main reason of loss of life in children under the age of five. It accounted for approximately 16% of the deaths of kids below the age of 5, killing around 880,000 kids in 2016 according to a look at conducted with the aid of United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF). Affected children were mostly much less than two years old. Well timed detection of pneumonia in youngsters can assist to the technique of restoration. This paper gives convolutional neural community fashions to accurately hit upon pneumonic lungs from chest X-rays, which can be utilized inside the actual global by using medical practitioners to treat pneumonia. Experimentation was conducted on Chest X-Ray images dataset to be had on Kaggle.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui adanya pengaruh value for money perception dan emotional brand attachment terhadap niat membeli kosmetik halal khususnya produk Innisfree. Selain itu, untuk meningkatkan literasi tentang value for money perception dan emotional brand attachment terhadap buying intention. Pendekatan kuantitatif digunakan dalam metodologi penelitian ini dengan Path Analysis sebagai teknik analisis data. Pengumpulan data dengan menyebarkan kuesioner skala Likert berskala lima secara online. Responden dalam penelitian ini adalah 100 mahasiswi diberbagai universitas di Surabaya yang belum pernah menggunakan produk Innisfree. Hasil dari riset menunjukkan bahwa hubungan antar variabel value for money perception terhadap buying intention, value for money perception terhadap emotional brand attachment, dan emotional brand attachment terhadap buying intention ketiganya memiliki pengaruh secara signifikan positif. Kata Kunci: Value for Money Perception, Emotional Brand Attachment, Buying Intention, Kosmetik Halal. ABSTRACT This study aims to determine the effect of value for money perception and emotional brand attachment on the intention to buy halal cosmetics, especially Innisfree products. In addition, to increase literacy about value for money perception and emotional brand attachment to buying intention. A quantitative approach is used in this research methodology with Path Analysis as a data analysis technique. Collecting data by distributing a five-scale Likert scale questionnaire online. Respondents in this study were 100 female students in various universities in Surabaya who had never used Innisfree products. The results of the research show that the relationship between the variable value for money perception on buying intention, value for money perception on emotional brand attachment, and emotional brand attachment on buying intention, all three have a significant positive effect. 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Why do we expect handicraft to occupy any place at all in our brave digital world? This was the first question asked at the woodcraftsmen’s roundtable held at the Heimtali Fair in Viljandi county on the 25th September, 2021. The purpose of the discussion was to investigate the wider background to men’s handicraft in the framework of the current year dedicated to male artisanship. Three artisan woodworkers joined the roundtable initiated by University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in order to gain an overview of the field and to supply important background aspects. The participants were: Martin Bristol, Priit-Kalev Parts, and Meelis Kihulane. Martin Bristol has been active in starting the Puupank initiative which deals with the procurement of rare and specific wood material. He is also a founder of several platform-craft shops that have been functioning successfully in the old town of Tallinn. Priit-Kalev Parts was the initiator of the native construction study programme at the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy and is also known as a maker of dugout canoes. Meelis Kihulane is renowned for reviving native woodwork and he is an experimental instructor of artisanry. The questions were posed by a long-term associate to the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in the field of traditional technologies, Madis Rennu. The discussion focused on the local entrepreneurial environment and the influence of wider economic space with its crises and limits to growth such as peak oil, green transition and EU structural funds, the gender of artisans, and computer addiction. Additionally, they discussed such evergreen topics as clock reading skills and the objectives of a national university. The wish was expressed to move towards a wider recognition of manual skills as indispensable part of personal development, as was the desire to add more substance to attempts to improve the image of low-tech skills. The acquisition of manual skills, including working with both hands and standing on two feet, should be a recognised part of mental development at school ages of between 15 and 25 years. The participants unanimously agreed that manual skills, as opposed to economic activity, consumerism, wealth, peak oil etc. have gradually declined over recent decades, and that we have probably now reached the bottom of the curve. Hopefully after the decline of the economic peak, the importance given to the possession of manual skills will start to rise again. Terminology is also a problem. The word ‘handicraft’ may sound old-fashioned or even obsolete; it is often loaded with political or ideological ballast. Answers to the question whether it is possible to earn a livelihood with handicraft were diverse: a convinced ’no’, a hyperbolically conditional ’yes’ (if one could win the olympics of handicraft), and a convinced ’yes’, albeit one which admitted that handicraft is part of lifestyle. The participants were rather sceptical as to the long-term positive impact of EU structural funds on handicraft, but the current situation, which is characterised by an increase of raw material and energy prices, seems hopeful because there are signs that top brands are interested in bringing their production back to Europe from China and so are seeking contacts, something which may lead to new opportunities for manually skilled artisans here. Martin Bristol summarised matters as follows: “A shop does not have to be in Viru Street. It can be in the forest, if the narrative is powerful enough – and of course it has to be top-level. If there is a grove and people who are dedicated – I really mean that we would be able to produce more out of one hectare of forest without cutting it than is produced with the help of clear cut. And if we add full production-chain logic, in the sense that forest is not only wood for building, and fleece is not only a dull by-product, we could develop quite a contemporary form of production. But all this presupposes knowledge of the specificities of native raw materials and regions, clock reading, and a bit of entrepreneurship as well.“

Why do we expect handicraft to occupy any place at all in our brave digital world? This was the first question asked at the woodcraftsmen’s roundtable held at the Heimtali Fair in Viljandi county on the 25th September, 2021. The purpose of the discussion was to investigate the wider background to men’s handicraft in the framework of the current year dedicated to male artisanship. Three artisan woodworkers joined the roundtable initiated by University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in order to gain an overview of the field and to supply important background aspects. The participants were: Martin Bristol, Priit-Kalev Parts, and Meelis Kihulane. Martin Bristol has been active in starting the Puupank initiative which deals with the procurement of rare and specific wood material. He is also a founder of several platform-craft shops that have been functioning successfully in the old town of Tallinn. Priit-Kalev Parts was the initiator of the native construction study programme at the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy and is also known as a maker of dugout canoes. Meelis Kihulane is renowned for reviving native woodwork and he is an experimental instructor of artisanry. The questions were posed by a long-term associate to the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in the field of traditional technologies, Madis Rennu. The discussion focused on the local entrepreneurial environment and the influence of wider economic space with its crises and limits to growth such as peak oil, green transition and EU structural funds, the gender of artisans, and computer addiction. Additionally, they discussed such evergreen topics as clock reading skills and the objectives of a national university. The wish was expressed to move towards a wider recognition of manual skills as indispensable part of personal development, as was the desire to add more substance to attempts to improve the image of low-tech skills. The acquisition of manual skills, including working with both hands and standing on two feet, should be a recognised part of mental development at school ages of between 15 and 25 years. The participants unanimously agreed that manual skills, as opposed to economic activity, consumerism, wealth, peak oil etc. have gradually declined over recent decades, and that we have probably now reached the bottom of the curve. Hopefully after the decline of the economic peak, the importance given to the possession of manual skills will start to rise again. Terminology is also a problem. The word ‘handicraft’ may sound old-fashioned or even obsolete; it is often loaded with political or ideological ballast. Answers to the question whether it is possible to earn a livelihood with handicraft were diverse: a convinced ’no’, a hyperbolically conditional ’yes’ (if one could win the olympics of handicraft), and a convinced ’yes’, albeit one which admitted that handicraft is part of lifestyle. The participants were rather sceptical as to the long-term positive impact of EU structural funds on handicraft, but the current situation, which is characterised by an increase of raw material and energy prices, seems hopeful because there are signs that top brands are interested in bringing their production back to Europe from China and so are seeking contacts, something which may lead to new opportunities for manually skilled artisans here. Martin Bristol summarised matters as follows: “A shop does not have to be in Viru Street. It can be in the forest, if the narrative is powerful enough – and of course it has to be top-level. If there is a grove and people who are dedicated – I really mean that we would be able to produce more out of one hectare of forest without cutting it than is produced with the help of clear cut. And if we add full production-chain logic, in the sense that forest is not only wood for building, and fleece is not only a dull by-product, we could develop quite a contemporary form of production. But all this presupposes knowledge of the specificities of native raw materials and regions, clock reading, and a bit of entrepreneurship as well.“

Abstract In early November 2018, the Italian fashion house Dolce & Gabbana (D&G), founded by Domenico Dolce and Stefano Gabbana, posted a campaign video Eating with Chopsticks (qi kuai chifan 起筷吃饭) on Instagram, Twitter, and Chinese Weibo (微博) for its forthcoming Great Shanghai Show. This video spurred anger in China. Netizens boycotted the brand nationwide. The Show in Shanghai was forced to cancel, the brands’ stores in China were surrounded by protesters, and the brands’ products were pulled down from the virtual shelves of major Chinese e-commerce platforms. This paper analyzes the meaning and influence of the video Eating with Chopsticks and a series of campaigns and fashion shows that the brand promoted from 2015 to 2019 on Twitter, Instagram, and Weibo. It experiments an interdisciplinary approach to the issues of gender, cultural, and racial discriminations, using literature from gender studies, cultural studies, media studies, consumer studies, and marketing studies.

The pandemic caused by Covid-19 virus, which emerged in Wuhan, China at the end of 2019 has caused changes in the production- consuption balances besides education, working environment and social life because of the full lockdown process. The increase in the time that is spent at home necessarily has caused people to question the concepts of damage to environment, waste, recycling and sustainability beside this, the fashion industry has been affected with its structure that encourages consuption, reflects change and temporary innovation. In this period the frequency of consumers' clothing purchases decreased, platforms selling second-handed products become more popular and fashion shows and fairs took place in digital platforms. The steps aimed at the conscious consumer for the use of organic and recyclable materials, recycling, and less water consumption, which started to be taken before the pandemic in the sector, gained speed with the introduction of digital technologies defined as industry 4.0. In the scope of the research, while the effects of the Covid-19 process on the fashion industry and design are disccused in the context of sustainability, it has been discussed what the positive and negative effects of sustainability moves which has increased its visibility. It is aimed that the study will contribute to sustainable development by drawing attention to the development of academic fashion literature and sustainable fashion as well as the other current studies in this field in the world. Keywords: sustainability, fashion and design, covid 19, digital fashion, sustainable fashion

PurposeThis study aims to analyze the content on corporate social responsibility (CSR) of Gucci, Prada and Ermenegildo Zegna on the social networks Instagram, Facebook and TikTok in order to examine the focus of the publications of these luxury brands, what type of content is more frequent and which ones generate more interaction and engagement.Design/methodology/approachAn interpretive content analysis of a sample of 92 posts on CSR published between December 2021 and June 2022 is used. For this purpose, an analysis sheet validated through theoretical constructs and pilot testing is used.FindingsMost of the social responsibility content of the fashion brands analyzed is linked to the use of sustainable materials, the protection of natural spaces and, in the particular case of Prada, the protection of the oceans. The posts that achieve the highest interactions are videos and photo reels. Although the strategies that significantly increase brands' reach on social networks are collaborations and joint posts with other fashion brands, as is the case of Gucci with NorthFace and Prada with Adidas. Also, one of the main findings of this research has been to identify that brands may be using TikTok – perhaps experimentally – to reach stakeholders in Asian countries, especially China, where other platforms such as Instagram or Facebook may have a more limited reach.Originality/valueThis research shows that the social responsibility activities of luxury fashion brands leverage the content marketing strategy in social networks. It also demonstrates the importance of the Asian market (mainly Chinese) in the outreach strategies of brands, as is the case of Gucci and Prada, which bet on CSR activities for the protection of the Asian tiger in the framework of the year of the tiger in the Chinese horoscope, as well as the publication of certain content on TikTok.

