Journal articles on the topic 'Fascist architecture in Albania'
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1
Haxha, Elsa. "American Misions in Albania during World War II." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p322.
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Abstract As is known historically, part of the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition was also another great ally, United States. Even the allies had issued the Declaration of December 1942, for recognition of the anti-fascist resistance of the Albanian people, as well as Great Britain and the Soviet Union, making it part of the International Coalition and part of his war against the common enemies nazi and fascists. Nevertheless, beyond the lack of these interests, the Americans under the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition few months after the british began in the tiny Balkan military missions, although few toward British ally.
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Pandelejmoni, Enriketa. "Italian fascist modernisation and colonial landscape in Albania 1925-1943." Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (December 17, 2021): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3243.
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Environmental history and landscape transformations vis-à-vis agricultural modernization policies such as the reclaiming of land hardly features in studies on the Italian fascist annexation of Albania. This paper focuses on the main features of Italian economic and landscape efforts in Albania during the fascist years through a general overview of the Italian period with respect to economic and land reclamation works, and an exploration of Italys colonial policies in the modernization and regeneration of Albanian landscape. Its scope includes Italys interwar interventionist efforts in Albania in economy and land reclamation, but not the substantial literature on Italian contribution to the transformation of Albanian urban landscapes during the interwar period. The urban planning of Albania by Italian architects, engineers, and urbanists that developed from 1920 to 1939 has been dealt with extensively in scholarship regarding Albania.
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Papa-Pandelejmoni, Enriketa. "Albania during WWII: Mustafa Merlika Kruja’s Fascist Collaboration." European Legacy 19, no. 4 (May 21, 2014): 433–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2014.919192.
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Villari, Giovanni. "A Failed Experiment: The Exportation of Fascism to Albania." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362698.
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Using Italian and Albanian archive sources, this essay analyses the effectiveness of Italian policy in Albania, during the years of its union with Italy (1939–1943), in the creation of a model Fascist state and in the generation of support for Italy among the Albanian population. Through the creation of party and state structures similar to those in Italy, Fascism intended to give voice to Albanian Nationalist demands, but Italian policy was undermined by a basic defect which helped to cool any initial enthusiasm: the loss of all semblance of Albanian independence and the exploitation of local resources to the benefit of the Italians alone. The Italy-Greece conflict cast a shadow on the Fascist fighting ability which not even the creation of ‘Great Albania’ (thanks to the help of the Germans) removed. As Italy's military fortunes changed for the worse, they were forced to address a growing resistance until the tragic conclusion of 8th September 1943 and the end of the occupation.
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Ben-Ghiat, Ruth. "Architecture and Urbanism in Fascist Italy." Journal of Urban History 20, no. 1 (November 1993): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614429302000107.
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Ghirardo, Diane. "Architecture and Culture in Fascist Italy." Journal of Architectural Education 45, no. 2 (February 1992): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10464883.1992.10734491.
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Vukadinović, Igor. "Prosvetna politika Kraljevine Albanije na Kosovu i Metohiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.vuk.109-132.
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Kingdom of Albania’s fascist regime considered education as one of the pillars of its policy in Kosovo and Metohija during World War II. With the aim of spreading and strengthening Albanian national identity and culture, several hundreds of educators were sent from the “Old Albania” to Kosovo and Metohija. The Italian occupation authorities were not supportive of the educational policy pursued by the officials in Tirana, which often resulted in disagreement between the two sides. After liberating the province in 1944, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to keep the teachers and educators who misused their positions to serve the Greater Albania cause, as there was no available staff to replace them. The paper is based primarily on the unpublished sources from the Central State Archives of Albania in Tirana, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, the Archives of Serbia, and the Archives of Yugoslavia.
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Bartolini, Francesco. "Architettura e fascismo. Temi e questioni storiografiche." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078007.
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- Architecture and Fascism. Issues and interpretative perspectives examines the historical debate regarding Fascist architecture which has been ongoing over the last decade. In particular, it analyses some interpretative issues that have proven most interesting both for political historians and architectural historians: the existence of a «totalitarian style», the relationship between the Fascist regime and architects, the ideological connotation of urban and rural landscape, the legacy of the Fascist experience on the Italian Republic.Key words: Italian Architecture, Fascism, Totalitarianism, Urban and Rural History, Rome.Parole chiave: architettura italiana, fascismo, totalitarismo, storia urbana e rurale, Roma.
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Griffin, Roger, and Rita Almeida de Carvalho. "Editorial Introduction: Architectural Projections of a ‘New Order’ in Fascist and Para-Fascist Interwar Dictatorships." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702001.
