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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascist camp'
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1
Alix-Nicolaï, Florian. "Exile Drama: The Translation of Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall (1939)." Translation and Literature 24, no. 2 (July 2015): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2015.0201.
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Ernst Toller's Pastor Hall, one of the first plays to depict life in a concentration camp, counts among the few anti-Nazi dramas translated into English before World War Two. The process by which it came to the British stage reveals the impact of censorship on authors and translators of anti-Fascist plays. It also reveals conflicting aesthetic strategies to tackle fascism. While Toller relied on straightforward documentary realism, one of his translators, W. H. Auden, championed anti-illusionism and distrusted propaganda art. In the cultural fight to reclaim Germany's heritage from the Nazis, German writers in exile viewed translations as urgent messages demanding prompt action, whereas British writers tended to see them as an archive for future generations.
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Atlagić, Marko. "Croatian scientists and politicians falsifying the number of victims in the Jasenovac concentration camp in the ISC from 1941 to 1945." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2002079a.
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The Jasenovac Concentration Camp, run by the Ustashas in the ISC from 1941 to 1945, was the largest human slaughterhouse in the Balkans and one of the biggest concentration camps in Europe in the Second World War. In was where the crime of genocide was committed in the most cruel fashion against 800 000 Serbs, 40 000 Jews and 60 000 Roma, as well as the murder of around 4000 Croat, 2000 Slovene and 1800 Muslim antifascists. The terrible crimes of genocide were documented by local as well as foreign historical sources and even the very participants in the events. Recently, we have been witnesses to the daily falsifying of not only the number of Jasenovac victims but also the character of the camp itself by Croatian historians and statesmen. Their aim is to redefine the fascist past of Croatia in order to avoid having to face the crime of genocide committed against Serbs not only in the so-called Independent State of Croatia [ISC] (1941-1945) but also during the so-called Homeland War (1991-1995). This presents a very clear danger for the future of so-called Independent State of Croatia (ISC). Also misrepresented is the nature of the camp itself, which is falsely defined as a labor camp or even holiday camp. Amongst others, the persons involved in this altering of facts are: Ivan Supek, Academy member, Josip Pečarić, Academy member, Prof. Stjepan Razum, Igor Vukić, Mladen Ivezić, Franjo Kuharić, the Society for the Study of the Jasenovac Triple Camp [Društvo za istraživanje trostrukog logora Jasenovac], Dr Franjo Tuđman and Stjepan Mesić. The first and greatest distortion of the number of victims and the character of the camp was performed by Dr Franjo Tuđman, who established the foundations for this in his works, and in particular in his book Wastelands of Historical reality. The aim of these falsifications is a redefining of the fascist past of the country, the misrepresentation of fascists as antifascists and antifascists as fascists. All of this represents a serious danger for the future of Croatia, which is failing to come to terms with the past and refusing to condemn the all of the crimes committed, including genocide. Croatia today, an independent and democratic country, is showing signs of Ustasha tendencies, much like those seen in Pavelić's ISC. It is necessary to face this fact and the sooner it is done, the better it will be for the people of the Republic of Croatia.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Impey, Nick. "Ideas of sex." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 1 (August 17, 2011): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.1.06.
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Both The Night Porter (Cavani) and The Gestapo’s Last Orgy (Canevari) are often referred to as exploitation. Exploitation cinema’s focus on empty excess is in line with the exaggeration/superficiality of “Camp”. Despite Susan Sontag’s separation of “Camp” elements and homosexual-Camp elements, subsequent
 commentators have argued that Camp is an exclusively gay critique of the artificial nature of the “performance” of hetero-normative gender roles. My article looks at the ways in which lesbian filmmaker Liliana Cavani discusses queer sexuality through a Camp play on gender roles, and how this same discourse is
 “developed” in Canevari’s virtual remake. German/Italian fascist ideology’s preoccupation with the perfected male body and Hitler’s original acceptance of homosexuality contributed to the presence of a lingering (masculine) homoeroticism in Nazi iconography. Holocaust history of Nazi domination enhanced this masculine image. Accordingly, the two filmmakers use a binary of male (masculine) Nazi dominator and female submissive prisoner, which is possessing of a heterosexual quality made fragile by the history of fascist sexual ambiguity. Essentially, my paper argues that the films’ disruption of the traditional images of Nazi aggressor/innocent victim through the protagonists’ depicted collaboration corresponds with the filmmakers’ blurring of masculine/feminine roles in their individual statements about queer sexuality.
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Panizza, Cesare. "Nicola Chiaromonte e la guerra civile spagnola." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 39 (May 2012): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-039010.
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This essay reconstructs the involvement of Nicola Chiaromonte in the Spanish Civil War. For very short this experience was in fact an episode of great importance for his biography(life experience). Chiaromonte was an anti-fascist which was exiled in France. In August 1936 Chiaromente went to Madrid convinced that the defense of the Spanish republic coincides with the beginning of an international mobilization against Fascism. There he becomes a bomber with the air squadron organized by his friend the writer Andre Malraux. At the end of November he returned to France because he feels exhausted revolutionary hopes that had animated the popular resistance to the military coup, also because of the increasingly important role assumed by the Communist International in the republican camp.
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Agostini-Ouafi, Viviana. "La traduction et le fascisme : quelques réflexions à partir des théories de Croce et Gentile." Translationes 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tran-2016-0002.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the vitality of the translation market in fascist Italy, despite the censorship affecting primarily Gramsci as a translator and theorist of translation, and, starting from the 1920 polemic between the idealist philosophers Croce and Gentile, it studies the theories emerging between the two world wars. The anti-fascist Croce denies the possibility of translating in the name of an aristocratic and romantic idea of art, and thus pushes critics in his camp, such as Debenedetti, to resort to different paths. Although Gentile claims to embody the fascist intellectual, his view on art is in contradiction with his view on power: subjective deconstruction and state authoritarianism, interpretive freedom and ideological violence coexist to the point where his reflections on translation get absurdly close to Benjamin’s.