IntroductionIn March 2015, I visited the Lambing Flat Folk Museum (established 1967) in the “cherry capital of Australia”, the town of Young, New South Wales, in preparation for a student excursion. Like other Australian folk museums, this museum focuses on the ordinary and the everyday of rural life, and is heavily reliant on local history, local historians, volunteers, and donated objects for the collection. It may not sound as though the Lambing Flat Folk Museum (LFFM) holds much potential for a fashion curator, as fashion exhibitions have become high points of innovation in exhibition design. It is quite a jolt to return to old style folk museums, when travelling shows such as Alexander McQueen: Savage Beauty (Metropolitan Museum of Art 2011 – V&A Museum 2015) or The Fashion World of Jean Paul Gaultier (V&A Museum 2011­ – NGV 2014) are popping up around the globe. The contrast stimulated this author to think on the role and the power of curators. This paper will show that the potential for fashion as a vehicle for demonstrating ideas other than through rubrics of design or history has been growing. We all wear dress. We express identity, politics, status, age, gender, social values, and mental state through the way we dress each and every day. These key issues are also explored in many museum exhibitions.Small museums often have an abundance of clothing. For them, it is a case of not only managing and caring for growing collections but also curating objects in a way that communicates regional and often national identity, as well as narrating stories in meaningful ways to audiences. This paper argues that the way in which dress is curated can greatly enhance temporary and permanent exhibitions. Fashion curation is on the rise (Riegels Melchior). This paper looks at why this is so, the potential for this specialisation in curation, the research required, and the sensitivity needed in communicating ideas in exhibitions. It also suggests how fashion curation skills may facilitate an increasing demand.Caring for the AudienceThe paper draws on a case study of how Chinese people at the LFFM are portrayed. The Chinese came to the Young district during the 1860s gold rush. While many people often think the Chinese were sojourners (Rolls), that is, they found gold and returned to China, many actually settled in regional Australia (McGowan; Couchman; Frost). At Young there were riots against the Chinese miners, and this narrative is illustrated at the museum.In examining the LFFM, this paper points to the importance of caring for the audience as well as objects, knowing and acknowledging the current and potential audiences. Caring for how the objects are received and perceived is vital to the work of curators. At this museum, the stereotypic portrayal of Chinese people, through a “coolie” hat, a fan, and two dolls dressed in costume, reminds us of the increased professionalisation of the museum sector in the last 20 years. It also reminds us of the need for good communication through both the objects and texts. Audiences have become more sophisticated, and their expectations have increased. Displays and accompanying texts that do not reflect in depth research, knowledge, and sensitivities can result in viewers losing interest quickly. Not long into my visit I began thinking of the potential reaction by the Chinese graduate students. In a tripartite model called the “museum experience”, Falk and Dierking argue that the social context, personal context, and physical context affect the visitor’s experience (5). The social context of who we visit with influences enjoyment. Placing myself in the students’ shoes sharpened reactions to some of the displays. Curators need to be mindful of a wide range of audiences. The excursion was to be not so much a history learning activity, but a way for students to develop a personal interest in museology and to learn the role museums can play in society in general, as well as in small communities. In this case the personal context was also a professional context. What message would they get?Communication in MuseumsStudies by Falk et al. indicate that museum visitors only view an exhibition for 30 minutes before “museum fatigue” sets in (249–257). The physicality of being in a museum can affect the museum experience. Hence, many institutions responded to these studies by placing the key information and objects in the introductory areas of an exhibition, before the visitor gets bored. As Stephen Bitgood argues, this can become self-fulfilling, as the reaction by the exhibition designers can then be to place all the most interesting material early in the path of the audience, leaving the remainder as mundane displays (196). Bitgood argues there is no museum fatigue. He suggests that there are other things at play which curators need to heed, such as giving visitors choice and opportunities for interaction, and avoiding overloading the audience with information and designing poorly laid-out exhibitions that have no breaks or resting points. All these factors contribute to viewers becoming both mentally and physically tired. Rather than placing the onus on the visitor, he contends there are controllable factors the museum can attend to. One of his recommendations is to be provocative in communication. Stimulating exhibitions are more likely to engage the visitor, minimising boredom and tiredness (197). Xerxes Mazda recommends treating an exhibition like a good story, with a beginning, a dark moment, a climax, and an ending. The LFFM certainly has those elements, but they are not translated into curation that gives a compelling narration that holds the visitors’ attention. Object labels give only rudimentary information, such as: “Wooden Horse collar/very rare/donated by Mr Allan Gordon.” Without accompanying context and engaging language, many visitors could find it difficult to relate to, and actively reflect on, the social narrative that the museum’s objects could reflect.Text plays an important role in museums, particularly this museum. Communication skills of the label writers are vital to enhancing the museum visit. Louise Ravelli, in writing on museum texts, states that “communication needs to be more explicit and more reflexive—to bring implicit assumptions to the surface” (3). This is particularly so for the LFFM. Posing questions and using an active voice can provoke the viewer. The power of text can be seen in one particular museum object. In the first gallery is a banner that contains blatant racist text. Bringing racism to the surface through reflexive labelling can be powerful. So for this museum communication needs to be sensitive and informative, as well as pragmatic. It is not just a case of being reminded that Australia has a long history of racism towards non-Anglo Saxon migrants. A sensitive approach in label-writing could ask visitors to reflect on Australia’s long and continued history of racism and relate it to the contemporary migration debate, thereby connecting the present day to dark historical events. A question such as, “How does Australia deal with racism towards migrants today?” brings issues to the surface. Or, more provocatively, “How would I deal with such racism?” takes the issue to a personal level, rather than using language to distance the issue of racism to a national issue. Museums are more than repositories of objects. Even a small underfunded museum can have great impact on the viewer through the language they use to make meaning of their display. The Lambing Flat Roll-up Banner at the LFFMThe “destination” object of the museum in Young is the Lambing Flat Roll-up Banner. Those with a keen interest in Australian history and politics come to view this large sheet of canvas that elicits part of the narrative of the Lambing Flat Riots, which are claimed to be germane to the White Australia Policy (one of the very first pieces of legislation after the Federation of Australia was The Immigration Restriction Act 1901).On 30 June 1861 a violent anti-Chinese riot occurred on the goldfields of Lambing Flat (now known as Young). It was the culmination of eight months of growing conflict between European and Chinese miners. Between 1,500 and 2,000 Europeans lived and worked in these goldfields, with little government authority overseeing the mining regulations. Earlier, in November 1860, a group of disgruntled European miners marched behind a German brass band, chasing off 500 Chinese from the field and destroying their tents. Tensions rose and fell until the following June, when the large banner was painted and paraded to gather up supporters: “…two of their leaders carrying in advance a magnificent flag, on which was written in gold letters – NO CHINESE! ROLL UP! ROLL UP! ...” (qtd. in Coates 40). Terrified, over 1,270 Chinese took refuge 20 kilometres away on James Roberts’s property, “Currawong”. The National Museum of Australia commissioned an animation of the event, The Harvest of Endurance. It may seem obvious, but the animators indicated the difference between the Chinese and the Europeans through dress, regardless that the Chinese wore western dress on the goldfields once the clothing they brought with them wore out (McGregor and McGregor 32). Nonetheless, Chinese expressions of masculinity differed. Their pigtails, their shoes, and their hats were used as shorthand in cartoons of the day to express the anxiety felt by many European settlers. A more active demonstration was reported in The Argus: “ … one man … returned with eight pigtails attached to a flag, glorifying in the work that had been done” (6). We can only imagine this trophy and the de-masculinisation it caused.The 1,200 x 1,200 mm banner now lays flat in a purpose-built display unit. Viewers can see that it was not a hastily constructed work. The careful drafting of original pencil marks can be seen around the circus styled font: red and blue, with the now yellow shadowing. The banner was tied with red and green ribbon of which small remnants remain attached.The McCarthy family had held the banner for 100 years, from the riots until it was loaned to the Royal Australian Historical Society in November 1961. It was given to the LFFM when it opened six years later. The banner is given key positioning in the museum, indicating its importance to the community and its place in the region’s memory. Just whose memory is narrated becomes apparent in the displays. The voice of the Chinese is missing.Memory and Museums Museums are interested in memory. When visitors come to museums, the work they do is to claim, discover, and sometimes rekindle memory (Smith; Crane; Williams)—-and even to reshape memory (Davidson). Fashion constantly plays with memory: styles, themes, textiles, and colours are repeated and recycled. “Cutting and pasting” presents a new context from one season to the next. What better avenue to arouse memory in museums than fashion curation? This paper argues that fashion exhibitions fit within the museum as a “theatre of memory”, where social memory, commemoration, heritage, myth, fantasy, and desire are played out (Samuels). In the past, institutions and fashion curators often had to construct academic frameworks of “history” or “design” in order to legitimise fashion exhibitions as a serious pursuit. Exhibitions such as Fashion and Politics (New York 2009), Fashion India: Spectacular Capitalism (Oslo 2014) and Fashion as Social Energy (Milan 2015) show that fashion can explore deeper social concerns and political issues.The Rise of Fashion CuratorsThe fashion curator is a relative newcomer. What would become the modern fashion curator made inroads into museums through ethnographic and anthropological collections early in the 20th century. Fashion as “history” soon followed into history and social museums. Until the 1990s, the fashion curator in a museum was seen as, and closely associated with, the fashion historian or craft curator. It could be said that James Laver (1899–1975) or Stella Mary Newton (1901–2001) were the earliest modern fashion curators in museums. They were also fashion historians. However, the role of fashion curator