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The three articles that follow are the second part of a special issue of Fascism devoted to case studies in ‘Latin’ architecture in the fascist era, the first part of which was published in volume 7 (2018), no. 1. The architecture of three clearly para-fascist regimes comes under the spotlight: those of Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, in each of which a genuine fascist movement was either absorbed into a right-wing dictatorship (as occurred under Franco) or disbanded by it while perceptibly retaining some fascist elements (as in the case of the Salazar and Vargas regimes). Once again, the juxtaposition of the articles reveals unexpected elements of internationalism, entanglements, and histoires croisées both sides of the Atlantic in the impact of the fascist experiments in Germany and Italy.
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Güçlü, Yücel. "Fascist Italy’s 'Mare Nostrum' Policy and Turkey." Belleten 63, no. 238 (December 1, 1999): 813–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1999.813.
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Following his seizure of power in 1922, Mussolini began to pursue the policy of 'mare nostrum' of the ancient Romans. He had an eye on the Anatolian lands bordering the Mediterranean. Local symbol of the Italian menace was the Dodecanese Islands which were started to be fortified in 1934. Mussolini's speech of that year showed that Italy did not renounce its earlier designs on Turkish territory. Atatürk did not take Mussolini's claims seriously, but the danger Italy represented could not be ignored. During the Ethiopian crisis, Turkey supported the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy and advocated the principle of collective security. Facing Italian expansionism, Turkey requested the holding of an international conference in Montreux and succeeded to obtain the right of bringing back the Straits to full Turkish sovereignty. Turkey's distrust of Italy deepened in 1937 and 1938. Ankara disliked the policy of Rome-Berlin axis. It did not acquit Italy of designs in the eastern Mediterranean. Italian occupation of Albania in 1939 soon led to Turkey's signing of mutual assistance agreements with Britain and France. Italy sharply denounced the Turco-Anglo-French rapprochement. For Turkey, as an ally in the eastern Mediterranean, had the strength to tip the balance against Italy.
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Nishku, Genta. "The Wretched on the Walls: A Fanonian Reading of a Revolutionary Albanian Orphanage." Feminist Critique: East European Journal of Feminist and Queer Studies, no. 3 (2020): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52323/309702.
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Using Franz Fanon’s “On Violence,” this paper analyzes dynamics of power and violence in Lulëkuqet mbi Mure / Red Poppies on Walls, a 1976 Albanian film about WWII anti-fascist resistance, told through the story of a group of orphans in Italian-occupied Albania. Fanon’s explication that the colonizer’s power is founded on force and maintained through violence, capitalist exploitation, dehumanization and compartmentalization, elucidates the film. His argument that decolonization is possible only through greater counter-violence is critical in understanding why the orphans use violent means to liberate themselves. The children’s struggle against the fascist orphanage directors is noticed and harnessed Communist Party members. I argue that though the Party’s guidance helps the children fight their subjugation, it also curbs their revolutionary potential. Thus, the didactic and propagandistic goals of Lulëkuqet mbi Mure allow only for a strict cold war dichotomy: one is either a fascist, capitalist and colonizer, or a communist, revolted colonized subject ready to take up arms. My engagement with the film, however, demonstrates that the children’s solidarity with one another and their subtle resistance prior to the communists’ intervention, gestured toward an alternative way of building community – one closer to Fanon’s ideas of a new humanism, even if it ultimately remains unrealized in the film.
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Distretti and Petti. "The Afterlife of Fascist Colonial Architecture: A Critical Manifesto." Future Anterior: Journal of Historic Preservation, History, Theory, and Criticism 16, no. 2 (2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/futuante.16.2.0047.
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Brott, Simone. "Architecture et révolution: Le Corbusier and the Fascist Revolution." Thresholds 41 (January 2013): 146–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/thld_a_00106.
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Vukadinović, Igor. "Activity of Albanian emigration in the West towards the issue of Kosovo and Metohija (1945-1969)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 2 (2021): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-26886.
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After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to politically act. The leading political options in exile - Balli Kombetar, Zogists and pro-Italian National Independent Bloc, decided to cooperate with each other, so they have formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nacionalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to act on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school and student youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.
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Bartolini, Flaminia. "Fascism on display: the afterlife of material legacies of the dictatorship." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (December 31, 2020): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.409.
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The year 2015 marked the seventy-fifth anniversary of the end of World War II, a commemoration that prompted Italy to reconsider the complexity of the Fascist phenomenon and how the artistic creations and urbanism of the regime contributed to shaping city landscapes across the country. Fascist material legacies are an unequivocal presence in any Italian city, but the ways in which they have been preserved or not, reused or abandoned, provokes consideration of the complexities of the country’s renegotiation of its Fascist past, shifting from iconoclasm to present-day heritage status. Heritage designation and the restoration of Fascist works of art and architecture have posed questions regarding selectivity in heritage and whether Italy has yet to come to terms with its Fascist past. This paper will look at how Italy’s approach to Fascist heritage, which has recently been framed as ‘difficult heritage’ following Macdonald’s work on Nazi Germany, is an expression of the conflicting narratives that surround any renegotiation of the Fascist past, and how some recent conservation projects and exhibition have failed to demonstrate reflexivity over Fascism. It will also deconstruct the role of restoration and the heritage practices of preservation and management and will question the link between conservation and changes of attitude regarding a ‘difficult’ past.
