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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism Great Britain History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.

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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article examines the centrality of the body and distinctive gender codes in the self-representation, the performance and practice, and the culture of Britain's failed fascist movement during the 1930s. The term ‘body fascism’ has taken on different and much diluted meaning in the present day, but in the British Union of Fascists’ construction of the Blackshirted body, in the movement's emphasis on the embodiment of their political religion through sport, physical fitness and public display of offensive and defensive violence, and in their distinctive and racialised bodily aesthetic illustrated in their visual and graphic art production we come to understand Britain's fascist movement as a product of modernity and as one potent expression of the convergence between populist politics and body fixation.

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2

Colacicco, Tamara. "The British Institute of Florence and the British Council in Fascist Italy: from Harold E. Goad to Ian G. Greenlees, 1922–1940." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.19.

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The first British cultural institute on foreign soil was founded in Florence in 1917. However, it was the creation of the British Council in London in 1935 that marked the beginning of the strengthening of the British cultural presence abroad. The aim of this drive was to promote knowledge of British culture and civic and political life overseas, to defend national prestige and, given the escalating expansionist policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, to encourage the preservation of dialogue between the major European powers, underpinned by democratic principles. Bridging a gap in research into the relationship between Italy and Great Britain in the interwar period, this article reconstructs the case study of British cultural diplomacy in Florence between 1922 and Mussolini’s declaration of war, analysing how British culture was used in politics and propaganda and investigating the relationship of the management of both the British Institute of Florence and the British Council with Fascism. In doing so, it offers original insight into British history and the country’s cultural institutions in Fascist Italy, and into the wider field of Anglo-Italian political and cultural relations during the period of dictatorship in Italy.

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3

Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.

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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.

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THORSHEIM, PETER. "Salvage and Destruction: The Recycling of Books and Manuscripts in Great Britain during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000222.

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AbstractAn analysis of Great Britain's campaigns to recycle books and paper reveals the paradoxes of wartime waste policies: destroying history and culture for the sake of reusing materials, and the impact of recycling on the war machinery's own wastefulness. Conscious of systematic recycling in Nazi Germany and its own dependence on imports, the British government established a salvage department only weeks after the outbreak of war. Beginning in 1940, this department required all large towns to collect recyclable materials. Salvage, beyond lessening shortages, served ideological and psychological aims, because reused materials were turned into weapons. This led to a critical redefinition of recycling as the war progressed. People who previously characterised the Third Reich's recycling programmes as typical fascist control now considered compulsory recycling in Great Britain wholly positive. However, protesters claimed the government was causing irreparable harm by salvaging items whose value far exceeded their worth as scrap. The harvesting of books, periodicals and manuscripts as ‘waste’ paper proved particularly contentious, with some arguing that their own government was adding to the destruction that bombs were causing to Great Britain's cultural inheritance.

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5

Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.

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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.

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6

Batyuk, V. I. "Towards a Bipolar World. Book Review of ‘The Second World War and the Transformation of International Relations: From Multipolarity to a Bipolar World’ edited by L.S. Belousov and A.S. Manykin." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 4 (December 20, 2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-4-228-234.

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In 2020 the whole world commemorated the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II — the most horrifi c war in the human history. However, the celebration of the victory over fascism was overshadowed by the growing tension among the leading actors of contemporary international relations. In this context, a high level of responsibility falls on the academic community to rebuff politically motivated attempts to rewrite history and revise the outcomes of this war. The book under review could make an important contribution to that end. The book provides a comprehensive and balanced analysis of the history of World War II. The reviewer emphasizes that rather than providing a detailed examination of military operations the authors focused on their impact on the development of the international relations system. In particular, the book provides a detailed picture of the complex interactions within the strategic triangle — the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain — both during the war and in the years after the war. As a result, the book under review not only provides an opportunity to better understand the key trends in relationships between the Great Powers during the war, but also sheds new light on the origins of the bipolar system and the beginning of the Cold War. The reviewer concludes that, despite sometimes excessively Eurocentric approach of the authors, this book is a seminal work on the history of World War II and a major event for the Russian academic community. As such, this book can be recommended to both professional historians and a wider audience.

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7

Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.