as we now know it came into its own right in the 1970s. Nadia Buick asserts that the first fashion exhibition, Fashion: An Anthology by Cecil Beaton, was held at the Victoria and Albert Museum, curated by the famous fashion photographer Cecil Beaton. He was not a museum employee, a trained curator, or even a historian (15). The museum did not even collect contemporary fashion—it was a new idea put forward by Beaton. He amassed hundreds of pieces of fashion items from his friends of elite society to complement his work.Radical changes in museums since the 1970s have been driven by social change, new expectations and new technologies. Political and economic pressures have forced museum professionals to shift their attention from their collections towards their visitors. There has been not only a growing number of diverse museums but also a wider range of exhibitions, fashion exhibitions included. However, as museums and the exhibitions they mount have become more socially inclusive, this has been somewhat slow to filter through to the fashion exhibitions. I assert that the shift in fashion exhibitions came as an outcome of new writing on fashion as a social and political entity through Jennifer Craik’s The Face of Fashion. This book has had an influence, beyond academic fashion theorists, on the way in which fashion exhibitions are curated. Since 1997, Judith Clark has curated landmark exhibitions, such as Malign Muses: When Fashion Turns Back (Antwerp 2004), which examine the idea of what fashion is rather than documenting fashion’s historical evolution. Dress is recognised as a vehicle for complex issues. It is even used to communicate a city’s cultural capital and its metropolitan modernity as “fashion capitals” (Breward and Gilbert). Hence the reluctant but growing willingness for dress to be used in museums to critically interrogate, beyond the celebratory designer retrospectives. Fashion CurationFashion curators need to be “brilliant scavengers” (Peoples). Curators such as Clark pick over what others consider as remains—the neglected, the dissonant—bringing to the fore what is forgotten, where items retrieved from all kinds of spheres are used to fashion exhibitions that reflect the complex mix of the tangible and intangible that is present in fashion. Allowing the brilliant scavengers to pick over the flotsam and jetsam of everyday life can make for exciting exhibitions. Clothing of the everyday can be used to narrate complex stories. We only need think of the black layette worn by Baby Azaria Chamberlain—or the shoe left on the tarmac at Darwin Airport, having fallen off the foot of Mrs Petrov, wife of the Russian diplomat, as she was forced onto a plane. The ordinary remnants of the Chinese miners do not appear to have been kept. Often, objects can be transformed by subsequent significant events.Museums can be sites of transformation for its audiences. Since the late 1980s, through the concept of the New Museum (Vergo), fashion as an exhibition theme has been used to draw in wider museum audiences and to increase visitor numbers. The clothing of Vivienne Westwood, (34 Years in Fashion 2005, NGA) Kylie Minogue (Kylie: An Exhibition 2004­–2005, Powerhouse Museum), or Princess Grace (Princess Grace: Style Icon 2012, Bendigo Art Gallery) drew in the crowds, quantifying the relevance of museums to funding bodies. As Marie Riegels Melchior notes, fashion is fashionable in museums. What is interesting is that the New Museum’s refrain of social inclusion (Sandell) has yet to be wholly embraced by art museums. There is tension between the fashion and museum worlds: a “collision of the fashion and art worlds” (Batersby). Exhibitions of elite designer clothing worn by celebrities have been seen as very commercial operations, tainting the intellectual and academic reputations of cultural institutions. What does fashion curation have to do with the banner mentioned previously? It would be miraculous for authentic clothing worn by Chinese miners to surface now. In revising the history of Lambing Flat, fashion curators need to employ methodologies of absence. As Clynk and Peoples have shown, by examining archives, newspaper advertisements, merchants’ account books, and other material that incidentally describes the business of clothing, absence can become present. While the later technology of photography often shows “Sunday best” fashions, it also illustrates the ordinary and everyday dress of Chinese men carrying out business transactions (MacGowan; Couchman). The images of these men bring to mind the question: were these the children of men, or indeed the men themselves, who had their pigtails violently cut off years earlier? The banner was also used to show that there are quite detailed accounts of events from local and national newspapers of the day. These are accessible online. Accounts of the Chinese experience may have been written up in Chinese newspapers of the day. Access to these would be limited, if they still exist. Historian Karen Schamberger reminds us of the truism: “history is written by the victors” in her observations of a re-enactment of the riots at the Lambing Flat Festival in 2014. The Chinese actors did not have speaking parts. She notes: The brutal actions of the European miners were not explained which made it easier for audience members to distance themselves from [the Chinese] and be comforted by the actions of a ‘white hero’ James Roberts who… sheltered the Chinese miners at the end of the re-enactment. (9)Elsewhere, just out of town at the Chinese Tribute Garden (created in 1996), there is evidence of presence. Plaques indicating donors to the garden carry names such as Judy Chan, Mrs King Chou, and Mr and Mrs King Lam. The musically illustrious five siblings of the Wong family, who live near Young, were photographed in the Discover Central NSW tourist newspaper in 2015 as a drawcard for the Lambing Flat Festival. There is “endurance”, as the title of NMA animation scroll highlights. Conclusion Absence can be turned around to indicate presence. The “presence of absence” (Meyer and Woodthorpe) can be a powerful tool. Seeing is the pre-eminent sense used in museums, and objects are given priority; there are ways of representing evidence and narratives, and describing relationships, other than fashion presence. This is why I argue that dress has an important role to play in museums. Dress is so specific to time and location. It marks specific occasions, particularly at times of social transitions: christening gowns, bar mitzvah shawls, graduation gowns, wedding dresses, funerary shrouds. Dress can also demonstrate the physicality of a specific body: in the extreme, jeans show the physicality of presence when the body is removed. The fashion displays in the museum tell part of the region’s history, but the distraction of the poor display of the dressed mannequins in the LFFM gets in the way of a “good story”.While rioting against the Chinese miners may cause shame and embarrassment, in Australia we need to accept that this was not an isolated event. More formal, less violent, and regulated mechanisms of entry to Australia were put in place, and continue to this day. It may be that a fashion curator, a brilliant scavenger, may unpick the prey for viewers, placing and spacing objects and the visitor, designing in a way to enchant or horrify the audience, and keeping interest alive throughout the exhibition, allowing spaces for thinking and memories. Drawing in those who have not been the audience, working on the absence through participatory modes of activities, can be powerful for a community. Fashion curators—working with the body, stimulating ethical and conscious behaviours, and constructing dialogues—can undoubtedly act as a vehicle for dynamism, for both the museum and its audiences. As the number of museums grow, so should the number of fashion curators.ReferencesArgus. 10 July 1861. 20 June 2015 ‹http://trove.nla.gov.au/›.Batersby, Selena. “Icons of Fashion.” 2014. 6 June 2015 ‹http://adelaidereview.com.au/features/icons-of-fashion/›.Bitgood, Stephen. “When Is 'Museum Fatigue' Not Fatigue?” Curator: The Museum Journal 2009. 12 Apr. 2015 ‹http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2151-6952.2009.tb00344.x/abstract›. Breward, Christopher, and David Gilbert, eds. Fashion’s World Cities. Oxford: Berg Publications, 2006.Buick, Nadia. “Up Close and Personal: Art and Fashion in the Museum.” Art Monthly Australia Aug. (2011): 242.Clynk, J., and S. Peoples. “All Out in the Wash.” Developing Dress History: New Directions in Method and Practice. Eds. Annabella Pollen and Charlotte Nicklas C. London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming Sep. 2015. Couchman, Sophia. “Making the ‘Last Chinaman’: Photography and Chinese as a ‘Vanishing’ People in Australia’s Rural Local Histories.” Australian Historical Studies 42.1 (2011): 78–91.Coates, Ian. “The Lambing Flat Riots.” Gold and Civilisation. Canberra: The National Museum of Australia, 2011.Clark, Judith. Spectres: When Fashion Turns Back. London: V&A Publications, 2006.Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion. Oxon: Routledge, 1994.Crane, Susan. “The Distortion of Memory.” History and Theory 36.4 (1997): 44–63.Davidson, Patricia. “Museums and the Shaping of Memory.” Heritage Museum and Galleries: An Introductory Reader. Ed. Gerard Corsane. Oxon: Routledge, 2005.Discover Central NSW. Milthorpe: BMCW, Mar. 2015.Dethridge, Anna. Fashion as Social Energy Milan: Connecting Cultures, 2005.Falk, John, and Lyn Dierking. The Museum Experience. Washington: Whaleback Books, 1992.———, John Koran, Lyn Dierking, and Lewis Dreblow. “Predicting Visitor Behaviour.” Curator: The Museum Journal 28.4 (1985): 249–57.Fashion and Politics. 13 July 2015 ‹http://www.fitnyc.edu/5103.asp›.Fashion India: Spectacular Capitalism. 13 July 2015 ‹http://www.tereza-kuldova.com/#!Fashion-India-Spectacular-Capitalism-Exhibition/cd23/85BBF50C-6CB9-4EE5-94BC-DAFDE56ADA96›.Frost, Warwick. “Making an Edgier Interpretation of the Gold Rushes: Contrasting Perspectives from Australia and New Zealand.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 11.3 (2005): 235-250.Mansel, Philip. Dressed to Rule: Royal and Court Costumes from Louis XIV to Elizabeth II. New Haven: Yale UP, 2005.Mazda, Xerxes. “Exhibitions and the Power of Narrative.” Museums Australia National Conference. Sydney, Australia. 23 May 2015. Opening speech.McGowan, Barry. Tracking the Dragon: A History of the Chinese in the Riverina. Wagga Wagga: Museum of the Riverina, 2010.Meyer, Morgan, and Kate Woodthorpe. “The Material Presence of Absence: A Dialogue between Museums and Cemeteries.” Sociological Research Online (2008). 6 July 2015 ‹http://www.socresonline.org.uk/13/5/1.html›.National Museum of Australia. “Harvest of Endurance.” 20 July 2015 ‹http://www.nma.gov.au/collections/collection_interactives/endurance_scroll/harvest_of_endurance_html_version/home›. Peoples, Sharon. “Cinderella and the Brilliant Scavengers.” Paper presented at the Fashion Tales 2015 Conference, Milan, June 2015. Ravelli, Louise. Museum Texts: Communication Frameworks. Oxon: Routledge, 2006.Riegels Melchior, Marie. “Fashion Museology: Identifying and Contesting Fashion in Museums.” Paper presented at Exploring Critical Issues, Mansfield College, Oxford, 22–25 Sep. 2011. Rolls, Eric. Sojourners: The Epic Story of China's Centuries-Old Relationship with Australia. St Lucia: U of Queensland P, 1992.Samuels, Raphael. Theatres of Memory. London: Verso, 2012.Sandell, Richard. “Social Inclusion, the Museum and the Dynamics of Sectorial Change.” Museum and Society 1.1 (2003): 45–62.Schamberger, Karen. “An Inconvenient Myth—the Lambing Flat Riots and Birth of a Nation.” Paper presented at Foundational Histories Australian Historical Conference, University of Sydney, 6–10 July 2015. Smith, Laurajane. The Users of Heritage. Oxon: Routledge, 2006.Vergo, Peter. New Museology. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1989.Williams, Paul. Memorial Museums: The Global Rush to Commemorate Atrocities. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2007.