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Malone, Hannah. "Legacies of Fascism: architecture, heritage and memory in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 22, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.51.
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This article examines how Italy has dealt with the physical remains of the Fascist regime, as a window onto Italian attitudes to the past. Theventennioleft indelible marks on Italy’s cities in the form of urban projects, individual buildings, monuments, plaques and street names. In effect, the survival of physical traces contrasts with the hazy memories of Fascism that exist within the Italian collective consciousness. Conspicuous, yet mostly ignored, Italy’s Fascist heritage is hidden in plain sight. However, from the 1990s, buildings associated with the regime have sparked a number of debates regarding the public memory of Fascism. Although these debates present an opportunity to re-examine history, they may also be symptomatic of a crisis in the Italian polity and of attempts to rehabilitate Fascism through historical revisionism.
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Tucci, Pier Luigi. "EPHEMERAL ARCHITECTURE AND ROMANITÀ IN THE FASCIST ERA: A ROYAL-IMPERIAL TRIBUNE FOR HITLER AND MUSSOLINI IN ROME." Papers of the British School at Rome 88 (June 4, 2020): 297–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246220000069.
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Ephemeral architecture was the antithesis of the permanent buildings typical of the ‘Fascism of stone’, and yet many architects took advantage of this paradox to create an imaginary Rome. A widespread use of ephemeral structures was made around 1938, during the Mostra Augustea della Romanità and Hitler's state visit to Italy, in order to support a political programme that marked the totalitarian turn in the Fascist regime after the foundation of the empire and aimed at strengthening the alliance between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Relying on methodologies of particular relevance to Roman art history and on various sources unknown to date, this paper investigates the relationships between ephemeral architecture and romanità. The case study is a monumental tribune built in via dei Trionfi that inevitably suffered a damnatio memoriae: a combination of classicizing and futuristic decorations, it looked back at ancient Rome and, at the same time, highlighted the Fascist regime's aspirations to might and modernity.
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Galán, Ignacio G. "Building Simultaneity in Fascist Italy." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 80, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2021.80.2.182.
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Rifkind, David. "Furnishing the Fascist interior: Giuseppe Terragni, Mario Radice and the Casa del Fascio." Architectural Research Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 2006): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135506000236.
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Fortuna, James J. "‘Un'arte ancora in embrione’: international expositions, empire, and the evolution of Fascist architectural design." Modern Italy 25, no. 4 (November 2020): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.61.
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This article reconsiders the development of Fascist architecture throughout the late interwar period. It pays especial attention to the structures erected for the most significant international expositions held, or planned to be held, between 1933 and 1942, in order to identify significant trends in Party-sponsored design. It argues that the ‘dynamism’ of Fascist design was a consequence of the regime's preference for an increasingly imperial tone which developed in direct proportion to its increasingly imperial identity. It points to Piacentini and Pagano's Italian Pavilion built for the 1937 Paris Exposition, the first national pavilion constructed following the May 1936 proclamation of empire, as a significant flashpoint in the tension between Fascist interpretations of modern and classical design. This article concludes that the often-overlooked world's fair buildings can be viewed as crystalline distillations of the stylistic experimentation which defined the broader Fascist building programme both in Italy and abroad.
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Sygkelos, Yannis. "The National Discourse of the Bulgarian Communist Party on National Anniversaries and Commemorations (1944–1948)." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985678.
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During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.
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Ulanskii, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich. "ARCHITECTURE OF ITALY IN PROPAGANDA POLICY OF THE FASCIST STATE." Manuscript, no. 1 (January 2019): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2019.1.34.
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Rifkind, David. "Gondar." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 492–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.4.492.
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Gondar, Ethiopia, expanded dramatically in the late 1930s as a colonial administrative center for Italian East Africa. David Rifkind shows how urban design and architecture functioned in Gondar between 1936 and 1941 as key tools of Italian colonial policy. Italian urbanism throughout the fascist era illustrates the disquieting compatibility of progressive planning and authoritarian politics, and in Gondar modern urban design was used to define imperial identity for both Italian settlers and African colonial subjects. Gondar: Architecture and Urbanism for Italy's Fascist Empire documents the striking sensitivity to topography and historical preservation that Italian designers brought to their colonial mission as well as the skill with which they adapted to the material and political challenges of working in Italy's overseas dominions.
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Gami, Bavjola Shatro. "A Stranger in Rome: Musine Kokalari and Her Memoir La mia vita universitaria in Twentieth-Century Albanian Literature." Mediterranean Studies 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 76–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.30.1.0076.