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8

Palmer, Bryan D. "The Essential E.P. Thompson, edited by Dorothy Thompson. New Press: New York, 2001. x + 498 pp. $45.00 cloth; $21.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790423023x.

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E.P. Thompson was nursed on a mother's milk of transatlantic missionary work and writings on the Middle East that reached back to the last half of the nineteenth century. Fathered on Bengali literature, the poetry of the Great War, cricket with the likes of Nehru, and the struggle for Indian independence, Thompson was born into a highly literate and deeply politicized global village. Small wonder that at seventeen he was an anti-fascist and a soldier. But he took a wide Left turn, following in a brother's footsteps, to become a Marxist and a Communist in his twenties, only to find himself, by 1956, donning dissident dress, leading an exodus from the Communist Party of Great Britain, building a revolutionary New Left in the seemingly unpropitious climate of the late 1950s.

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9

Borisov, A. Yu. "The Anti-Hitler Coalition: From Enmity to Military Alliance — A Formula for Success." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-7-44.

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It is unfortunate to note again today that World War II did not end, it continues in the form of the war of memory. Politicians and scholars who stand as ideological successors of collaborators are trying to rewrite the history of those tragic days, to downplay the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over fascism. They try to revive certain political myths, which have been debunked long ago, that the Soviet Union and the Nazi Germany bear equal responsibility for the outbreak of World War II, that the Red Army did not liberate Eastern Europe but ‘occupied’ it. In order to combat these attempts it is necessary to examine once again a turbulent history of the inter-war period and, particularly, the reasons why all attempts to form a united antifascist front had failed in the 1930s, but eventually led to the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition.The paper focuses on a complex set of political considerations, including cooperation and confrontation, mutual suspicions and a fervent desire to ﬁnd an ally in the face of growing international tensions, which all together determined the dynamics of relations within a strategic triangle of the Soviet Union — the United States — Great Britain in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The paper shows how all attempts to establish a collective security system during the prewar period had shattered faced with the policy of appeasement, which allowed the Nazi Germany to occupy much of Europe. Only the Soviet Union’s entry into the war changed the course of the conﬂict and made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascist aggressors. The author emphasizes that at such crucial moment of history I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill raised to that challenge, demonstrating realism, common sense and willingness to cooperate. Although within the anti-Hitler coalition there was a number of pending issues, which triggered tensions between the Allies, their leaders managed to move beyond old grievances, ideological diﬀerences and short-term political interests, to realize that they have a common strategic goal in the struggle against Nazism. According to the author, this is the foundation for success of the anti-Hitler coalition and, at the same time, the key lesson for contemporary politicians. The very emergence of the anti-Hitler coalition represented a watershed in the history of the 20th century, which has determined a way forward for the whole humanity and laid the foundations for the world order for the next ﬁfty years.

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10

Vonog, E. A. "CONTEMPORARIES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA AND REPRESENTATIVES OF ALBION: THE NATURE OF RELATIONS, REFLECTED IN THE FILM AND PHOTO DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH INTERVENTIONISTS IN THE PERIOD 1918–1919." Siberian journal of anthropology 06, no. 5/2 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31804/2542-1816-2021-5-2-19-35.

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Despite the British support of the Russian White movement during such events as the intervention and the Civil War in Russia, the effective actions of Albion towards the anti-Bolshevik forces can hardly be considered friendly. For centuries, Great Britain acted as an opponent of Russia, and only in the first half of the 20th century because of Kaiser and later fascist Germany threats Great Britain and Russia established short-term allied relations. The study of assessments connected with Great Britain standpoint of certain historical events in our country, as well as the historical experience of relations with this long-standing opponent of Russia made this article topical. In the article the author attempts to convey the nature of the difficult relationship between the contemporaries of the Russian Civil War and the British interventionists, based on visual history and such sources as film and photo documents of the British Expeditionary Forces in the period of 1918–1919. In order to understand the contradictory nature of relations with the British, Russian Republic (earlier the Russian Empire) previous allies, the author aims at showing the prerequisites for the invasion of the Entente countries and changes in the strategy of British political forces in relation to Russia. The study was carried out within the framework of such an interdisciplinary branch of science as «military anthropology», where the object of study is «a man in war». The article presents not only an overview of British film and photo documents, but also their attribution made with the definition of copyright holders, places and time of filming, accompanied with identifying the authors of the film and photo documents involved in creating a visual image of the Civil War in Russia. The study is based on the historical-comparative method, which made it possible to determine the differences between Russian-British relations during the Civil War in all territories of the presence of British interventionists — in the North, South and East of Russia.