This paper shows the efficiency and profitability of the textile lohn production in the Republic of North Macedonia as well as in other countries in the Western Balkans, the so-called third countries. This geographical region is attractive because of the cheap labor, as well as the profitability that arises as a result of the economic system of work. The paper makes comparison with the production in Western European countries, where the wage for the labor is several times higher, and at the same time the taxes are also higher. In the global market, the third textile production option is the Far East, or for the most part China, as a favorable option, but with very long delivery times due to the physical distance from the European continent and the transport time for the final products. In this paper we will show the results and analyses through an example of a German textile company oriented towards production of fashion textile products in RN Macedonia, including efficiency of the textile production in the Western Balkans, as the most acceptable option for lohn production. The solutions were based on the concept of improving the efficiency of operations, especially in the area of organization of production operations, in a way that enabled complete elimination of errors, greater productivity and increased quality of the final product, within a precisely defined time frame.

This article examines how the community mental health program run by the Chinese state conceptualizes, mobilizes, and molds the family. My fieldwork shows that, on the one hand, the program defines care biomedically and connects it to managing security risks in the population. The state fashions itself as paternal while displacing most responsibilities for patient care and management onto the supposedly authoritative families. On the other hand, caregivers—mostly women and the elderly—may resort to practices publicly denounced but privately enabled by the program, such as covert medication and home confinement. They do so not only to manage patients from a position of vulnerability and deprivation but also to compassionately engage with patients’ suffering and non-medical desires. These two entangled kinship correlates of state power, which I call “biopolitical paternalism” and its “maternal supplements,” prove critical for understanding the work of community governance in China and beyond.

Western notions of authors’ Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), as expressed within copyright law, maintain a potentially fraught relationship with a range of philosophical and theoretical positions on writing and authorship that have developed within contemporary Western thinking. For Roland Barthes, authorship is compromised, de-identified and multiplied by the very nature of writing: ‘Writing is that neutral, composite, oblique space where our subject slips away, the negative where all identity is lost, starting with the very identity of the body writing’ (142). Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari follow a related line of thought in A Thousand Plateaus: ‘Write, form a rhizome, increase your territory by deterritorialization, extend the line of flight to the point where it becomes an abstract machine covering the entire plane of consistency’ (11). Similarly, in Of Grammatology, Jacques Derrida suggests that ‘Writing is that forgetting of the self, that exteriorization, the contrary of the interiorizing memory’ (24). To the extent that these philosophical and theoretical positions emerge within the practices of creative writers as remixes of appropriation, homage and/or pastiche, prima facie they problematize the commercial rights of writers as outlined in law. The case of Kathy Acker often comes up in such discussions. Acker’s 1984 novel Blood and Guts in High School, for example, incorporates techniques that have attracted the charge of plagiarism as this term is commonly defined. (Peter Wollen notes this in his aptly named essay ‘Death [and Life] of the Author.’) For texts like Acker’s, the comeback against charges of plagiarism usually involves underscoring the quotient of creativity involved in the re-combination or ‘remixing’ of the parts of the original texts. (Pure repetition would, it would seem, be much harder to defend.) ‘Plagiarism’, so-called, was simply one element of Acker’s writing technique; Robert Lort nuances plagiarism as it applies to Acker as ‘pseudo-plagiarism’. According to Wollen, ‘as she always argued, it wasn’t really plagiarism because she was quite open about what she did.’ As we shall demonstrate in more detail later on, however, there is another and, we suggest, more convincing reason why Acker’s work ‘wasn’t really plagiarism.’ This relates to her conscious interest in calligraphy and to her (perhaps unconscious) appropriation of a certain strand of Chinese philosophy. All the same, within the Western context, the consistent enforcement of copyright law guarantees the rights of authors to control the distribution of their own work and thus its monetised value. The author may be ‘dead’ in writing—just the faintest trace of remixed textuality—but he/she is very much ‘alive’ as in recognised at law. The model of the author as free-standing citizen (as a defined legal entity) that copyright law employs is unlikely to be significantly eroded by the textual practices of authors who tarry artistically in the ‘de-authored territories’ mapped by figures like Barthes, Deleuze and Guattari, and Derrida. Crucially, disputes concerning copyright law and the ethics of remix are resolved, within the Western context, at the intersection of relatively autonomous creative and legal domains. In the West, it is seen that these two domains are related within the one social fabric; each nuances the other (as Acker’s example shows in the simultaneity of her legal/commercial status as an author and her artistic practice as a ‘remixer’ of the original works of other authors). Legal and writing issues co-exist even as they fray each other’s boundaries. And in Western countries there is force to the law’s operations. However, the same cannot be said of the situation with respect to copyright law in China. Chinese artists are traditionally regarded as being aloof from mundane legal and commercial matters, with the consequence that the creative and the legal domains tend to ‘miss each other’ within the fabric of Chinese society. To this extent, the efficacy of the law is muted in China when it comes into contact with circumstances of authorship, writing, originality and creativity. (In saying this though, we do not wish to fall into the trap of cultural essentialism: in this article, ‘China’ and ‘The West’ are placeholders for variant cultural tendencies—clustered, perhaps, around China and its disputed territories such as Taiwan on the one hand, and around America on the other—rather than homogeneous national/cultural blocs.) Since China opened its system to Western capitalist economic activity in the 1980s, an ongoing criticism, sourced mainly out of the West, has been that the country lacks proper respect for notions of authorship and, more directly, for authorship’s derivative: copyright law. Tellingly, it took almost ten years of fierce negotiations between elements of the capitalist lobby in China and the Legislative Bureau to make the Seventh National People’s Congress pass the first Copyright Law of the People’s Republic of China on 7 September 1990. A law is one thing though, and adherence to the law is another. Jayanthi Iyengar of Asia Times Online reports that ‘the US government estimates that piracy within China [of all types of products] costs American companies $20-24 billion a year in damages…. If one includes European and Japanese firms, the losses on account of Chinese piracy is in excess of $50 billion annually.’ In 2008, the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) reported that more than 99% of all music files in China are pirated. In the same year, Cara Anna wrote in The Seattle Times that, in desperation at the extent of Chinese infringement of its Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), Microsoft has deployed an anti-piracy tactic that blacks out the screens of computers detected running a fake copy of Windows. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) has filed complaints from many countries against China over IPRs. Iyengar also reports that, under such pressure, the State Intellectual Property Office in Beijing has vowed it will continue to reinforce awareness of IPRs in order to better ensure their protection. Still, from the Western perspective at least, progress on this extremely contentious issue has been excruciatingly slow. Such a situation in respect of Chinese IPRs, however, should not lead to the conclusion that China simply needs to catch up with the more ‘morally advanced’ West. Rather, the problematic relations of the law and of creativity in China allow one to discern, and to trace through ancient Chinese history and philosophy, a different approach to remix that does not come into view so easily within Western countries. Different materialisms of writing and authorship come into play across global space, with different effects. The resistance to both the introduction and the policing of copyright law in China is, we think, the sign of a culture that retains something related to authorship and creativity that Western culture only loosely holds onto. It provides a different way of looking at remix, in the guise of what the West would tend to label plagiarism, as a practice, especially, of creativity. The ‘death’ of the author in China at law (the failure to legislate and/or police his/her rights) brings the author, as we will argue, ‘alive’ in the writing. Remix as anonymous composition (citing Barthes) becomes, in the Chinese example, remix as creative expression of singular feelings—albeit remix set adrift from the law. More concretely, our example of the Chinese writer/writing takes remix to its limit as a practice of repetition without variation—what the West would be likely to call plagiarism. Calligraphy is key to this. Of course, calligraphy is not the full extent of Chinese writing practice—not all writing is calligraphic strictly speaking. But all calligraphy is writing, and in this it influences the ethics of Chinese writing, whether character-based or otherwise, more generally. We will have more to say about the ‘pictorial’ material aspect of Chinese writing later on. In traditional Chinese culture, writing is regarded as a technical practice perfected through reproduction. Chinese calligraphy (visual writing) is learnt through exhaustively tracing and copying the style of the master calligrapher. We are tempted to say that what is at stake in Chinese remix/calligraphy is ‘the difference that cannot be helped:’ that is, the more one tries, as it were, to repeat, the more repetition becomes impossible. In part, this is explained by the interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’). Now, the order of the characters—Qing 情 (‘feelings’) before Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’)—suggests that Qing creates and supports Yun. To this extent, what we have here is something akin to a Western understanding of creative writing (of the creativity of writing) in which individual and singular feelings are given expression in the very movement of the writing itself (through the bodily actions of the writer). In fact though, the Chinese case is more complicated than this, for the apprenticeship model of Chinese calligraphy cultivates a two-way interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’). More directly, the ‘composed body movements’ that one learns from the master calligrapher help compose one’s own ‘feelings’. The very repetition of the master’s work (its remixing, as it were…) enables the creativity of the apprentice. If this model of creativity is found somewhat distasteful from a Western perspective (that is, if it is seen to be too restrictive of originality) then that is because such a view, we think, depends upon a cultural misunderstanding that we will try to clear up here. To wit, the so-called Confucian model of rote learning that is more-or-less frowned upon in the West is not, at least not in the debased form that it adopts in Western stereotypes, the philosophy active in the case of Chinese calligraphy. That philosophy is Taoism. As Wing-Tsit Chan elucidates, ‘by opposing Confucian conformity with non-conformity and Confucian worldliness with a transcendental spirit, Taoism is a severe critic of Confucianism’ (136). As we will show in a moment, Chinese calligraphy exemplifies this special kind of Taoist non-conformity (in which, as Philip J. Ivanhoe limns it, ‘one must unweave the social fabric’). Chan again: ‘As the way of life, [Taoism] denotes simplicity, spontaneity, tranquility, weakness, and most important of all, non-action (wu-wei). By the latter