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ABSTRACT This article focuses on the memoir of Musine Kokalari, the first woman writer in Albanian literature. Her memoir La mia vita universitaria (My University Life) was written in Italian during her stay in Rome as a student at Sapienza University. It was published only in 2009 (Tirana) and in 2016 (Rome) as a result of the author being harshly persecuted by the communist regime and her work being banned in Albania for almost half a century. Kokalari’s memoir is analyzed through a cultural and biographical approach as well as text analysis. Being a stranger and remaining one while living in Italy is a fundamental aspect of Kokalari’s memoir as she narrates her journey toward the expression of the self as an Albanian woman writer in fascist Rome.
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MYERS, LINDSAY. "Meo's Fists – Fighting For or Against Fascism? The Subversive Nature of Text and Image in Giovanni Bertinetti's I pugni di Meo." International Research in Children's Literature 1, no. 1 (July 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619808000069.
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During the 1920s and 1930s Italian children's literature was heavily influenced by fascist propaganda. Stories which celebrated patriotism, militarism and obedience appeared in great numbers as did biographies of Mussolini. Children's book illustrations also underwent stylistic changes becoming more statuary and geometric in accordance with the principles behind fascist architecture and propagandist art. Not all of the Italian writers and artists who ostensibly endorsed fascist ideologies, however, were entirely compliant with fascist dictates. Careful reading of some of the key works by writers and artists outwardly supportive of the regime reveals underlying subversive political ideologies, the majority of which have yet to be acknowledged. One of the ways in which writers and artists of the fascist period inscribed subversive ideologies in their works was by manipulating contemporary visual and verbal codes. This paper focuses on the dialectic of text and image in Giovanni Bertinetti's I pugni di Meo [Meo's fists], a children's fantasy, illustrated by the well-known artist, Attilio Mussino. Situating text and illustrations in their socio-political context, it discusses how these artists manipulated words and images to convey an ideology of moderation in the midst of excessive use and abuse of power in Italy in the 1930s.
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Ballent, Anahi. "Faces of Modernity in the Architecture of the Peronist State, 1943–1955." Fascism 7, no. 1 (May 5, 2018): 80–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00701005.
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Within the context of Peronist expectations regarding culture, the article examines three cases of architectural and urban projects that displayed various kinds of articulation in terms of promotional policies, state institutions, intervening technology, the urban aspects involved, and the architectural aesthetics proposed. The works are interpreted—with respect to their aesthetic forms and images and the political content they transmit—as materializations of the new order envisaged by Peronism. Each of the case studies highlights different visualizations or aspects of this new order. In conceptual terms, all of the characteristics manifested by Peronist cultural production were also observable in the projects of inter-war dictatorships, especially those of Italian fascism. Clearly, given the period in which Peronism came to power, it is anachronistic to locate the architectural programmes which it hosted within the political categories of ‘inter-war dictatorship’ or even ‘fascism’. Nevertheless, seen through the lens of these two categories, it can be shown that the ethos of Peronism falls within the framework of the fascist era, due to its promotion of grandiose visionary projects for national renewal expressed through the transformation of the built environment on a scale characteristic of the two fascist regimes. Such projects mythically elevated Perón and Eva Perón to the level of leaders of the Argentinian people, whom they both saw as an organic entity, socially harmonious, rooted in the history of the nation and, in international terms, decidedly placed the nation on the road to the “third position” pioneered by fascist movements before 1945 in which tradition and modernity were reconciled in a form of modernism termed by Roger Griffin ‘rooted modernism’.
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Maulsby, Lucy M. "Review: Modern Architecture, Empire, and Race in Fascist Italy." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 81, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2022.81.2.245.
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Maulsby, Lucy M. "Giustizia Fascista." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 73, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 312–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2014.73.3.312.
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Designed by the architect most closely associated with fascism, Marcello Piacentini, the Palace of Justice was the largest building constructed in Milan in the interwar period. Piacentini intended that the building, with its extensive decorative program, would assert the state’s authority in Milan, the commercial and financial center of Italy and the birthplace of fascism, and serve as a permanent monument to the legal system that structured the fascist state. In Giustizia Fascista: The Representation of Fascist Justice in Marcello Piacentini’s Palace of Justice, Milan, 1932–1940, Lucy M. Maulsby examines the controversy surrounding the decorative program, which ultimately involved government officials at the highest levels, and argues that the building evinces a genuine uncertainty about how to translate fascist policy into a cultural program. The continued use of this building as the setting for the nation’s legal dramas raises questions about how and to what extent these symbols continue to embody the notion of justice in Italian society and culture today.
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de Carvalho, Rita Almeida. "Ideology and Architecture in the Portuguese ‘Estado Novo’: Cultural Innovation within a Para-Fascist State (1932–1945)." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702002.