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Sikorski, Tomasz. "„Klatka Ezry”. Między poezją a polityką." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 38, no. 3 (July 11, 2017): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.38.3.4.
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EZRA’S CAGE”. BETWEEN POETRY AND POLITICSEzra Pound 1885–1975 was, next to Thomas Stearns Eliot, the most prominent American poet of modernist. He was considered the creator of vorticism and imagism — modern trends in art and world culture. In his works he reached to different eras and cultural trends. He was as well fascinated by medieval Provençal, Spanish and Italian literature, and Japanese art of haiku. On his work also had an impact scholasticism, Confucianism and Far East literature. In addition to poetry, Pound was also involved in literary criticism, painting and sculpture, he wrote historiosophical essays and dramas. The greatest fame brought him, however, written for many years, „Canto”. During his stay in the British Isles he also dealt with politics and economics. He was considered a supporter of the theory of Social Credit of Hugh Douglas Clifford, aBritish engineer and economic theorist. In the early twenties Pound went to Italy. Here he became fascinated with fascism and the person of Benitto Musollini. In his works including his poetic works appeared clear fascist and anti-Semitic accents. He criticized Jewish international financiers and banking critique of usury. During World War II he gave propaganda „talks” in the Italian radio. He praised the organization of the fascist state and fascism as an idea, and at the same time warned the threat from international Jewish conspiracy. His views meant that he was accused of collaboration and treason. He was arrested and imprisoned in the US prison camp near Genoa. He spent almost amonth in aclosed cage. During his stay in the camp he had nervous breakdown. After transportation to the United States for many years he was locked out in hospital for mentally ill. After leaving the hospital, he returned to public space. Still creative, he was nominated for the most prestigious literary awards. His works have been translated into many languages around the world, including Polish. He died in Italy in 1975.
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Panagiotopoulos, Dimitris, and Juan Carmona-Zabala. "The first peasant and his fellow travellers: state control over Greek agricultural institutions under Metaxas." Rural History 30, no. 02 (September 12, 2019): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793319000128.
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AbstractState control over Greece’s agricultural institutions increased during Metaxas’s authoritarian regime (1936–41). Analysing such state control allows us to address, in the Greek context, two questions with regard to fascist agrarian regimes. First, considering the trajectory of agricultural policy before the emergence of these regimes, how much of what they did was new, and how much was not? Second, how did the cadres of agricultural specialists participate in, or at least accommodate, the new regimes? Our research shows that Metaxas received support from the agronomists who had been active in Greece under previous liberal administrations. Such support did not take the form of laudatory statements or ideology-driven activism. It was rather a discreet acceptance of the new circumstances, combined with defection from one’s previous political camp. Metaxas’s dictatorship inherited most traits that made it a fascist agricultural regime from previous liberal administrations.
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Getachew, Yohannes Tesfaye. "A History of Koshe Town in South-Central Ethiopia from 1941 to 1991." Ethnologia Actualis 20, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2021-0006.
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Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.
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Gianotti, Gian Franco. "Storia di un antifascista siciliano, professore di lingue classiche: Carmelo Salanitro (Adrano, 1894 – Mauthausen, 1945) = History of a Sicilian antifascist, professor of classics: Carmelo Salanitro (Adrano, 1894 – Mauthausen, 1945)." ΠΗΓΗ/FONS 3, no. 1 (June 7, 2019): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/fons.2019.4580.
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Resumen: Basado en el análisis de un libro reciente (Pietro Scalisi, L’onore e la viltà. In Memoria di Carmelo Salanitro Martire del Libero Pensiero, 2016), el artículo recorre la vida y el legado de Carmelo Salanitro, un antifascista siciliano condenado por la dictadura italiana y muerto en un campo de exterminio alemán. En la biografía de Salanitro se destaca el estrecho vínculo entre los estudios clásicos, la enseñanza de latín y griego y la búsqueda de la libertad: una relación ejemplar en la historia europea de la primera mitad del siglo XX.Palabras clave: Carmelo Salanitro, antifascismo, Segunda Guerra Mundial, idiomas clásicos, escuela italiana.Abstract: Based on a recent book (Pietro Scalisi, L’onore e la viltà. In Memoria di Carmelo Salanitro Martire del Libero Pensiero, 2016), the article traces the life and the witness of freedom of Carmelo Salanitro, a Sicilian anti-fascist condemned by the Italian dictatorship and died in a German extermination camp. In the biography of Salanitro stands out the close link between classical studies, teaching of Latin and Greek and the pursuit of freedom: an exemplary relationship in the European history of the first half of the 20th century.Keywords: Carmelo Salanitro, Anti-fascism, Second World War, Classical languages, Italian school.
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Griffin, Roger. "Football in no-man’s-land? The prospects for a fruitful ‘inter-camp’ dialogue within fascist studies." European Journal of Political Theory 11, no. 4 (October 2012): 474–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885112448882.
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Duroux, Rose. "Help of neutral countries in the return to life of the Women deportees from Ravensbrück camp. The Spanish Women case." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.024.
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Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.
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Chernobay, Olga L. "The Anti-Fascist Underground in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp in the Testimony of N.S. Simakov (1946–1947)." Historical Courier, no. 3 (June 28, 2021): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/2618-9100-2021-3-22.
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Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.
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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.
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Fareld, Victoria. "Entangled memories of violence: Jean Améry and Frantz Fanon." Memory Studies 14, no. 1 (February 2021): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698020976460.