is not meant literally “inactivity” but rather “taking no action that is contrary to Nature”—in other words, letting Nature take its own course’ (136). Thus, this is a philosophy of ‘weakness’ that is neither ‘negativism’ nor ‘absolute quietism’ (137). Taoism’s supposed weakness is rather a certain form of strength, of (in the fullest sense) creative possibilities, which comes about through deference to the way of Nature. ‘Hold fast to the great form (Tao), / And all the world will come’ illustrates this aspect of Taoism in its major philosophical tract, The Lao Tzu (Tao-Te Ching) or The Classic of the Way and its Virtue (section 35, Chan 157). The guiding principle is one of deference to the original (way, Nature or Tao) as a strategy of an expression (of self) that goes beyond the original. The Lao Tzu is full of cryptic, metaphoric expressions of this idea: ‘The pursuit of learning is to increase day after day. / The pursuit of Tao is to decrease day after day. / It is to decrease and further decrease until one reaches the point of taking no action. / No action is undertaken, and yet nothing is left undone’ (section 48, Chan 162). Similarly, The female always overcomes the male by tranquility, / And by tranquility she is underneath. / A big state can take over a small state if it places itself below the small state; / And the small state can take over a big state if it places itself below the big state. / Thus some, by placing themselves below, take over (others), / And some, by being (naturally) low, take over (other states) (section 61, Chan 168). In Taoism, it is only by (apparent) weakness and (apparent) in-action that ‘nothing is left undone’ and ‘states’ are taken over. The two-way interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’), whereby the apprentice copies the master, aligns with this key element of Taoism. Here is the linkage between calligraphy and Taoism. The master’s work is Tao, Nature or the way: ‘Hold fast to the great form (Tao), / And all the world will come’ (section 35, Chan 157). The apprentice’s calligraphy is ‘all the world’ (‘all the world’ being, ultimately in this context, Qing 情 [‘feelings’]). Indeed, Taoism itself is a subtle philosophy of learning (of apprenticeship to a master), unlike Confucianism, which Chan characterises as a doctrine of ‘social order’ (of servitude to a master) (136). ‘“Learn not learn”’ is how Wang Pi, as quoted by Chan (note 121, 170), understands what he himself (Chan) translates as ‘He learns to be unlearned’ (section 64, 170). In unlearning one learns what cannot be taught: this is, we suggest, a remarkable definition of creativity, which also avoids falling into the trap of asserting a one-to-one equivalence between (unlearnt) originality and creativity, for there is both learning and creativity in this Taoist paradox of pedagogy. On this, Michael Meehan points out that ‘originality is an over-rated and misguided concept in many ways.’ (There is even a sense in which, through its deliberate repetition, The Lao Tzu teaches itself, traces over itself in ‘self-plagiarising’ fashion, as if it were reflecting on the re-tracings of calligraphic pedagogy. Chan notes just how deliberate this is: ‘Since in ancient times books consisted of bamboo or wooden slabs containing some twenty characters each, it was not easy for these sentences… to be added by mistake…. Repetitions are found in more than one place’ [note 102, 166].) Thinking of Kathy Acker too as a learner, Peter Wollen’s observation that she ‘incorporated calligraphy… in her books’ and ‘was deeply committed to [the] avant-garde tradition, a tradition which was much stronger in the visual arts’ creates a highly suggestive connection between Acker’s work and Taoism. The Taoist model for learning calligraphy as, precisely, visual art—in which copying subtends creativity—serves to shift Acker away from a Barthesian or Derridean framework and into a Taoist context in which adherence to another’s form (as ‘un-learnt learning’) creatively unravels so-called plagiarism from the inside. Acker’s conscious interest in calligraphy is shown by its prevalence in Blood and Guts in High School. Edward S. Robinson identifies this text as part of her ‘middle phase’, which ‘saw the introduction of illustrations and diagrams to create multimedia texts with a collage-like feel’ (154). To our knowledge, Acker never critically reflected upon her own calligraphic practices; perhaps if she had, she would have troubled what we see as a blindspot in critics’ interpretations of her work. To wit, whenever calligraphy is mentioned in criticism on Acker, it tends to be deployed merely as an example of her cut-up technique and never analysed for its effects in its own cultural, philosophical and material specificity. (Interestingly, if the words of Chinese photographer Liu Zheng are any guide, the Taoism we’re identifying in calligraphy has also worked its way into other forms of Chinese visual art: she refers to ‘loving photographic details and cameras’ with the very Taoist term, ‘lowly’ 低级 [Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 187].) Being ‘lowly’, ‘feminine’ or ‘underneath’ has power as a radical way of learning. We mentioned above that Taoism is very metaphoric. As the co-writer of this paper Cher Coad recalls from her calligraphy classes, students in China grow up with a metaphoric proverb clearly inspired by Lao Tzu’s Taoist philosophy of learning: ‘Learning shall never stop. Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ What could this mean? Before answering this question with recourse to two Western notions that, we hope, will further effect (building on Acker’s example) a rapprochement between Chinese and Western ways of thinking (be they nationally based or not), we reiterate that the infringement of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) in China should not be viewed only as an egregious denial of universally accepted law. Rather, whatever else it may be, we see it as the shadow in the commercial realm—mixed through with all the complexities of Chinese tradition, history and cultural difference, and most particularly of the Taoist strand within Confucianism—of the never-quite-perfect copying of calligraphic writing/remixing. More generally, the re-examination of stereotypical assumptions about Chinese culture cues a re-examination of the meaning behind the copying of products and technology in contemporary, industrialised China. So, ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ What is this ‘more than the blue of black’? Or put differently, why is calligraphic writing, as learnt from the master, always infused with the singular feelings of the (apprentice) writer? The work of Deleuze, Guattari and Claire Parnet provides two possible responses. In On the Line, Deleuze and Guattari (and Deleuze in co-authorship with Parnet) author a number of comments that support the conception we are attempting to develop concerning the lines of Chinese calligraphy. A line, Deleuze and Guattari suggest, is always a line of lines (‘Line of chance, line of hips, line of flight’ [57]). In the section of On the Line entitled ‘Politics’, Deleuze and Parnet outline the impossibility of any line being just one line. If life is a line (as it is said, you throw someone a life line), then ‘We have as many entangled lines in our lives as there are in the palm of a hand’ (71). Of any (hypothetical) single line it can be said that other lines emerge: ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ The feelings of the apprentice calligrapher (his/her multiple lines) emerge through the repeated copying of the lines and composed body movements of the master. The Deleuzean notion of repetition takes this idea further. Repetitive Chinese calligraphy clearly indexes what Claire Colebrook refers to as ‘Deleuze’s concept of eternal return. The only thing that is repeated or returns is difference; no two moments of life can be the same. By virtue of the flow of time, any repeated event is necessarily different (even if different only to the extent that it has a predecessor)’ (121). Now, it might be objected that Chinese calligraphic practices, because of the substantially ideographic nature of Chinese writing (see Kristeva 72-81), allow for material mutations that can find no purchase in Western, alphabetical systems of writing. But the materiality of time that Colebrook refers to as part of her engagement with Deleuzean non-repetitious (untimely) repetition guarantees the materiality of all modes of writing. Furthermore, Julia Kristeva notes that, with any form of language, one cannot leave ‘the realm of materialism’ (6) and Adrian Miles, in his article ‘Virtual Actual: Hypertext as Material Writing,’ sees the apparently very ‘unmaterial’ writing of hypertext ‘as an embodied activity that has its own particular affordances and possibilities—its own constraints and local actualisations’ (1-2). Calligraphic repetition of the master’s model creates the apprentice’s feelings as (inevitable) difference. In this then, the learning by the Chinese apprentice of the lines of the master’s calligraphy challenges international (both Western and non-Western) artists of writing to ‘remix remix’ as a matter—as a materialisation—of the line. Not the line as a self-identical entity of writing that only goes to make up writing more generally; rather, lines as a materialisation of lines within lines within lines. More self-reflexively, even the collaborative enterprise of this article, co-authored as it is by a woman of Chinese ethnicity and a white Australian man, suggests a remixing of writing through, beneath and over each other’s lines. Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’) expresses and maximises Qing 情 (‘feelings’). Taoist ‘un-learnt learning’ generates remix as the singular creativity of the writer. Writers get into a blue with the line—paint it, black. Of course, these ideas won’t and shouldn’t make copyright infringement (or associated legalities) redundant notions. But in exposing the cultural relativisms often buried within the deployment of this and related terms, the idea of lines of lines far exceeds a merely formalistic practice (one cut off from the materialities of culture) and rather suggests a mode of non-repetitious repetition in contact with all of the elements of culture (of history, of society, of politics, of bodies…) wherever these may be found, and whatever their state of becoming. In this way, remix re-creates the depths of culture even as it stirs up its surfaces of writing. References Acker, Kathy. Blood and Guts in High School: A Novel. New York: Grove Press, 1978. Anna, Cara. ‘Microsoft Anti-Piracy Technology Upsets Users in China.’ The Seattle Times. 28 Oct. 2008 ‹http://seattletimes.com/html/businesstechnology/2008321919_webmsftchina28.html›. Barthes, Roland. ‘The Death of the Author.’ Barthes, Roland. Image-Music-Text. London: Fontana Press, 1977. 142-148. Chan, Wing-Tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969. Colebrook, Claire. Gilles Deleuze. London: Routledge, 2002. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. On the Line. New York: Semiotext(e), 1983. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987. Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. International Federation of the Phonographic Industry. ‘Recording Industry Steps Up Campaign against Internet Piracy in China.’ ifpi. 4 Feb. 2008 ‹http://www.ifpi.org/content/section_news/20080204.html›. Ivanhoe, Philip J. ‘Taoism’. The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy. Ed. Robert Audi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 787. Iyengar, Jayanthi. ‘Intellectual Property Piracy Rocks China Boat.’ Asia Times Online. 16 Sept. 2004 ‹http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/FI16Ad07.html›. Kristeva, Julia. Language: The Unknown: An Initiation into Linguistics. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989. Lort, Robert. ‘Kathy Acker (1944-1997).’ Jahsonic: A Vocabulary of Culture. 2003 ‹http://www.jahsonic.com/KathyAcker.html›. Meehan, Michael. ‘Week 5a: Playing with Genres.’ Lecture notes. Unit ALL705. Short Stories: Writers and Readers. Trimester 2. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013. Miles, Adrian. ‘Virtual Actual: Hypertext as Material Writing.’ Studies in Material Thinking 1.2 (April 2008) ‹http://www.materialthinking.org/papers/29›. Robinson, Edward S. Shift Linguals: Cut-up Narratives from William S. Burroughs to the Present. New York: Editions Rodopi, 2011. Three Shadows Photography Art Centre. ‘Photography and Intimate Space Symposium.’ Conversations: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre’s 2007 Symposium Series. Ed. RongRong, inri, et al. Beijing: Three Shadows Press Limited, 2008. 179-191. Wollen, Peter. ‘Death (and Life) of the Author.’ London Review of Books 20.3 (5 Feb. 1998). ‹http://www.lrb.co.uk/v20/n03/peter-wollen/death-and-life-of-the-author›.

Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

IntroductionIn this article, I set out to accomplish two tasks. The first is to map coffee and cafés in Mainland China in different historical periods. The second is to focus on coffee and cafés in the socio-cultural milieu of contemporary China in order to understand the symbolic value of the emerging coffee/café-scape. Cafés, rather than coffee, are at the centre of this current trend in contemporary Chinese cities. With instant coffee dominating as a drink, the Chinese have developed a cultural and social demand for cafés, but have not yet developed coffee palates. Historical Coffee Map In 1901, coffee was served in a restaurant in the city of Tianjin. This restaurant, named Kiessling, was run by a German chef, a former solider who came to China with the eight-nation alliance. At that time, coffee was reserved mostly for foreign politicians and military officials as well as wealthy businessmen—very few ordinary Chinese drank it. (For more history of Kiessling, including pictures and videos, see Kiessling). Another group of coffee consumers were from the cultural elites—the young revolutionary intellectuals and writers with overseas experience. It was almost a fashion among the literary elite to spend time in cafés. However, this was negatively judged as “Western” and “bourgeois.” For example, in 1932, Lu Xun, one of the most important twentieth century Chinese writers, commented on the café fashion during 1920s (133-36), and listed the reasons why he would not visit one. He did not drink coffee because it was “foreigners’ food”, and he was too busy writing for the kind of leisure enjoyed in cafés. Moreover, he did not, he wrote, have the nerve to go to a café, and particularly not the Revolutionary Café that was popular among cultural celebrities at that time. He claimed that the “paradise” of the café was for genius, and for handsome revolutionary writers (who he described as having red lips and white teeth, whereas his teeth were yellow). His final complaint was that even if he went to the Revolutionary Café, he would hesitate going in (Lu Xun 133-36). From Lu Xun’s list, we can recognise his nationalism and resistance to what were identified as Western foods and lifestyles. It is easy to also feel his dissatisfaction with those dilettante revolutionary intellectuals who spent time in cafés, talking and enjoying Western food, rather than working. In contrast to Lu Xun’s resistance to coffee and café culture, another well-known writer, Zhang Ailing, frequented cafés when she lived in Shanghai from the 1920s to 1950s. She wrote about the smell of cakes and bread sold in Kiessling’s branch store located right next to her parents’ house (Yuyue). Born into a wealthy family, exposed to Western culture and food at a very young age, Zhang Ailing liked to spend her social and writing time in cafés, ordering her favourite cakes, hot chocolate, and coffee. When she left Shanghai and immigrated to the USA, coffee was an important part of her writing life: the smell and taste reminding her of old friends and Shanghai (Chunzi). However, during Zhang’s time, it was still a privileged and elite practice to patronise a café when these were located in foreign settlements with foreign chefs, and served mainly foreigners, wealthy businessmen, and cultural celebrities. After 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China, until the late 1970s, there were no coffee shops in Mainland China. It was only when Deng Xiaoping suggested neo-liberalism as a so-called “reform-and-open-up” economic policy that foreign commerce and products were again seen in China. In 1988, ten years after the implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s policy, the Nestlé coffee company made the first inroads into the mainland market, featuring homegrown coffee beans in Yunnan province (China Beverage News; Dong; ITC). Nestlé’s bottled instant coffee found its way into the Chinese market, avoiding a direct challenge to the tea culture. Nestlé packaged its coffee to resemble health food products and marketed it as a holiday gift suitable for friends and relatives. As a symbol of modernity and “the West”, coffee-as-gift meshed with the traditional Chinese cultural custom that values gift giving. It also satisfied a collective desire for foreign products (and contact with foreign cultures) during the economic reform era. Even today, with its competitively low price, instant coffee dominates coffee consumption at home, in the workplace, and on Chinese airlines. While Nestlé aimed their product at native Chinese consumers, the multinational companies who later entered China’s coffee market, such as Sara Lee, mainly targeted international hotels such as IHG, Marriott, and Hyatt. The multinationals also favoured coffee shops like Kommune in Shanghai that offered more sophisticated kinds of coffee to foreign consumers and China’s upper class (Byers). If Nestlé introduced coffee to ordinary Chinese families, it was Starbucks who introduced the coffee-based “third space” to urban life in contemporary China on a signficant scale. Differing from the cafés before 1949, Starbucks stores are accessible to ordinary Chinese citizens. The first in Mainland China opened in Beijing’s China World Trade Center in January 1999, targeting mainly white-collar workers and foreigners. Starbucks coffee shops provide a space for informal business meetings, chatting with friends, and relaxing and, with its 500th store opened in 2011, dominate the field in China. Starbucks are located mainly in the central business districts and airports, and the company plans to have 1,500 sites by 2015 (Starbucks). Despite this massive presence, Starbucks constitutes only part of the café-scape in contemporary Chinese cities. There are two other kinds of cafés. One type is usually located in universities or residential areas and is frequented mainly by students or locals working in cultural professions. A representative of this kind is Sculpting in Time Café. In November 1997, two years before the opening of the first Starbucks in Beijing, two newlywed college graduates opened the first small Sculpting in Time Café near Beijing University’s East Gate. This has been expanded into a chain, and boasts 18 branches on the Mainland. (For more about its history, see Sculpting in Time Café). Interestingly, both Starbucks and Sculpting in Time Café acquired their names from literature, Starbucks from Moby Dick, and Sculpting in Time from the Russian filmmaker Andrei Tarkovsky’s film diary of the same name. For Chinese students of literature and the arts, drinking coffee is less about acquiring more energy to accomplish their work, and more about entering a sensual world, where the aroma of coffee mixes with the sounds from the coffee machine and music, as well as the lighting of the space. More importantly, cafés with this ambience become, in themselves, cultural sites associated with literature, films, and music. Owners of this kind of café are often lovers of foreign literatures, films, and cultures, and their cafés host various cultural events, including forums, book clubs, movie screenings, and music clubs. Generally speaking, coffee served in this kind of café is simpler than in the kind discussed below. This third type of café includes those located in tourist and entertainment sites such as art districts, bar areas, and historical sites, and which are frequented by foreign and native tourists, artists and other cultural workers. If Starbucks cultivates a fast-paced business/professional atmosphere, and Sculpting in Time Cafés an artsy and literary atmosphere, this third kind of café is more like an upscale “bar” with trained baristas serving complicated coffees and emphasising their flavour. These coffee shops are more expensive than the other kinds, with an average price three times that of Starbucks. Currently, cafés of this type are found only in “first-tier” cities and usually located in art districts and tourist areas—such as Beijing’s 798 Art District and Nanluo Guxiang, Shanghai’s Tai Kang Road (a.k.a. “the art street”), and Hangzhou’s Westlake area. While Nestlé and Starbucks use coffee beans grown in Yunnan provinces, these “art cafés” are more inclined to use imported coffee beans from suppliers like Sara Lee. Coffee and Cafés in Contemporary China After just ten years, there are hundreds of cafés in Chinese cities. Why has there been such a demand for coffee or, more accurately, cafés, in such a short period of time? The first reason is the lack of “third space” environments in Mainland China. Before cafés appeared in the late 1990s, stores like KFC (which opened its first store in 1987) and McDonald’s (with its first store opened in 1990) filled this role for urban residents, providing locations where customers could experience Western food, meet friends, work, or read. In fact, KFC and McDonald’s were once very popular with college students looking for a place to study. Both stores had relatively clean food environments and good lighting. They also had air conditioning in the summer and heating in the winter, which are not provided in most Chinese university dormitories. However, since neither chain was set up to be a café and customers occupying seats for long periods while ordering minimal amounts of food or drink affected profits, staff members began to indirectly ask customers to leave after dining. At the same time, as more people were able to afford to eat at KFC and McDonald’s, their fast foods were also becoming more and more popular, especially among young people. As a consequence, both types of chain restaurant were becoming noisy and crowded and, thus, no longer ideal for reading, studying, or meeting with friends. Although tea has been a traditional drink in Chinese culture, traditional teahouses were expensive places more suitable for business meetings or for the cultural or intellectual elite. Since almost every family owns a tea set and can readily purchase tea, friends and family would usually make and consume tea at home. In recent years, however, new kinds of teahouses have emerged, similar in style to cafés, targeting the younger generation with more affordable prices and a wider range of choices, so the lack of a “third space” does not fully explain the café boom. Another factor affecting the popularity of cafés has been the development and uptake of Internet technology, including the increasing use of laptops and wireless Internet in recent years. The Internet has been available in China since the late 1990s, while computers and then laptops entered ordinary Chinese homes in the early twenty-first century. The IT industry has created not only a new field of research and production, but has also fostered new professions and demands. Particularly, in recent years in Mainland China, a new socially acceptable profession—freelancing in such areas as graphic design, photography, writing, film, music, and the fashion industry—has emerged. Most freelancers’ work is computer- and Internet-based. Cafés provide suitable working space, with wireless service, and the bonus of coffee that is, first of all, somatically stimulating. In addition, the emergence of the creative and cultural industries (which are supported by the Chinese government) has created work for these freelancers and, arguably, an increasing demand for café-based third spaces where such people can meet, talk and work. Furthermore, the flourishing of cafés in first-tier cities is part of the “aesthetic economy” (Lloyd 24) that caters to the making and selling of lifestyle experience. Alongside foreign restaurants, bars, galleries, and design firms, cafés contribute to city branding, and link a city to the global urban network. Cafés, like restaurants, galleries and bars, provide a space for the flow of global commodities, as well as for the human flow of tourists, travelling artists, freelancers, and cultural specialists. Finally, cafés provide a type of service that contributes to friendly owner/waiter-customer relations. During the planned-economy era, most stores and hotels in China were State-owned, staff salaries were not related to individual performance, and indifferent (and even unfriendly) service was common. During the economic reform era, privately owned stores and shops began to replace State-owned ones. At the same time, a large number of people from the countryside flowed into the cities seeking opportunities. Most had little if any professional training and so could only find work in factories or in the service industry. However, most café employees are urban, with better educational backgrounds, and many were already familiar with coffee culture. In addition, café owners, particularly those of places like Sculpting in Time Cafe, often invest in creating a positive, community atmosphere, learning about their customers and sharing personal experiences with their regular clients. This leads to my next point—the generation of the 1980s’ need for a social community. Cafés’ Symbolic Value—Community A demand for a sense of community among the generation of the 1980s is a unique socio-cultural phenomenon in China, which paradoxically co-exists with their desire for individualism. Mao Zedong started the “One Child Policy” in 1979 to slow the rapid population growth in China, and the generations born under this policy are