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This article challenges the common assumption of the fascist nature of the Portuguese Estado Novo from the thirties to mid-forties, while recognizing the innovative, modernizing dynamic of much of its state architecture. It takes into account the prolix discourse of Oliveira Salazar, the head of government, as well as Duarte Pacheco’s extensive activity as minister of Public Works, and the positions and projects of the architects themselves. It also considers the allegedly peripheral status of architectural elites, and the role played by decision makers, whether politicians or bureaucrats, in the intricate process of architectural renewal. The article shows that a non-radical form of nationalism has always prevailed as a discourse in which to express the unique Portuguese spirit, that of a people that saw itself as transporting Christian morality and faith across the world, a civilizing role that the country continued to fulfil in its overseas colonies. Taking the architectural legacy of the Estado Novo in its complexity leads to the conclusion that, while the dictatorship did not dismiss modernization outright, and though it adopted what could be superficially considered fascist traits, the language of national resurgence disseminated by the Portuguese regime did not express a future-oriented fascist ideology of radical rebirth. The country’s futural orientation would be accomplished by adopting a restrained policy of moderate modernization that lacked the dynamism and utopian ambition of fascism, a conservatism reflected in its architecture.
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Storchi, Simona. "The ex-Casa del Fascio in Predappio and the question of the “difficult heritage” of Fascism in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 24, no. 02 (March 19, 2019): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.8.
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This article focuses on the history and reception of the ex-Casa del Fascio in Predappio, from the end of the Second World War to the current plans for its restoration and reuse as a study centre and a museum of Fascism. Taking into account changes in legislative, political, and cultural contexts, the article proposes an approach to the legacy of Fascist architecture in Italy based not just on its ideological charge, but also on cultural and political shifts, changes in legislation, and the complex relationships between the bodies in charge of the preservation and management of public heritage. The recent plans put forward by the town administration to restore the building and turn it into a museum of Fascism have reopened the debate on the heritage of Fascism and the ex-Casa del Fascio has now become one of the most conspicuous emblems of Italy’s uneasy relationship with its Fascist past and of the problems of dealing with the material legacy of the Fascist regime.
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Pishchulina, Viktoria V. "Architecture of One-Apsidal Churches of North Black Sea Coast VI-XII c." Materials Science Forum 931 (September 2018): 790–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/msf.931.790.
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A one-apsidal hall church is always a reflection of so-called “vulgar” Christianity, thus revealing the important peculiarities of the spatial culture of the region where it is erected. In this region we can mark two periods when such temples were built: VI-VII c. and X-XII c. The first period is associated with the missionary activity by Byzantine Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania which was conditioned by both geopolitical interests (Byzantian Empire, Antioch) and the shift of The Great Silk Way to the north (Caucasian Albania). The second, as the research has shown, is connected with the migration of the peoples of Abkhazia, the abzakhs to this territory in the XII-XIII c. and the development of contacts with the Crimea. In the North Black Sea Region the one-apsidal hall church appears as early as in the VI c. – in the territory of Abkhazia we know about ten such temples. The temples of this type in the area of Big Sochi are dated back to the VII-VIII c. In the first Abhzaian temples we can reveal the influence of denominational centers – Byzantian Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania. In the temples of the Black Sea coast of both periods – introduction of the samples from Abkhazia.
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Ballinger, Pamela. "A Sea of Difference, a History of Gaps: Migrations between Italy and Albania, 1939–1992." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 1 (January 2018): 90–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000421.
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AbstractThis article examines extended debates after World War II over the repatriation of Italian civilians from Albania, part of the Italian fascist empire from 1939 until 1943. Italy's decolonization, when it is studied at all, usually figures as rapid and non-traumatic, and an inevitable byproduct of Italy's defeat in the war. The tendency to gloss over the complexities of decolonization proves particularly marked in the Albanian case, given the brevity of Italy's formal rule over that country and the overwhelming historiographical focus on the Italian military experience there. In recovering the complex history of Italian and Albanian relations within which negotiations over repatriation occurred, this article demonstrates the prolonged process of imperial repatriation and its consequences for the individuals involved. In some cases, Italian citizens, and their families, only “returned” home to Italy in the 1990s. The repatriation of these “remainders” of empire concerned not only the Italian and Albanian states but also local committees (notably the Circolo Garibaldi) and international organizations, including the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration and the International Committee of the Red Cross. In recuperating this history, the analysis rejects seeming truisms about the forgotten or repressed memory of Italian colonialism. Drawing upon critical theories of “gaps,” the article addresses the methodological challenges in writing such a history.
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Beese, Christine. "»La Sapienza«." Architectura 46, no. 2 (July 11, 2019): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2016-2004.
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AbstractThe following article will point out the way in which the roman Città Universitaria (1932 –1935) played a crucial role for the historiography of architecture in Italy. While the debate of the 1930ies was marked by negotiations of a genuine fascist art, essence and appropriate form, important historians and critics of the post-war era were engaged in establishing the master narrative of an ethical and progressive modernity in contrast to a retrograde and reprehensible traditionalism. The endeavor to take the Universities architecture and artwork in for a particular concept of artistic quality exerts a significant influence on todays estimation as well as handling of the building complex. By focusing on the issue of a ›true‹ modernity, architectural historians tend to lose sight of the planning program of the entire building complex, the political content of its spatial organization. Regarding its capacity of embodying ideologies, universities in contrast to government buildings are often underestimated as less telling. The article shows that at least the fascist regime used the university building complex as an important political instrument for performatively actualizing its educational policy, a policy which was indissolubly connected to the idea of forming the fascist ›uomo nuovo‹. Considering its continuous use for educational purposes the author suggests taking account of this aspect when valuing the actual qualities of the Città Universitaria.