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In this article I discuss the entangled memories of the Holocaust and the anticolonial struggles in Western Europe in the 1960s by relating the writings of Jean Améry and Frantz Fanon. My aim is to show how Améry’s retrospective narrative of his lived experience in the Nazi camp was formed by his reading of Fanon’s experiences of colonialism, and how Fanon’s narrative of the colonial trauma was transposed and translated into Améry’s public testimony as a Holocaust survivor. The article argues that Améry’s individual memories found a certain mediated cultural form and narrative frame in the contemporaneous situation of decolonisation. The multilayered weave of fascist and colonial violence constituting Améry’s testimony highlights questions of memory’s multidirectionality and casts new light on how cultural memorial forms are shaped and shared.
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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.
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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.
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Miński, Radomir. "Robert Michels — zapoznany klasyk socjologii." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 61, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2017.61.4.9.
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Robert Michels (1876–1936) considered himself to be a disillusioned socialist, who, under the influence of elitism, rejected democracy and moved into the fascist camp. As a figure in sociology he is associated solely with the “iron law of oligarchy.” In Poland, it is a little-known fact that in Western social thought he is viewed as a socially engaged sociologist—a “genuine” researcher gifted with sociological imagination and a passion for scholarship. The aim of the author is to present Michels as a scholar in many areas: feminist issues, local patriotism in the context of national citizenship, phenomena of a general sociological nature, the history of Italy, and social movements. Furthermore, the author illustrates the German writer Timm Genett’s thesis that Michels should also be valued as a pioneer in the study of social movements, which he consistently examined in his analyses of organizations, systematically investigating the degeneration of social movements and the shifting of organizational aims.
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Tobin Stanley, Maureen. "La guerre est fini y/o ¿La guerra ha terminado?: El film de Alain Resnais y Jorge Semprún y su papel en la exposición permanente del Centro de Arte Reina Sofía." Image and Storytelling: New Approaches to Hispanic Cinema and Literature 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/peripherica.1.2.7.
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This article analyzes the ambiguity in the film La guerre est finie ([The War Is Over] 1966, director Alain Resnais, screenwriter Jorge Semprún) whose declarative title becomes a question in the title of the permanent exhibit at the Reina Sofía National Museum in Madrid: Is the War Over? Art in a Divided World (1945-1968). The works invite the viewer to question the nationalism that catapulted the Spanish Civil War, whose victory marked the first triumph for European fascisms and concomitant genocides. While the film entirely lacks symbols of irrefutable national identity, the paintings incorporate and subvert certain icons of (regional, Francoist, Nazi or Fascist) nationalism, as well as emblems of the Spanish Republic and Spain. The artworks respond in theme and form to nationalist ideology and esthetics. Although the film—whose screenwriter Jorge Semprún had been imprisoned in the Nazi camp at Buchenwald—limits itself to implicit allusions to the eradication of the domestic enemy on Iberian soil and the so-called stateless undesirables exiled in foreign lands, the exhibit explicitly references Nazism and other 20th-century genocides. The collection of works exemplifies Aharon Appelfeld’s assertion: that only art has the ability to redeem suffering from the abyss. The film and the plastic works respond not only to nationalist ideologies and concomitant lived and witnessed experiences, but also to nationalist art. Through the visual counternarratives that give voice to myriad victimizations, these works make manifest and denounce, in theme and form, the anti-intellectualization and the fervent sentiment of political zeal.
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Nowak, Paweł. "‘The sleep of reason brings forth monsters’ — the natural order of things and plain language against hatred promotion of totalitarian systems." Oblicza Komunikacji 11 (April 6, 2021): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.11.7.
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The semantic and pragmatic analysis carried out in the article — from the perspective of the natural order and plain language — of slogans used for over a decade during marches and demonstrations of the far-right National Radical Camp in Poland and its sympathisers clearly demonstrates the hateful and propagandist nature of the slogans. This is confirmed by the senders’ use of semantic and intentional obscenities, animal- and death-related metaphors, emotionality and aggression of speech acts as well as many other linguistic phenomena inciting hatred.All this makes it all the more surprising that investigations, proceedings and cases brought before justice institutions and relating to the nationalist and fascist slogans analysed in the article have been repeatedly dismissed or discontinued on the grounds that they do not constitute propaganda and incitement to hatred. No law can oppose life experience or natural order of things and fail to notice how such utterances are viewed from the perspective of not just the concepts mentioned above, but also of plain language and linguistic logicism.
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Donátková, Zuzana. "Futurismus a fašismus." Historica. Revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy 12, no. 2 (December 2021): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/historica.2021.12.0009.
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The article maps the relationship between the Italian Futurist movement and fascism from a general perspective. It deals with the relationship between the leader of Futurism F. T. Marinetti and Benito Mussolini from the beginning of their cooperation in 1915 to the end of the Second World War. Throughout its era, Futurism identified itself with Italy’s social and political climate. Futurism was one of the ideological sources for fascism and it was one of the movements that formed Fasci di Combattimento in 1919. But after Mussolini came to power, fascist cultural politics aesthetically preferred traditionalism, order, and a return to the achievements of history, a contemporary rappel à l’ordre, and Futurism found itself in cultural dissent. Marinetti thus spent the rest of his life trying to improve the position of modernist artists in fascist Italy, which would earn Futurism recognition of the official state art of the fascist regime.
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Cuerda-Galindo, Esther. "Physicians imprisoned in Franco Spain’s Miranda de Ebro “Campo de Concentración”." Medical History 66, no. 3 (July 2022): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.20.
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AbstractMiranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War.
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Baxa, Paul. "A Pagan Landscape: Pope Pius XI, Fascism, and the Struggle over the Roman Cityscape." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 17, no. 1 (July 23, 2007): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016104ar.