often called “the lonely generations,” with both parents working full-time. At the same time, they are “the generation of me,” labelled as spoiled, self-centred, and obsessed with consumption (de Kloet; Liu; Rofel; Wang). The individuals of this generation, now aged in their 20s and 30s, constitute the primary consumers of coffee in China. Whereas individualism is an important value to them, a sense of community is also desirable in order to compensate for their lack of siblings. Furthermore, the 1980s’ generation has also benefitted from the university expansion policy implemented in 1999. Since then, China has witnessed a surge of university students and graduates who not only received scientific and other course-based knowledge, but also had a better chance to be exposed to foreign cultures through their books, music, and movies. With this interesting tension between individualism and collectivism, the atmosphere provided by cafés has fostered a series of curious temporary communities built on cultural and culinary taste. Interestingly, it has become an aspiration of many young college students and graduates to open a community-space style café in a city. One of the best examples is the new Henduoren’s (Many People’s) Café. This was a project initiated by Wen Erniu, a recent college graduate who wanted to open a café in Beijing but did not have sufficient funds to do so. She posted a message on the Internet, asking people to invest a minimum of US$316 to open a café with her. With 78 investors, the café opened in September 2011 in Beijing (see pictures of Henduoren’s Café). In an interview with the China Daily, Wen Erniu stated that, “To open a cafe was a dream of mine, but I could not afford it […] We thought opening a cafe might be many people’s dream […] and we could get together via the Internet to make it come true” (quoted in Liu 2011). Conclusion: Café Culture and (Instant) Coffee in China There is a Chinese saying that, if you hate someone—just persuade him or her to open a coffee shop. Since cafés provide spaces where one can spend a relatively long time for little financial outlay, owners have to increase prices to cover their expenses. This can result in fewer customers. In retaliation, cafés—particularly those with cultural and literary ambience—host cultural events to attract people, and/or they offer food and wine along with coffee. The high prices, however, remain. In fact, the average price of coffee in China is often higher than in Europe and North America. For example, a medium Starbucks’ caffè latte in China averaged around US$4.40 in 2010, according to the price list of a Starbucks outlet in Shanghai—and the prices has recently increased again (Xinhua 2012). This partially explains why instant coffee is still so popular in China. A bag of instant Nestlé coffee cost only some US$0.25 in a Beijing supermarket in 2010, and requires only hot water, which is accessible free almost everywhere in China, in any restaurant, office building, or household. As an habitual, addictive treat, however, coffee has not yet become a customary, let alone necessary, drink for most Chinese. Moreover, while many, especially those of the older generations, could discern the quality and varieties of tea, very few can judge the quality of the coffee served in cafés. As a result, few Mainland Chinese coffee consumers have a purely somatic demand for coffee—craving its smell or taste—and the highly sweetened and creamed instant coffee offered by companies like Nestlé or Maxwell has largely shaped the current Chinese palate for coffee. Ben Highmore has proposed that “food spaces (shops, restaurants and so on) can be seen, for some social agents, as a potential space where new ‘not-me’ worlds are encountered” (396) He continues to expand that “how these potential spaces are negotiated—the various affective registers of experience (joy, aggression, fear)—reflect the multicultural shapes of a culture (its racism, its openness, its acceptance of difference)” (396). Cafés in contemporary China provide spaces where one encounters and constructs new “not-me” worlds, and more importantly, new “with-me” worlds. While café-going communicates an appreciation and desire for new lifestyles and new selves, it can be hoped that in the near future, coffee will also be appreciated for its smell, taste, and other benefits. Of course, it is also necessary that future Chinese coffee consumers also recognise the rich and complex cultural, political, and social issues behind the coffee economy in the era of globalisation. References Byers, Paul [former Managing Director, Sara Lee’s Asia Pacific]. Pers. comm. Apr. 2012. China Beverage News. “Nestlé Acquires 70% Stake in Chinese Mineral Water Producer.” (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://chinabevnews.wordpress.com/2010/02/21/nestle-acquires-70-stake-in-chinese-mineral-water-producer›. Chunzi. 张爱玲地图[The Map of Eileen Chang]. 汉语大词典出版 [Hanyu Dacidian Chubanshe], 2003. de Kloet, Jeroen. China with a Cut: Globalization, Urban Youth and Popular Music. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2010. Dong, Jonathan. “A Caffeinated Timeline: Developing Yunnan’s Coffee Cultivation.” China Brief (2011): 24-26. Highmore, Ben. “Alimentary Agents: Food, Cultural Theory and Multiculturalism.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, 29.4 (2008): 381-98. ITC (International Trade Center). The Coffee Sector in China: An Overview of Production, Trade And Consumption, 2010. Liu, Kang. Globalization and Cultural Trends in China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. Liu, Zhihu. “From Virtual to Reality.” China Daily (Dec. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2011-12/26/content_14326490.htm›. Lloyd, Richard. Neobohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City. London: Routledge, 2006. Lu, Xun. “Geming Kafei Guan [Revolutionary Café]”. San Xian Ji. Taibei Shi: Feng Yun Shi Dai Chu Ban Gong Si: Fa Xing Suo Xue Wen Hua Gong Si, Mingguo 78 (1989): 133-36. Rofel, Lisa. Desiring China: Experiments in Neoliberalism, Sexuality, and Public Culture. Durham and London: Duke UP, 2007: 1-30. “Starbucks Celebrates Its 500th Store Opening in Mainland China.” Starbucks Newsroom (Oct. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012. ‹http://news.starbucks.com/article_display.cfm?article_id=580›. Wang, Jing. High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: U of California P, 1996. Xinhua. “Starbucks Raises Coffee Prices in China Stores.” Xinhua News (Jan. 2012). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-01/31/c_131384671.htm›. Yuyue. Ed. “On the History of the Western-Style Restaurants: Aileen Chang A Frequent Customer of Kiessling.” China.com.cn (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.china.com.cn/culture/txt/2010-01/30/content_19334964.htm›.

In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, where income has become precarious and Internet use has soared, the influencer industry has to strategise over new ways to sustain viewer attention, maintain income flows, and innovate around formats and messaging, to avoid being excluded from continued commercial possibilities. In this article, we review the press coverage of the influencer markets in Australia, Japan, and Korea, and consider how the industry has been attempting to navigate their way through the pandemic through deviations and detours. We consider the narratives and groups of influencers who have been included and excluded in shaping the discourse about influencer strategies in the time of COVID-19. The distinction between inclusion and exclusion has been a crucial mechanism to maintain the social normativity, constructed with gender, sexuality, wealth, able-ness, education, age, and so on (Stäheli and Stichweh, par. 3; Hall and Du Gay 5; Bourdieu 162). The influencer industry is the epitome of where the inclusion-exclusion binary is noticeable. It has been criticised for serving as a locus where social norms, such as femininity and middle-class identities, are crystallised and endorsed in the form of visibility and attention (Duffy 234; Abidin 122). Many are concerned about the global expansion of the influencer industry, in which young generations are led to clickbait and sensational content and normative ways of living, in order to be “included” by their peer groups and communities and to avoid being “excluded” (Cavanagh). However, COVID-19 has changed our understanding of the “normal”: people staying home, eschewing social communications, and turning more to the online where they can feel “virtually” connected (Lu et al. 15). The influencer industry also has been affected by COVID-19, since the images of normativity cannot be curated and presented as they used to be. In this situation, it is questionable how the influencer industry that pivots on the inclusion-exclusion binary is adjusting to the “new normal” brought by COVID-19, and how the binary is challenged or maintained, especially by exploring the continuities and discontinuities in industry. Methodology This cross-cultural study draws from a corpus of articles from Australia, Japan, and Korea published between January and May 2020, to investigate how local news outlets portrayed the contingencies undergone by the influencer industry, and what narratives or groups of influencers were excluded in the process. An extended discussion of our methodology has been published in an earlier article (Abidin et al. 5-7). Using the top ranked search engine of each country (Google for Australia and Japan, Naver for Korea), we compiled search results of news articles from the first ten pages (ten results per page) of each search, prioritising reputable news sites over infotainment sites, and by using targeted keyword searches: for Australia: ‘influencer’ and ‘Australia’ and ‘COVID-19’, ‘coronavirus’, ‘pandemic’; for Japan: ‘インフルエンサー’ (influensā) and ‘コロナ’ (korona), ‘新型コロ ナ’ (shin-gata korona), ‘コロナ禍’ (korona-ka); for Korea: ‘인플루언서’ (Influencer) and ‘코로나’ (corona) and ‘팬데믹’ (pandemic). 111 articles were collected (42 for Australia, 31 for Japan, 38 for Korea). In this article, we focus on a subset of 60 articles and adopt a grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 5) to manually conduct open, axial, and close coding of their headline and body text. Each headline was translated by the authors and coded for a primary and secondary ‘open code’ across seven categories: Income loss, Backlash, COVID-19 campaign, Misinformation, Influencer strategy, Industry shifts, and Brand leverage. The body text was coded in a similar manner to indicate all the relevant open codes covered in the article. In this article, we focus on the last two open codes that illustrate how brands have been working with influencers to tide through COVID-19, and what the overall industry shifts were on the three Asia-Pacific country markets. Table 1 (see Appendix) indicates a full list of our coding schema. Inclusion of the Normal in Shifting Brand Preferences In this section, we consider two main shifts in brand preferences: an increased demand for influencers, and a reliance on influencers to boost viewer/consumer traffic. We found that by expanding digital marketing through Influencers, companies attempted to secure a so-called “new normal” during the pandemic. However, their marketing strategies tended to reiterate the existing inclusion-exclusion binary and exacerbated the lack of diversity and inequality in the industry. Increased Demand for Influencers Across the three country markets, brokers and clients in the influencer industry increased their demand for influencers’ services and expertise to sustain businesses via advertising in the “aftermath of COVID-19”, as they were deemed to be more cost-efficient “viral marketing on social media” (Yoo). By outsourcing content production to influencers who could still produce content independently from their homes (Cheik-Hussein) and who engage with audiences with their “interactive communication ability” (S. Kim and Cho), many companies attempted to continue their business and maintain their relationships with prospective consumers (Forlani). As the newly enforced social distancing measures have also interrupted face-to-face contact opportunities, the mass pivot towards influencers for digital marketing is perceived to further professionalise the industry via competition and quality control in all three countries (Wilkinson; S. Kim and Cho; Yadorigi). By integrating these online personae of influencers into their marketing, the business side of each country is moving towards the new normal in different manners. In Australia, businesses launched campaigns showcasing athlete influencers engaging in meaningful activities at home (e.g. yoga, cooking), and brands and companies reorganised their marketing strategies to highlight social responsibilities (Moore). On the other hand, for some companies in the Japanese market, the disruption from the pandemic was a rare opportunity to build connections and work with “famous” and “prominent” influencers (Yadorigi), otherwise unavailable and unwilling to work for smaller campaigns during regular periods of an intensely competitive market. In Korea, by emphasising their creative ability, influencers progressed from being “mere PR tools” to becoming “active economic subjects of production” who now can play a key role in