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Kallis, Aristotle. "Futures Made Present: Architecture, Monument, and the Battle for the ‘Third Way’ in Fascist Italy." Fascism 7, no. 1 (May 5, 2018): 45–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00701004.
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During the late 1920s and 1930s, a group of Italian modernist architects, known as ‘rationalists’, launched an ambitious bid for convincing Mussolini that their brand of architectural modernism was best suited to become the official art of the Fascist state (arte di stato). They produced buildings of exceptional quality and now iconic status in the annals of international architecture, as well as an even more impressive register of ideas, designs, plans, and proposals that have been recognized as visionary works. Yet, by the end of the 1930s, it was the official monumental stile littorio – classical and monumental yet abstracted and stripped-down, infused with modern and traditional ideas, pluralist and ‘willing to seek a third way between opposite sides in disputes’, the style curated so masterfully by Marcello Piacentini – that set the tone of the Fascist state’s official architectural representation. These two contrasted architectural programmes, however, shared much more than what was claimed at the time and has been assumed since. They represented programmatically, ideologically, and aesthetically different expressions of the same profound desire to materialize in space and eternity the Fascist ‘Third Way’ future avant la lettre. In both cases, architecture (and urban planning as the scalable articulation of architecture on an urban, regional, and national territorial level) became the ‘total’ media used to signify and not just express, to shape and not just reproduce or simulate, to actively give before passively receiving meaning. Still, it was the more all-encompassing and legible coordinates of space and time in the ‘rooted’ modernism of the stile littorio that captured and expressed a third-way mediation between universality and singularity and between futural modernity and tradition better than the trenchant, inflexible anti-monumentalism of the rationalists.
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Kreka, Alba. "REFLECTING ABOUT THE CIVIL WAR IN ALBANIA." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 54, no. 5 (September 30, 2022): 867–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij5405867k.
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Albania was considered "a wild province" by the British missions that served in the "land of the eagles"during the Second World War. First, the Italian occupation and then the German occupation created the ground forthe anti-fascist national liberation war, carried out by various political forces operating in the country at that time.This paper aims to analyze the approaches and controversies of the civil war in Albania through the lens of Britishmilitary missions’ (SOE) official documents, Albanian archival documentation as well as from the literature ofvarious authors. Referring to this documentation, the beginning of the civil war in Albania is related to thecapitulation of Italy in September 1943 and the arrival of the German army, which occupied Albania, Yugoslaviaand Greece in three weeks. Domestic political situation in Albania was strained because off encountered difficultiesin creating a common front by the nationalist forces. The main rivalry was between a part of National Front calledBalli Kombetar (BK) and Albanian Communist Party (ACP). BK was a republican, liberal and nationalist wingorganization with an anti-communist program. Meanwhile, ACP identified itself with the National Liberation Front.In the vortex of these events, in August 1943 it was organized a meeting called “Mukje Meeting” due to the name ofthe village where it was held. The two rival political forces concluded an agreement, which lasted only one month;the communists cancelled it under the directives of the Yugoslavs because it meant equal power for both politicalforces and territorial unification with Kosovo after the war. These and other decisions were officially announced atthe next conference organized by APC, called Labinot Conference II (September 1943). At the Central Archives ofAlbania it is found a circular - letter of October 1, year 1943 addressed to the APC Committees. Through it EnverHoxha, as the secretary of APC opposed the union of BK forces with National Front, describing them as enemies.From this moment and on began the civil war. The confrontations are confirmed by the reports of SOE addressed tothe British Foreign Ministry; it was reported that only 10% of the British weapons given to the communists wereused in the war against the Germans, while the rest, 90% of them were used to fight the opponents (BK). Communisthistoriography denied the existence of civil war by censoring the history learned by Albanians for 45 years. After thefall of the communist regime, it was a necessary reviewing and rewriting the history of Albania. Even today,historians share different opinions regarding the period of World War II and especially the (in)existence of the civilwar. The fact that Albania has had a civil war reflected in the struggle for power, just like the countries of the region,does not at all diminish the organization of a liberation war and its commitment to the Allies. To reflect about thisperiod of Albania's history, we will refer to historical facts, arguments and various sources, which prove theexistence of the civil war even after the liberation of the country. In January 1945, when the Germans had leftAlbania, it happen another confrontation, known as the Battle of Tamara. In the time when the victory of thecommunists was a fact and they were full of glory, this event is interpreted as the last step towards the power. Withthe coming of the communists in power, the civil war was replaced by the class war, which marked countlessvictims during the entire communist dictatorship.