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11

Hedinger, Daniel. "The imperial nexus: the Second World War and the Axis in global perspective." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000043.

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AbstractTo date, the alliance between Tokyo, Berlin, and Rome has been interpreted primarily as an alliance between nation-states and has therefore been studied using bi-national approaches. However, this article argues that the strength and globality of the Axis becomes comprehensible if we understand it first and foremost as an alliance between empires. By discussing the interwar years from the viewpoint of trans-imperial cooperation and competition, we discover an imperial nexus. The history, characteristics, diversity, and consequences of this imperial nexus are shown in three parts. The first describes how the nexus helped to bring the distantly located partners together. This occurred against the backdrop of what they called proletarian imperialism, which turned out to be a kind of post-colonial imperialism. The second part analyses how the imperial nexus led others, such as Great Britain, to believe in the existence and strength of a global Axis. In this context, the anti-colonial tendencies put forth mostly by the Japanese turned out to be dangerous. The last part shows how and why the imperial Axis remained intact during the war. Considered from the standpoint of an imperial nexus, the familiar reading of the alliance as well as of the world war shifts. First, Japan and Italy play more important roles than often assumed, while the primacy of Germany is relativized. Second, the chronologies change in relation to the genesis of the Axis and thus the origins of the Second World War. These origins are more strongly associated with non-European world regions and ‘colonial peripheries’, particularly with China and Ethiopia. Third, the issue of ideological similarities and thus of fascism once again becomes a key focus. Fourth and finally, the Axis appears far more diverse and also stronger than previously understood.

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12

deJong-Lambert, William. "Hermann J. Muller, Theodosius Dobzhansky, Leslie Clarence Dunn, and the Reaction to Lysenkoism in the United States." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2013): 78–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00309.

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This article outlines the response of three U.S. geneticists—Hermann Muller, Theodosius Dobzhansky, and Leslie Dunn—to the anti-genetics campaign launched by the Soviet agronomist Trofim Lysenko. The Cold War provided a hospitable environment for Lysenko's argument that genetics was racist, fascist science. In 1948, at a session of the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Lysenko succeeded in banning genetics in the USSR. The movement against genetics soon spread to Soviet-allied states around the globe. Efforts to rebut Lysenkoism were launched in the United States, Great Britain, and other Western countries by scientists who saw Lysenko as a pseudo-scientific charlatan. Muller, Dobzhansky, and Dunn were among the biologists most active in this counter-campaign. The history of their campaign reveals the challenges scientists faced at an important moment in the field of biology, with the recent synthesis of genetics and Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection, as well as the difficulties of engaging in politics and persuading a lay audience to support their ideas.

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13

Cronin, Mike, Dave Renton, and Nigel Copsey. "Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693109.

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14

Moore, Andrew, and Dave Renton. "Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s." Labour History, no. 81 (2001): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516827.

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15

Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.

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Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and the first to view it as a discrete phenomenon. Queer anti-fascists showed what a radical and inclusive anti-fascism should look like, while their structural analysis of everyday fascism demonstrated why anti-fascism must mean social revolution. For them, queerness was necessarily antifascist: queer people’s common experience of oppression enabled them to understand and overthrow fascism and the existing order. Although they never disappeared, their marginalization by cisgender-heterosexual antifascists should warn antifascists today.

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16

Ortiz, Michael P. "Spain! Why? Jawaharlal Nehru, Non-Intervention, and the Spanish Civil War." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853688.

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This article analyzes British non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War through the lens of Indian anti-fascism. To date, non-intervention, Aid Spain campaigns, and appeasement have dominated the historiography of Britain and the Spanish Civil War. Prime Ministers Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain faced an impossible decision between supporting fascism or communism (as some in Britain understood it). In due course, they tried to contain the conflict. However, Indian intervention in the Spanish Civil War complicates this narrative of non-intervention. I contend that in addition to a difficult crisis for England, the Spanish Civil War was also an opportunity for Indian anti-colonialists to demonstrate their independence from the British Empire.