product planning for clients, mediating companies and consumers (S. Kim and Cho). The underpinning premise here is that influencers are tech-savvy and therefore competent in creating media content, forging relationships with people, and communicating with them “virtually” through social media. Reliance on Influencers to Boost Viewer/Consumer Traffic Across several industry verticals, brands relied on influencers to boost viewership and consumer traffic on their digital estates and portals, on the premise that influencers work in line with the attention economy (Duffy 234). The fashion industry’s expansion of influencer marketing was noticeable in this manner. For instance, Korean department store chains (e.g. Lotte) invited influencers to “no-audience live fashion shows” to attract viewership and advertise fashion goods through the influencers’ social media (Y. Kim), and Australian swimwear brand Vitamin A partnered with influencers to launch online contests to invite engagement and purchases on their online stores (Moore). Like most industries where aspirational middle-class lifestyles are emphasised, the travel industry also extended partnerships with their current repertoire of influencers or international influencers in order to plan for the post-COVID-19 market recovery and post-border reopening tourism boom (Moore; Yamatogokoro; J. Lee). By extension, brands without any prior relationships with influencers, whcih did not have such histories to draw on, were likely to have struggled to produce new influencer content. Such brands could thus only rely on hiring influencers specifically to leverage their follower base. The increasing demand for influencers in industries like fashion, food, and travel is especially notable. In the attention economy where (media) visibility can be obtained and maintained (Duffy 121), media users practice “visibility labor” to curate their media personas and portray branding themselves as arbiters of good taste (Abidin 122). As such, influencers in genres where personal taste can be visibly presented—e.g. fashion, travel, F&B—seem to have emerged from the economic slump with a head start, especially given their dominance on the highly visual platform of Instagram. Our analysis shows that media coverage during COVID-19 repeated the discursive correlation between influencers and such hyper-visible or visually-oriented industries. However, this dominant discourse about hyper-visible influencers and the gendered genres of their work has ultimately reinforced norms of self-presentation in the industry—e.g. being feminine, young, beautiful, luxurious—while those who deviate from such norms seem to be marginalised and excluded in media coverage and economic opportunities during the pandemic cycle. Including Newness by Shifting Format Preferences We observed the inclusion of newness in the influencer scenes in all three countries. By shifting to new formats, the previously excluded and lesser seen aspects of our lives—such as home-based content—began to be integrated into the “new normal”. There were four main shifts in format preferences, wherein influencers pivoted to home-made content, where livestreaming is the new dominant format of content, and where followers preferred more casual influencer content. Influencers Have Pivoted to Home-Made Content In all three country markets, influencers have pivoted to generating content based on life at home and ideas of domesticity. These public displays of homely life corresponded with the sudden occurrence of being wired to the Internet all day—also known as “LAN cable life” (랜선라이프, lan-seon life) in the Korean media—which influencers were chiefly responsible for pioneering (B. Kim). While some genres like gaming and esports were less impacted upon by the pivot, given that the nature and production of the content has always been confined to a desktop at home (Cheik-Hussein), pivots occurred for the likes of outdoor brands (Moore), the culinary industry (Dean), and fitness and workout brands (Perelli and Whateley). In Korea, new trends such as “home cafes” (B. Kim) and DIY coffees—like the infamous “Dalgona-Coffee” that was first introduced by a Korean YouTuber 뚤기 (ddulgi)—went viral on social media across the globe (Makalintal). In Japan, the spike in influencers showcasing at-home activities (Hayama) also encouraged mainstream TV celebrities to open social media accounts explicitly to do the same (Kamada). In light of these trends, the largest Multi-Channel Network (MCN) in Japan, UUUM, partnered with one of the country’s largest entertainment industries, Yoshimoto Kogyo, to assist the latter’s comedian talents to establish a digital video presence—a trend that was also observed in Korea (Koo), further underscoring the ubiquity of influencer practices in the time of COVID-19. Along with those creators who were already producing content in a domestic environment before COVID-19, it was the influencers with the time and resources to quickly pivot to home-made content who profited the most from the spike in Internet traffic during the pandemic (Noshita). The benefits of this boost in traffic were far from equal. For instance, many others who had to turn to makeshift work for income, and those who did not have conducive living situations to produce content at home, were likely to be disadvantaged. Livestreaming Is the New Dominant Format Amidst the many new content formats to be popularised during COVID-19, livestreaming was unanimously the most prolific. In Korea, influencers were credited for the mainstreaming and demotising (Y. Kim) of livestreaming for “live commerce” through real-time advertorials and online purchases. Livestreaming influencers were solicited specifically to keep international markets continuously interested in Korean products and cultures (Oh), and livestreaming was underscored as a main economic driver for shaping a “post-COVID-19” society (Y. Kim). In Australia, livestreaming was noted among art (Dean) and fitness influencers (Dean), and in Japan it began to be adopted among major fashion brands like Prada and Chloe (Saito). While the Australian coverage included livestreaming on platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Twitch, and Douyin (Cheik-Hussein; Perelli and Whateley; Webb), the Japanese coverage highlighted the potential for Instagram Live to target young audiences, increase feelings of “trustworthiness”, and increase sales via word-of-mouth advertising (Saito). In light of reduced client campaigns, influencers in Australia had also used livestreaming to provide online consulting, teaching, and coaching (Perelli and Whateley), and to partner with brands to provide masterclasses and webinars (Sanders). In this era, influencers in genres and verticals that had already adopted streaming as a normative practice—e.g. gaming and lifestyle performances—were likely to have had an edge over others, while other genres were excluded from this economic silver lining. Followers Prefer More Casual Influencer Content In general, all country markets report followers preferring more casual influencer content. In Japan, this was offered via the potential of livestreaming to deliver more “raw” feelings (Saito), while in Australia this was conveyed through specific content genres like “mental or physical health battles” (Moore); specific aesthetic choices like appearing “messier”, less “curated”, and “more unfiltered” (Wilkinson); and the growing use of specific emergent platforms like TikTok (Dean, Forlani, Perelli, and Whateley). In Korea, influencers in the photography, travel, and book genres were celebrated for their new provision of pseudo-experiences during COVID-19-imposed social distancing (Kang). Influencers on Instagram also spearheaded new social media trends, like the “#wheredoyouwannago_challenge” where Instagram users photoshopped themselves into images of famous tourist spots around the world (Kang). Conclusion In our study of news articles on the impact of COVID-19 on the Australian, Japanese, and Korean influencer industries during the first wave of the pandemic, influencer marketing was primed to be the dominant and default mode of advertising and communication in the post-COVID-19 era (Tate). In general, specific industry verticals that relied more on visual portrayals of lifestyles and consumption—e.g. fashion, F&B, travel—to continue partaking in economic recovery efforts. However, given the gendered genre norms in the industry, this meant that influencers who were predominantly feminine, young, beautiful, and luxurious experienced more opportunity over others. Further, influencers who did not have the resources or skills to pivot to the “new normals” of creating content from home, engaging in livestreaming, and performing their personae more casually were excluded from these new economic opportunities. Across the countries, there were minor differences in the overall perception of influencers. There was an increasingly positive perception of influencers in Japan and Korea, due to new norms and pandemic-related opportunities in the media ecology: in Korea, influencers were considered to be the “vanguard of growing media commerce in the post-pandemonium era” (S. Kim and Cho), and in Japan, influencers were identified as critical vehicles during a more general consumer shift from traditional media to social media, as TV watching time is reduced and home-based e-commerce purchases are increasingly popular (Yadogiri). However, in Australia, in light of the sudden influx of influencer marketing strategies during COVID-19, the market seemed to be saturated more quickly: brands were beginning to question the efficiency of influencers, cautioned that their impact has not been completely proven for all industry verticals (Stephens), and have also begun to reduce commissions for influencer affiliate programmes as a cost-cutting measure (Perelli and Whateley). While news reports on these three markets indicate that there is some level of growth and expansion for various influencers and brands, such opportunities were not experienced equally, with some genres and demographics of influencers and businesses being excluded from pandemic-related pivots and silver linings. Further, in light of the increasing commercial opportunities, pressure for more regulations also emerged; for example, the Korean government announced new investigations into tax avoidance (Han). Not backed up by talent agencies or MCNs, independent influencers are likely to be more exposed to the disciplinary power of shifting regulatory practices, a condition which might have hindered their attempt at diversifying their income streams during the pandemic. Thus, while it is tempting to focus on the privileged and novel influencers who have managed to cling on to some measure of success during the pandemic, scholarly attention should also remember those who are being excluded and left behind, lest generations, cohorts, genres, or subcultures of the once-vibrant influencer industry fade into oblivion. References Abidin, Crystal. “#In$tagLam: Instagram as a repository of taste, a burgeoning marketplace, a war of eyeballs.” Mobile Media Making in an Age of Smartphones. Eds. Marsha Berry and Max Schleser. New York: Palgrave Pivot, 2014. 119-128. <https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137469816_11>. 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<p>The Internet we know today is both content filtered and packet shaped. Subsequently, it is not the free operating zone of meta-space early proponents expected. Contrary to conventional wisdom, a multitude of actors have shown an increased willingness to intervene and control communication via the Internet with precision and effectiveness. This paper employs the Copenhagen School’s conceptualisation of securitisation at the macro level to address the issue of global Internet filtering from a “network” position between traditional “national” security and critical “individual” security. It looks at the ways in which intervention into the Internet’s infrastructure is leveraged for governance through various research programs such as Ronald Deibert’s Open Net Initiative, which probes all aspects of a national information infrastructure over the long term, concluding that the scope, scale, and sophistication of global Internet filtering are increasing in non-transparent fashions.</p> <p>It should come as no surprise that since its dissemination, authoritarian regimes such as China, Iran and, Saudi Arabia have actively engaged in Internet filtering practices. What is troublesome is that advanced industrialised countries including Canada, Germany, and the United States have also followed suit. Reasons for doing so include: the securitisation of information communication after 9/11, to restricting access to material involving the sexual exploitation of children as well as ‘extremist’ websites. Considering these securitising moves, this paper argues that the more that filtering practices are withheld from public scrutiny and accountability, the more temping it is for framing authorities to employ these tools for illegitimate reasons such as the stifling of both opposition and civil society networks. Furthermore, due to increased connectivity, transparent Internet requires desecuritisation of social agents and international security structures in order to ensure more free information.</p>