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Abstract This article examines the two visions of Rome put forward by Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and Pope Pius XI and the tensions they caused. The rivalry between the two men over the meaning of the Roman landscape became sharper in the 1930s when the Fascist regime transformed the Eternal City through extensive demolition and increasing archaeological activity in the city. Pius XI increasingly viewed these activities as an attempt to “paganize” Rome. The Pope’s fears over paganism came to a head in the days of Adolf Hitler’s famous visit to Italy in May 1938. The development of closer relations between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany made Pius XI increasingly concerned about what he called the “neo-pagan” nature of these ideologies. Ultimately, the cityscape of Rome was transformed into a kulturkampf between Fascism and the Vatican which not only gives us a fuller picture of the seemingly cordial relations between Pius and Mussolini in the 1930s, but also reveals Fascism as a political religion inevitably in conflict with the other religion, Catholicism, which saw Rome as its own.
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Pavlin, Tomaž, and Zrinko Čustonja. "Sokol." Kinesiology 50, no. 2 (2018): 260–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26582/k.50.2.15.
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The Sokol gymnastic movement was an important part of civil societies of Slavic nations. The first Sokol society within Yugoslavian nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) was founded in 1863 in Ljubljana and in a few decades, it spread throughout the Slovene, Croatian, and Serbian territories. In the Austro-Hungarian period before WWI, Sokol valued itself as a national, liberal and emancipation-seeking movement, based on the Tyrsch’s gymnastics and national and pan-Slavic idea. In 1919, following the end of WWI and with the formation of the Yugoslav state, the national Sokol organisations merged in the centralised Yugoslav Sokol Union. The Yugoslavian state went through difficult political situations and confrontations in the first decade, which culminated in the summer of 1928 with shooting in the parliament in Belgrade. In attempting to solve the situation, King Aleksandar Karadjordjević proclaimed the so-called Sixth January Dictatorship (1929). Consequently, the government, with the approval of the King, adopted, on the 4th of December 1929, the law on establishing of a new all-state gymnastic organisation Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The new Sokol organisation, based on the Sokolism of the former Yugoslav Sokol (Sokol’s gymnastics, principles, national-liberal and Slavic idea) was constituted at the beginning of 1930. It was supported by the King and government and the King’s son, Prince Petar became the leader of the Sokol organisation. After the assassination of king Aleksandar (1934), in the filling-in period of Prince Pavle (1935-41) and government of the Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović (1935-39), Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia fell out of political grace in the western Roman-Catholic regions and it had to defend its position. Due to drasticall changes in international policy (German revisionist policy, the “Anschluss” in 1938 and the Czechoslovakian crisis in 1938/39), more militaristic practices were included in the Sokol’s professional work to preserve a free and independent state. During tense diplomatic events in March 1941, when Yugoslavia entered the Nazi- Fascist camp, Sokol supported a military putsch and stepped into the front lines of demonstrations. In that mood, Sokol faced the Nazi-Fascist attack on Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the beginning of WWII in the Yugoslav territory.
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Scarrocchia, Sandro. "The Italian Memorial At Auschwitz: An Approach Through Conservation Theory." Images 6, no. 1 (2012): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340009.
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Abstract According to Bruno Zevi, the Italian Memorial housed at Block 21 of the Auschwitz concentration camp is among the most significant works of contemporary architecture. Recently, it has become the focus of a political and cultural conflict that is itself worthy of study. The memorial was designed as a post-war symbol of the anti-Fascist movement. It is thus heavily influenced by the politics of the Resistance, which characterized the First Republic and influenced the Italian Constitution. However, this sort of politics is incompatible with the post-Berlin-Wall narrative that the Museum of Auschwitz on the international level, along with various Italian governments on the national level, have decided to promote in the twenty-first century. Yet the Italian Memorial is an integral part of the World Heritage UNESCO site at Auschwitz, and its removal or transfer elsewhere, besides constituting a loss for Italian cultural identity, would also vitiate and downgrade the history of Auschwitz. This study looks at the memorial in terms of the discipline of conservation, applying principles elaborated by the Vienna School (Alois Riegl and Max Dvořák) to show how new exhibitions for the pavilions threaten to transform Auschwitz from a monument and historical document into a museum-style fairground, and to reveal the political motivation behind claims of the Memorial’s contemporary irrelevance.
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Soucy, Robert J. "French Press Reactions to Hitler's First Two Years in Power." Contemporary European History 7, no. 01 (March 1998): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004744.
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Why did fascism not succeed in France in the 1930s to the extent that itdid in Germany? Although the appeal of fascism increased dramatically in France between 1936 and 1938 as part of the backlash to the Popular Front, the fact remains that neither of France's two largest fascist movements – Colonel de La Rocque's Croix de feu/Parti social français and Jacques Doriot's Parti populaire française – came to power during this period. InFrench Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933–1939, one of the reasons (among several) that I gave for the relative failure of French fascism was the negative reaction of many French conservatives and Catholics to Hitler's repression of dissident German conservatives and Catholics in 1933 and 1934 – a reaction which indirectly diminished the potential appeal of homegrown fascism through guilt by association. Although I alluded to this reaction in my study, I did so without providing sufficient documentation. One of the purposes of this review of French press responses to Hitler's first two years in power is to correct that shortcoming.
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González-Ruibal, Alfredo. "Excavating Europe’s last fascist monument: The Valley of the Fallen (Spain)." Journal of Social Archaeology 22, no. 1 (December 23, 2021): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14696053211061486.
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Since 1945, most fascist monuments have disappeared or been deactivated in Western Europe. There is one in Spain, however, that remains fully operative: the Valley of the Fallen. The complex, devised by the dictator Francisco Franco, celebrates the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), keeps the bodies of thousands of victims of the conflict, as well as the leading fascist ideologue and the dictator himself, and provides a material narrative that exalts the dictatorship. With the advent of democracy in 1978, the Valley remained unchanged, untouchable, and an important focus for fascist and extreme right celebrations, both national and international. However, with the new progressive government that came to power in 2018, it has become the object of an ambitious program of resignification in which archaeology has an important role to play. In this article, I describe how archaeological work undertaken at the Valley of the Fallen is contributing toward destabilizing the dictatorial narrative by opposing the monumental assemblage of fascism to the subaltern assemblage of those who built it.