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17

Holmes, Colin. "The Culture of Fascism: Visions of the Far Right in Britain." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei463.

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18

Young, Lewis. "Fascism for the British Audience." Fascism 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2014): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00302002.

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A key player in the campaigns against fascism, the Communist Party of Great Britain (cpgb) has been subject of much attention by historians of anti-fascism. The Party’s approach to anti-fascism, through various campaigns such as the ‘united front from below’ and the Popular Front have been well documented, however its own analysis of fascism has been subjected to much less scrutiny. It has generally been accepted that the cpgb faithfully followed the interpretation of the Communist International. While this is true, this article will argue that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was often adapted to suit the British political climate. By examining the cpgb’s approaches to ‘social fascism’, democracy and the British Union of Fascists (buf), this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism was much more fluid. Moreover it will suggest that the Party only adhered to the strictest of Comintern analyses at times of increased attention from Moscow. Finally this article will show that the cpgb’s analysis of fascism as an antithesis to all things ‘British’ survived, and indeed was strengthened, by the end of the Second World War. By 1945 its analysis of fascism was much more generic, following an economic and ideological reading as per the Stalinist interpretation, but with a strong focus on patriotism, and the empirical evidence of the destructive and murderous qualities of fascism as shown by the Holocaust.

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19

Bresciani, Marco. "Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the Idea of Nation: Italian Historiography and Public Debate since the 1980s." Contemporary European History 30, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000491.

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It is common to consider 1989 as a kind of ‘zero hour’. This applies to East Central European and to Italian history alike. A thought-provoking book, published in 1993, evoked the image of ‘an avalanche that swells downhill, speeded up and enriched by the great landslide of the nearby great mountain’. In this way the historian Luciano Cafagna described the impact of the fall of the Berlin Wall on Italian democracy. As a matter of fact, the Italian party system, based on the leading role of the Christian Democratic Party and of the West's major Communist Party, suddenly collapsed in the three years that followed the end of the Cold War because of a growing loss of legitimacy. In hindsight, though, I argue that the first, mostly invisible, movements of this ‘avalanche’ went further back in time, to well before 1989. The early 1990s simply marked its spectacular acceleration.

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20

Trevor-Roper, Hugh. "Pietro Giannone and Great Britain." Historical Journal 39, no. 3 (September 1996): 657–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024481.

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ABSTRACTPietro Giannone was a revolutionary thinker who sought in the early decades of the eighteenth century to free Italy from the inveterate, legally entrenched feudal power of the church and then to free Christianity itself from the stifling and corrupting embrace of the political church. This essay tells the improbable story of how his writings were taken up and disseminated in Britain by the non-juring bishop and antiquary Richard Rawlinson, the learned but morally unsound Scottish journalist Archibald Bower, and an odd crew of Jacobites. It is shown that the translations of Giannone got into some very influential hands and represent part of an undervalued Jacobite contribution to the origins of the Scottish Enlightenment and to the thought of Edward Gibbon.

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21

Shaffer, Ryan. "Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the Interwar Period." Contemporary British History 25, no. 3 (September 2011): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2011.603274.

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22

Сараева, Д. В., and О. В. Захарова. "From Conservatism to Fascism: Oswald Mosley’s Search for the Idea of the National Resurrection of Great Britain." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(70) (March 17, 2021): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2021.70.1.008.

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статье анализируется процесс формирования и трансформации политических взглядов Освальда Мосли от консерватизма через социал-демократические идеи к фашизму, который должен был стать движением интенсивного национального патриотизма. Его политические идеи способствовали появлению и легли в основу программ политических партий и организаций Британский союз фашистов, Британский национальный фронт и Британская национальная партия. Общим для этих организаций стала идея о национальном возрождении Великобритании путем радикальных реформ в правительстве и экономике. Проведенное исследование позволило выявить, что Мосли, как и все идеологи фашизма, являлся сторонником активного вмешательства государства во все сферы жизни общества и расширения полномочий органов исполнительной власти. The article analyzes the formation and transformation of Oswald Mosley’s political views from conservatism via social-democracy to fascism which was expected to enhance patriotism and national pride. Mosley’s political ideas promoted and facilitated the formation of political parties and organizations of the British Union of Fascists, British National Front, and the British National Party. All the above-mentioned organizations propagated the idea of the national resurrection of Great Britain through radical reforms in the government and economy. The research shows that Mosley, as well as other ideologists of fascism, was a proponent of active governmental intervention in all the spheres of public life and the extension of powers exercised by government executives.