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Shumka, Laura. "Particularities of wooden carved iconostases in selected post-Byzantine churches of Albania." Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo 10, no. 4 (2022): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46284/mkd.2022.10.4.6.
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This paper presents the data and study results of the post-Byzantine wood carved iconostases of different churches in Albania, which notwithstanding the circumstances of the communistic period have preserved to a considerable extent their typical characteristics. The paper aims to examine the stylistic and morphological aspects of the iconostasis in selected churches in relation to the architecture and tries to identify the relationships, sequences and reasons for such phenomena. The presence of iconostases in the Eastern Orthodox Church is based on the carried rituals and services that are expressed through ecclesiastical sculptures and other works. In these contexts, the iconostasis is the most dominating screen, related to the rood screen of English mediaeval churches, but contrary to them it is a closed and solid structure. In the iconostasis, architecture and wood carving workers collaborate on a large scale in order to create a solid and well-integrated frame. The analysis includes St Mary’s Monastery, also known as the Monastery of Dormition of Theotokos Mary, a medieval Byzantine church on Zvërnec island in the Narta Lagoon, southwest of the city of Vlora, southwestern Albania (SMZ); the Church of Apostles in Hoshtevë, Gjirokastra, with its spectacular interior completely covered with frescoes that became a cultural monument of Albania in 1948 (SA); and the Church of the Dormition of the Theotokos, simply known as Koimissi or St Mary, in the village of Labovë e Kryqit, Gjirokastër County, southern Albania (SM).
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Marcello, Flavia, and Paul Gwynne. "Speaking from the Walls." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.3.323.
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The Città Universitaria (or University City), built in Rome in the mid-1930s, used the reception of classical culture as a propaganda tool through its architecture, art, urban layout, and use of epigraphy. As Flavia Marcello and Paul Gwynne demonstrate, these elements communicated the broad sociopolitical construct of militarism and education characteristic of the Italian Fascist period. Building inscriptions using the immortal words of classical authors had both didactic and referential functions: they spoke peremptorily of accepted modes of behavior and highlighted the role of educated youth in the destiny of an (ideal) Fascist society within its teleological project of Romanità as past, current, and future glory. Speaking from the Walls: Militarism, Education, and Romanità in Rome’s Città Universitaria (1932–35) weaves together sociopolitical, cultural, and architectural frameworks through the study of epigraphy as a carefully constructed presence within orchestrated urban and interior space. Epigraphy completed the spatial experience of architecture in its urban context to construct the collective memory and identity of past, present, and future citizens of Italy.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Muehlbauer, Mikael. "An Italian Renaissance Face on a “New Eritrea”:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.3.312.
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A whitewashed neo-Renaissance façade set into a high rock escarpment above the village of Abreha wa-Atsbeha, in East Tigray, Ethiopia, stands in stark contrast to its sunbaked highland surroundings. Behind this façade is a relatively large rock-cut structure, one of the oldest medieval church buildings in Ethiopia. An Italian Renaissance Face on a “New Eritrea”: The 1939 Restoration of the Church of Abreha wa-Atsbeha addresses how the restoration of this church conducted by Italian Fascist authorities represents the appropriation of local history by both Fascist Italy and Ethiopia's own imperial rulers. As Mikael Muehlbauer describes, while the façade classicizes the building, evoking both the Italianita of the Renaissance and the Romanitas of imperial Rome, earlier murals inside claimed it for Yohannes IV, the nineteenth-century Tigrayan emperor of Ethiopia.
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Neher, Gabriele. "Review: Medina Lasansky, The Renaissance Perfected. Architecture, Spectacle, and Tourism in Fascist Italy." Art Book 12, no. 1 (January 26, 2005): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2005.00496.x.
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Caprotti, Federico. "Destructive creation: fascist urban planning, architecture and New Towns in the Pontine Marshes." Journal of Historical Geography 33, no. 3 (July 2007): 651–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2006.08.002.
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Ben-Ghiat, Ruth, and Diane Ghirardo. "Building New Communities: New Deal America and Fascist Italy." Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 46, no. 2 (November 1992): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1425205.
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Drijvers, Jan Willem, and Stephan Mols. "Van Obelisk naar Mausoleum." Lampas 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 377–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.3.011.mols.
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Summary This article describes a tour along noteworthy Augustean sites and monuments on the campus Martius in Rome. It starts at Piazza Monte Citorio where now the obelisk stands which was once part of Augustus’ Horologium. From there the walk goes 200 meters northwards to the original site of the obelisk/Horologium which is marked by an inscription, and then onward to the original site of the Ara Pacis. From there the tour continues to the Piazza Augusto Imperatore with Augustus’ Mausoleum and the museum of the Ara Pacis housing the restored altar. The piazza as it appears nowadays was designed and constructed under Mussolini as part of the fascist ideology of Romanità as well as Mussolini’s association with the successful regime of Augustus. The contemporary architecture with its reliefs and inscriptions encircling the piazza express this fascist ideology in straightforward manner.