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Manojlovski, Aleksandar. "Sjećanja sarajevskog jevreja Benjamina Samokovlije – Damjana o njegovom učešću u narodnooslobodilačkom i antifašističkom ratu u Jugoslaviji (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.165.
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Benjamin Samokovlija (Sarajevo, 31.III.1918 - Skopje, 28.II.1996), comes from a Jewish family. On April 5, 1941 he was mobilized in the ranks of the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of August 1941, Benjamin joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army and the People's Liberation Army. He took part in numerous battles in the anti-fascist war for the liberation of Yugoslavia. After the Fourth Enemy Offensive of the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia which took place in the first half of 1943, Samokovlija together with part of his partisan unit were captured by the Germans and imprisoned in Zenica. After a month in the Zenica prison, a group of 600 prisoners, including Samokovlija, were transferred to the Thessaloniki concentration camp. In October 1943, through an EAM connection, Benjamin Samokovlija managed to escape and join ELAS. He remained in the ranks of the Greek partisans until the contact with the Macedonian partisans from the First Macedonian-Kosovo Brigade on the territory of the Aegean part of Macedonia in the period between the second half of December 1943 and January 1944. He was admitted to the III Battalion and was in charge of the agitprop of the battalion, from where he was later transferred to the ranks of the II, V and X brigades, acting as a battalion commissioner and participating in the battles for the liberation of Macedonia. At the very beginning of World War II in 1941, Benjamin Samokovlija lost many of his immediate family members, including his parents and wife. As direct witnesses to the measures taken for the physical and economic destruction of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the German occupying authorities, their collaborators and the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, his three sisters joined the People's Liberation War. His eldest sister Laura was killed in 1945. Benjamin Samokovlija is the holder of several military and state decorations. During his tenure, he ran a number of state-owned enterprises. It is particularly important to emphasize that for less than two decades he served as President of the Jewish community in the Republic of Macedonia, building strong friendly relations with other religious communities in the country.
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Ballent, Anahi. "Faces of Modernity in the Architecture of the Peronist State, 1943–1955." Fascism 7, no. 1 (May 5, 2018): 80–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00701005.
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Within the context of Peronist expectations regarding culture, the article examines three cases of architectural and urban projects that displayed various kinds of articulation in terms of promotional policies, state institutions, intervening technology, the urban aspects involved, and the architectural aesthetics proposed. The works are interpreted—with respect to their aesthetic forms and images and the political content they transmit—as materializations of the new order envisaged by Peronism. Each of the case studies highlights different visualizations or aspects of this new order. In conceptual terms, all of the characteristics manifested by Peronist cultural production were also observable in the projects of inter-war dictatorships, especially those of Italian fascism. Clearly, given the period in which Peronism came to power, it is anachronistic to locate the architectural programmes which it hosted within the political categories of ‘inter-war dictatorship’ or even ‘fascism’. Nevertheless, seen through the lens of these two categories, it can be shown that the ethos of Peronism falls within the framework of the fascist era, due to its promotion of grandiose visionary projects for national renewal expressed through the transformation of the built environment on a scale characteristic of the two fascist regimes. Such projects mythically elevated Perón and Eva Perón to the level of leaders of the Argentinian people, whom they both saw as an organic entity, socially harmonious, rooted in the history of the nation and, in international terms, decidedly placed the nation on the road to the “third position” pioneered by fascist movements before 1945 in which tradition and modernity were reconciled in a form of modernism termed by Roger Griffin ‘rooted modernism’.
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Kirpenko, Pavlo. "International Situation in Europe and USSR’S Foreign Policy prior to and after the Outbreak of World War II." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-6.
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The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Lazuto, Yurii. "Some Aspects of Working Practices at the Department of State Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-7.
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Abstract. The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very beginning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all political forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens perished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian historian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is necessary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Krasnozhenova, E. E., and E. A. Greben. "Forced Labor of the Population under the Nazi Occupation of 1941–1944 (Based on the Materials of the Border Territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 4 (2021): 908–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.405.
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The article investigates features of forced labor in the border territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia during Nazi occupation of 1941–1944. The Wehrmacht used forced labor both in Germany by hijacking Soviet citizens there, and in industrial enterprises and in agriculture of the occupied territories. The civilian population was involved in the performance of certain work in favor of the occupation authorities. Peasants, in addition to traditional agricultural work and payment of in-kind taxes, were often forcibly involved in performing horse — drawn duties, peat and logging, railway protection, and mine clearance. Citizens were actively used by the occupying authorities to construct defensive structures and to work at industrial enterprises. Refusal to work was punishable by a fine, deprivation of ration cards, corporal punishment, and sentencing to a labor camp or shooting. Forced to work in enterprises, institutions, and agriculture, the population received meager wages and food rations, and the vast majority of workers lived below the poverty line. A special place among the crimes of Nazism in the territory of the North-West of Russia and Belarus, where the occupation went on the longest, is occupied by the forcible deportation of the population to Germany. From some settlements, the occupation authorities sent entire local populations to Germany without regard to age, health, or family circumstances. To provide the Nazi economy with labor, the occupation authorities paid considerable attention to propaganda among the population and the organization of recruitment campaigns. However, this did not contribute to raising the number of volunteers; instead, local residents in the occupied regions sabotaged the orders of the German-fascist command.
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Sophia Quine, Maria. "Racial ‘Sterility’ and ‘Hyperfecundity’ in Fascist Italy. Biological Politics of Sex and Reproduction." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 92–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201003.
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This article explores a new dimension in fascist studies, eugenic studies, and the more mainstream history of Italy, Europe, and modernity. It asks scholars to reconsider the centrality of race and biology to the political programme of Italian fascism in power. Fascism’s ‘binomial theorem’ of optimum population change was characterized as a commitment both to increase the ‘quantity’ (number) and improve the ‘quality’ (biology) of the Italian ‘race’. These twin objectives came to fruition in the new scientific and political paradigm known to contemporaries as ‘biological politics’ and to scholars today as ‘biopolitics’. Fascism, this article contends, attempted to utilize the full force of the new ‘biopower’ of reproductive and biogenetic medicine and science in order to realize the aims of its biopolitical agenda for racial betterment through fertility increase. In Italy, fascism encouraged science to tamper with the processes of human reproduction and to extend genetic understanding of diseases which were seen as ‘conquerable’ without sterilization and euthanasia. It began a biotechnological ‘revolution’ that historians often attribute to twenty-first-century science. By exploring the technical innovations in assisted conception which Italian fascism promoted, this article challenges the assumption in much of the scholarship that there was a huge divide between the ‘old’ eugenics of the interwar period and the ‘new’ genetics of recent decades.
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Kravva, Vasiliki. "PERFORMATIVITY, SENSOGRAPHY AND MUSIC: LEARNING AND TEACHING THE ‘OTHER’ HOLOCAUST AT A JEWISH INN." Teaching Anthropology 10, no. 2 (March 20, 2022): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22582/ta.v10i2.503.
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The article reflects on my teaching experiences and the increased difficulty of teaching notions such as biopolitics and death politics to anthropology students. Such notions sound quite abstract and difficult to grasp. Nevertheless, they are essential in understanding the Holocaust, the Nazis’ mass production of death and the control of the human body and mind by this fascist-bureaucratic regime. Presenting the Shoah to anthropology students via lectures seems quite partial; apart from describing it from a macro-perspective, it would be more enlightening to introduce students to the sensual and bodily aspects of the topic. Thus, it would be easier to approach notions such as affect/affectivity and embodiment that lie at the centre of contemporary anthropological thinking. The anthropology of performance, theatre and drama could provide the anthropologist with experimental methods of teaching and learning and could be used as loci of reflection and critique. Such a performance may have a more significant impact on academic and non-academic audiences. Benssoussan Han, an old Jewish inn at the centre of Thessaloniki built at the end of the 19th century, seems the ideal place to combine learning and teaching through performance. Several experimental performances have taken place there in recent years. After presenting some of them, I will briefly discuss a teaching scenario, a performative experiment in progress. The proposed pedagogical scenario deals with dystopic memories emotional and sensual silences. It is an attempt to understand the “other” Holocaust, unquestionably the less studied aspects of this regime, including the music produced in the Terezin camp, and to reflect on notions of biopolitics and death politics. The project will be a joint one: bodies, movement, music, logos and a video projection about life in Terezin. As Dorita Hannah and others argue, it might prove an opportunity to 'make space speak' and for the audience to reflect and interact.
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Markovic, Aleksandra. "The attitude of Serbian neo-Nazis towards capitalism: Analysis of neo-Nazi web portals, blogs, forums, Facebook and Twitter." Sociologija 57, no. 3 (2015): 380–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1503380m.
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The focal point of this paper is to analyze the relation of modern-day Serbian neo-Nazis toward capitalism. Bearing in mind the context and conditions of emerging fascism in Europe of the twentieth century, apart from the fact that it exposes the essence of the basic theme, this research may have a perspective scientific and practical significance. Namely, the fascism is only one of the many forms of capitalism rescue in periods of crisis. At the time when fascism came into the European scene, ruling bourgeoisie was threatened by a growing labor movement, by blocked possibilities of expansion of capital, and by crisis of overproduction which is, due to its essential irrationality and lack of plan, specific only for capitalism. Today, in the case of a renewed national homogenization of capital, which is risky to predict after a crisis that happened back in 2008, it is possible that resurgence of fascist and Nazi forms of advocacy of transformation of capitalism in crisis could happen. The three most significant neo-Nazi organizations in Serbia today are Srbski Obraz, Nacionalni stroj and Srbska akcija. The injunction of the first two organizations and the illegal character of the Nazi organization prevent face to face data collection, which is why the Internet is used as a primary source of information - web portals, blogs, forums and social networks.
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Pickens, Dianna. "Selected Italian Introductions to Works by Thornton Wilder." Thornton Wilder Journal 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 148–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/thorntonwilderj.2.2.0148.
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Abstract At the beginning of the twentieth century, several influential Italian writers, critics, and translators turned their attention to American literature as a source of inspiration during a time of great turbulence that came with the rise of fascism and World War II. The new world as it was depicted in American literature seemed to be worth considering as an alternative to the model that was being proposed in Italy. Because of this growing interest, the publishing industry decided to translate works from both America and other foreign countries—despite growing resistance from the fascist state—and publish them in inexpensive series. The first editions of Thornton Wilder's novels and plays were published in the midst of that difficult period, and selected introductions to those works, translated here for the first time, can help us understand both the enthusiasm for Wilder's work and why his works were so often chosen to be a part of new literary collections created by the Italian publishing industry during that period.
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Chappel, James. "The God That Won: Eugen Kogon and the Origins of Cold War Liberalism." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (April 2020): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833439.
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Eugen Kogon (1903–87) was one of the most important German intellectuals of the late 1940s. His writings on the concentration camps and on the nature of fascism were crucial to West Germany’s fledgling transition from dictatorship to democracy. Previous scholars of Kogon have focused on his leftist Catholicism, which differentiated him from the mainstream. This article takes a different approach, asking instead how Kogon, a recovering fascist himself, came to have so much in common with his peers in West Germany and in the Cold War West. By 1948, he fluently spoke the new language of Cold War liberalism, pondering how human rights and liberal democracy could be saved from totalitarianism. He did not do so, the article argues, because he had decided to abandon his principles and embrace a militarized anti-Communist cause. Instead, he transitioned to Cold War liberalism because it provided a congenial home for a deeply Catholic thinker, committed to a carceral understanding of Europe’s fascist past and a federalist vision for its future. The analysis helps us to see how European Catholics made the Cold War their own – an important phenomenon, given that Christian Democrats held power almost everywhere on the continent that was not controlled by Communists. The analysis reveals a different portrait of Cold War liberalism than we usually see: less a smokescreen for American interests, and more a vessel for emancipatory projects and ideals that was strategically employed by diverse actors across the globe.