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Isto, Raino. "Monumentality, Counter-monumentality, and Political Authority in Post-socialist Albania." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 8, no. 2 (September 16, 2020): 150–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22130624-00802003.
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Abstract This article examines the role that monumentality—and efforts to critique it—have played in shaping the experience of public space in post-socialist Albania. It considers artistic and architectural strategies often labeled ‘counter-monumental’ because they were first developed as a way to challenge authoritarian and nationalist monumental structures from the past, and it argues that in Albania these counter-monumental strategies have become wedded to centralized state power. In the conditions of neoliberal capitalism, projects that aim to undo traditional monumentality can effectively obfuscate political agendas. In Albania, where Edi Rama—the current Prime Minister—is also a practicing artist, the discourses of contemporary art have served to increase the centralization of political authority, and the work of architecture and design firms such as the Brussels-based group 51N4E have reinforced the symbolic power of the state at the same time that they claim to open public spaces up for citizen participation.
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Aliyev, Taleh. "TIGRANAKERT, OR AGUEN?" Scientific works/Elmi eserler 1, no. 1 (April 21, 2022): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.58225/sw.si.2022.1.69-74.
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The study of the cities and urban culture of Caucasian Albania, the study of Albanian studies, history and archaeology, as well as monuments is very relevant both in terms of archaeology and architecture. From this point of view, the study of ancient and early medieval settlements, and urban and rural archaeological monuments located in the territory of Karabakh have special importance. The monuments of the Albanian period in Karabakh and East Zangazur, the historical lands of Azerbaijan liberated from occupation, are distinguished by their richness. One of them is the Shahbulag settlement located in the Aghdam region. The archaeological monument, one of the unique urban sites of Caucasian Albania, covers an area of about 50 hectares. The geographical location of the settlement and archaeological materials, landscape and topographic structure, and the combination of the area indicated in the written sources with the settlement of Shahbulag give grounds to suggest that it was the city of Aguen in Albania.
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Tschudi, Victor Plahte. "Plaster Empires." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 71, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 386–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2012.71.3.386.
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The so-called Plastico di Roma is one of Rome’s great attractions. The extraordinary detailed plaster reconstruction of fourth-century Rome monopolizes the image of the imperial city for scholars and visitors alike. Archaeology played an important but small part in the making of the model. The majority of buildings consist of volumetric modules, invented by the “architect” Italo Gismondi and his team, to mask and replace the missing architectural evidence. Victor Plahte Tschudi traces the impact of Gismondi’s invented antiques in Plaster Empires: Italo Gismondi’s Model of Rome. Completed in 1937, in time for the fascist exhibition (the Mostra Augustea), the model gave Fascist modernism a seeming imperial origin. It also legitimized, even inspired, the regime’s town planning policy and brutal overhaul to redeem Rome’s ancient monuments. Reconsidering the history and ideology of the model is crucial as Gismondi’s eighty-year-old inventions of the city reappear today in cutting-edge virtual reconstruction projects.
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Ghirardo, Diane. "Architects, Exhibitions, and the Politics of Culture in Fascist Italy." Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 45, no. 2 (February 1992): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1425274.
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Andreotti, Libero. "The Aesthetics of War: The Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution." Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 45, no. 2 (February 1992): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1425275.
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Andreotti, Libero. "Architecture as Media Event: Mario Sironi and the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution, 1932." Built Environment 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2148/benv.31.1.9.62201.
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PARFITT, ROSE. "Fascism, Imperialism and International Law: An Arch Met a Motorway and the Rest is History . . ." Leiden Journal of International Law 31, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 509–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156518000304.
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AbstractWhat would happen to our understanding of international law and its relationship with violence if we collapsed the distinction between our supposedly post-colonial ‘present’ and its colonial ‘past’; between the sovereign spaces of the twenty-first century global order, and the integrated, hierarchical space of fascist imperialism? I respond to this question through an investigation into the physical contours of a precise ‘imperial location’: 30°31′00″N, 18°34′00″E. These co-ordinates refer to a point on the sea-edge of the Sirtica that is occupied today by the Ra's Lanuf oil refinery, one of Libya's three most important such facilities. In the late 1930s, however, during Libya's period of fascist colonial rule, this was the point at which a state-of-the-art motorway, the Via litoranea libica, was crossed by a giant triumphal arch, the Arco dei Fileni. Through a chronotopic reading of the temporal, spatial and interpellative aspects of this point, its architecture and its history, I suggest that fascist lawyers, officials and intellectuals accepted a horrifying truth about the relationship between international law and violence – a relationship that twenty-first century doctrinal international law is loath to confront, concerning the inherently expansionist logic of the sovereign state, and the inevitably hierarchical ordering of the ‘international community’ which stems from it.