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Tzanaki, Demetra. "Libido, Psychic Eugenics and Abnormality." Fascism 11, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10044.
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Abstract This article attempts to resituate the Greek regime of 4th of August 1936 within the wider context of interwar fascism in Europe and address it as fascist ideology and practice. It does so by pointing to the ways in which the biomedical discourse on gender and sexuality was pivotal in Ioannis Metaxas’s project in terms of playing a crucial role in normalising ideas of racial, class, sexual and gender hierarchy. The article has two areas of focus. The first approaches the eugenic discourse developed in Greece and Europe under liberal governments. This relied on the premise that the mental or psychic disorders it accounted for, identified mainly among the lower classes, were diagnosed as diseases of the ‘libidinous libido’ when it came to criminality, poverty, strikes, psychic diseases and brutal deaths. The second area of focus reveals how, once trained to detect biological and psychical anomalies, Metaxas’s regime managed to perform something that now gives the impression of a magic trick: by waving the wand of psychiatric technocracy over a scene of profound economic inequality, it cultivated an authoritarian, patriarchal, biomedical discourse on psychic normality.
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Willson, Perry. "A ‘Shining Example of Fascist Womanhood’: Angiola Moretti 1925–1943." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 744–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221120163.
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This article examines the political career of Angiola Moretti who was, from 1926 to 1930, the National Secretary of the Fasci Femminili – the women's section of the Italian Fascist Party. Despite her prominent role, this female hierarch has never, to date, been studied by historians. The article investigates how she came to be appointed to this high-ranking position and her subsequent role and career in the Fascist Party, including her eventual nomination in the late 1930s to the rank of Ispettrice Nazionale del PNF. The story of Angiola Moretti's somewhat improbable career is used as a lens to explore the murky world of the Fascist ‘court’ in Rome and its gender politics.
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Val, Katarzyna du. "Regulacje „antyfaszystowskie” jako narzędzie transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce: kazus tzw. małego kodeksu karnego z 1946 r." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.21.
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“Antifascist” Regulations as a Tool of Systemic Transformation in Poland: The Case of the So-called Small Penal Code of 1946 In Poland in the mid-1940s a number of „anti-fascist” regulations came into force. However, they served mostly as a propaganda tool aimed at fighting political opponents and building a new order. In this context, attention should be drawn to „anti-fascist” provisions contained in a Decree on particularly dangerous crimes during the rebuilding of the State of June 13, 1946 (aka „small penal code”).
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Gomza, Ivan. "Elusive Proteus: A study in the ideological morphology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.005.
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This article studies the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism applying a model of “ideological morphology” to the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). Using nationalist press and archival materials, the author analyzes core and peripheral concepts of OUN’s ideology. The findings reveal that in 1930s — early 1940s the morphological structure of OUN’s ideology was fascist. However, after 1943 some peripheral concepts came to substitute the fascist core, which led to a splinter within the OUN and subsequent democratization of the one on its factions. The study offers theoretical explanations of ideological metamorphosis applying a constructivist approach.
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Adinolfi, Goffredo. "Le destre radicali e il liberalismo portoghese: alle radici di una dittatura." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030011.
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- The aim of this article is to analyze the continuing clashes that opposed liberals and absolutists in the Portugal between the nineteenth to the twenty's century. This was a struggle characterized by constant double-crossings and standstill. Losers, never defeated until the end, were never overcome in the new regime, leaving open lines of fracture and continuing instability between: state-church and republic-monarchy. The Miguelistas, absolutist "resistant" to modernization of the country, a symbol of a deep and archaic country, seems to be missing when, facing the crisis of the late twentieth century, riding the fortunes of the new conservative nationalism, came to a new fortune. Oliveira Salazar was one of the main exponents of this deep Portugal based on the old / new ideology laid the foundation for the establishment of the Estado Novo corporatist and organic state.Parole chiave: Portogallo, Assolutismo, Oliveira Salazar, Liberalismo, Fascismo, Penisola Iberica Portugal, Absolutism, Oliveira Salazar, Liberalism, Fascism, Iberian peninsula
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Bryant, Jesse Callahan. "Ecos, Ethnos, and Fascism." Contexts 21, no. 3 (August 2022): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042221114992.
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In many documents left behind by recent white domestic terrorists we see the re-emergence of a national identity that fuses people and land. From Christchurch to El Paso, old articulations "the people" which came to a head most famously in the Nazi sense of the volk and the politics of blood and soil are today resurfacing. This article traces the broad contours of this politics that fuses ethnos and ecos in order to morally justify political exclusion, genocide, and today terrorism via mass shooting.
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Alonso Pereira, José Ramón. "Roma 1935: arquitectura, ciudad, retórica y propaganda en el Congreso Internacional de arquitectos = Rome 1935: Architecture, City, Rhetoric and Propaganda in the International Congress of Architects." Cuaderno de Notas, no. 23 (October 30, 2022): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20868/cn.2022.4983.
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AbstractThe period 1922-1943 —the so-called fascist venthenium— was a fruitful and creative time in Italian architecture. Its rich and plural fundamentals established singular relationships between classical and modern cultures, which transcends their historical moment and present new topics for analysis and reflection. To know and appreciate its architecture, we will use the journeys of the professionals who came to Rome from all over the world to participate in the International Congress of Architects in 1935, considering the Congress as a space of opportunity for that reflection, and taking the visits around Rome scheduled by the organizers as a source of the architectural and urban interests of its time, and a reflection of the trends that were stirring then in Italy.ResumenEl periodo entre 1922 y 1943 —el llamado ventenio fascista— fue una época fecunda y creativa en la arquitectura italiana. Sus bases ricas y plurales establecieron relaciones singulares entre el mundo cultural clásico y el moderno, que trascienden su momento histórico y plantean en nues-tros días nuevos temas de análisis y reflexión. Para conocer y valorar su arquitectura y su modelo urbano, nos serviremos del viaje al que fueron llevados los profesionales que de todo el mundo llegaron a Roma para participar en el Congreso Internacional de Arquitectos en 1935, considerando el Congreso como un espacio de oportunidad para esa reflexión y tomando las visitas a la ciudad programadas por los organizadores como fuente de los intereses arquitectónicos y urbanos de su tiempo, reflejo de las tendencias que se agitaban entonces en Italia.
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Rutherford, Danilyn. "The Complete Lives of Camp People: Colonialism, Fascism, Concentrated Modernity by Rudolf Mràzek." Indonesia 112, no. 1 (October 2021): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ind.2021.0008.
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Rosyada, Amrina. "The Complete Lives of Camp People: Colonialism, Fascism, Concentrated Modernity, by Rudolf Mrázek." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 177, no. 4 (November 5, 2021): 579–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17704007.
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Martin, Benjamin G. "The Birth of the Cultural Treaty in Europe's Age of Crisis." Contemporary European History 30, no. 2 (March 19, 2021): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000023.
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Bilateral treaties are an age-old tool of diplomacy, but before the First World War they were only rarely applied to the world of intellectual and cultural relations. This article explores the process by which diplomatic agreements on intellectual and cultural exchange came instead to be a common feature of interwar European international relations by contrasting two types of agreements identified by period observers: ‘intellectual’ accords, typified by the agreements France signed in the 1920s, and ‘cultural’ treaties, advanced by fascist Italy in the 1930s. Comparing France and Italy's use of such agreements in Central-Eastern Europe reveals that Italy's fascist regime responded to the crises and opportunities of the interwar period by developing a distinctive model of ‘cultural treaty’ that applied state power to international cultural exchange, and mobilised the idea of ‘culture’ itself, in a new and influential manner.
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Baeva, Iskra V. "Political Censorship in Post-Socialist Bulgaria." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.09.
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This article presents how the political changes in Bulgaria after 1989 have infl uenced the interpretation of 20th century history. The emergence of the new censorship is traced through the introduction of a new canon for presenting the past. Three decades ago, Bulgaria began its transition from Soviet-type state socialism to political democracy. For historians, this meant removing political and ideological censorship. Initially, this freedom gave historians the chance to upgrade historical knowledge with hidden facts that were inconvenient for the BCP government. Soon, however, new political parties came to power and began to impose their political version of history. This meant re- moving facts related to the history of the communist movement and anti-fascism in Bulgaria. The attempts at rewriting history are especially visible in the presentation of the socialist period. The political intervention began with the renaming of streets, towns, and institutions. Names associated with the anti-fascist resistance and Russian and Soviet history were removed. Instead, names from the time when Bulgaria was part of the Tripartite Pact were restored. The modern political censorship is most evident in the rewriting of history textbooks. The new curricula introduced a mandatory positive presentation of the history of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom. The actions of the Communists had to be presented as terrorist, and the entire post-war government was defi ned as totalitarian. Instead of socialism, we should use the term “communism”. In 2019, when approving the new history textbooks for high schools, right-wing non-governmental organizations intervened and, as a result, facts about the socio-economic development of the country in the socialist period were removed.
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Gundle, Stephen. "Mussolini between Hero Worship and Demystification: Exemplary Anecdotes, Petite Histoire, and the Problem of Humanization." Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 1 (January 2022): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000414.
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AbstractMussolini is considered in this article as a figure around whom narratives have been developed for a century or more. Several biographies were published shortly after he came to power and many others have appeared in the decades since his death in 1945. This article explores the place of anecdotes in the construction of a legendary Mussolini in the 1920s and in the demystification that marked the period after World War Two. It is shown that early biographies were marked not only by hero worship but also by a commercially driven need to humanize and to amuse. After the war, humanization persisted as former Fascists and associates of Mussolini spread stories and anecdotes that made the dictator appear not as an evil tyrant but as a flawed and fallible human being. The agenda here was to make support for Fascism and its leader forgivable. A comparison of the anecdotes shows that both adulatory and demystificatory ones reserved a place for minor stories or petite histoire. The resulting image, which placed some emphasis on his sex life, proved influential. It presented a challenge to historians and found its way into the biographical films that were made for cinema and television between the 1970 and the 2000s. It is suggested that, via anecdotes, Mussolini occupied an ambiguous and continuous place in the moral universe of Italians, functioning variously as a political and a gender exemplar.
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Kallis, Aristotle. "International Fascism and the Allure of the ‘Third Way’ in Interwar Greece." Fascism 11, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10048.
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Abstract The rise and victory of Italian Fascism in the first half of the 1920s passed Greece by. Yet soon afterwards the international experience of ‘fascism’ found more receptive audiences within the prodigious dissident ‘third spaces’ where more and more mainstream Greek political actors chose to operate in the interwar period. This article explores the dynamics of the ideological and political formation of ‘third ways’ in interwar Greece, paying attention to the interplay between international stimuli and local contextual singularities. In these thirding spaces ‘fascism’ was understood and operationalised in very different, subjective, and ever-shifting ways by each of these actors. It was regarded mostly as a potential component of diverse thirding processes/solutions and rarely as the desired outcome thereof. This explains why fascism came to inform a range of very different thirding projects in interwar Greece—from pursuing rupture and renewal to aspiring to status quo-affirmation; from liberal to conservative to authoritarian visions; from searching for a short-term ‘remedy’ to envisioning a long-term radical transformation.
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STEFANIV, Vasyl. "RELIGION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF EUROPEAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-58-74.
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The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.