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23

Richards, Stephen. "The SS Great Britain (review)." Technology and Culture 49, no. 1 (2007): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2008.0017.

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24

Stewart Weaver. "Great Britain and the World." Reviews in American History 37, no. 3 (2009): 352–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.0.0112.

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25

Fisher, Patty. "History of School Meals in Great Britain." Nutrition and Health 4, no. 4 (January 1987): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026010608700400402.

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This paper describes the early origins of the school meals service, their rapid growth in the second world war, their post war development and their recent retrenchment. The factors contributing to their early success and the problems to be overcome are discussed.

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26

Mitton, D., and R. Ackroyd. "History of photodynamic therapy in Great Britain." Photodiagnosis and Photodynamic Therapy 2, no. 4 (December 2005): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1572-1000(05)00111-0.

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27

Mikhailov, A. G. "Physicians of Bashkiria during the Great Patriotic War." Kazan medical journal 66, no. 2 (April 15, 1985): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/kazmj61202.

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May 9, 1985 marks the 40th anniversary of the victorious end of the battle unprecedented in history in its scale and fierceness against Hitler's fascism, which aimed to destroy the world's first socialist state and establish world domination.

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28

Lowry, Bullitt, and J. M. Bourne. "Britain and the Great War, 1914-1918." Journal of Military History 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986146.

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29

Goldstein, Erik. "Great Britain and Greater Greece 1917–1920." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012188.

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The First World War saw the collapse of the old order in the Eastern Mediterranean with the disintegration of the Ottoman empire, an event which threatened to create a dangerous power vacuum. Great Britain for the pastcentury had attempted to prevent just such a crisis by supporting the maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state. Britain had a number of crucial strategic concerns in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular the Suez Canal and the Straits. The former was the more critical interest and Britain was determined to keep this essential link to its Indian empire firmly under its own control. As to the Straits Britain, which was concerned about over-extending its strategic capabilities, was content to see this critical waterway dominated by a friendly state. The question inevitably arose therefore as to what would replace the Ottoman empire. One alternative was Greece, a possibility which became increasingly attractive with the emergence of the supposedly pro-British Eleftherios Venizelos as the Greek leader in early 1917.

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Paci, Deborah. "The Renaissance of Imperial Geopolitics." Cadernos do Tempo Presente 12, no. 01 (May 21, 2021): 03–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33662/ctp.v12i01.15713.

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Recebido: 12/02/2021 Aprovado: 29/04/2021 My article aims at focusing on the fascist rhetoric over two territories, Malta and Corsica, the object of the irredentist goals of the fascist government during the twenties. Firstly, I will trace a general outline of the fascist geopolitical vision for the Mediterranean with reference to the Mussolinian policies towards France and Great Britain. Following this, I will examine the imperialist rhetoric promulgated through the magazine “Geopolitica” and the touring guides of Touring Club Italiano. Keywords: Fascism, Italy, Malta, Corsica, geopolitics

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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.

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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War

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Saliev, Ulugbek. "The Beginning Of A New Era In The Study Of The History Of World War Ii In Uzbekistan." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 05 (May 30, 2021): 286–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue05-51.

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In the Second World War, the multinational people of Uzbekistan showed great courage and perseverance on the battlefields and behind the front and made a worthy contribution to the victory over fascism. One of the urgent tasks today is to prepare a comprehensive scientific-historical book or collection of documents, reflecting the hard and difficult life of the Uzbek people on the front and behind the front during this bloody war, that particularly contributed to the victory over fascism. Such resources will be of paramount importance to convey to future generations the great work done by our people during the war, its strong will and heroism, the truth of that time, to educate them in the spirit of patriotism and courage.

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Wallace, Ian. "GDR Studies in Great Britain." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00025.

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Pichkov, O. B. "HISTORY OF POVERTY REDUCTION INITIATIVES IN GREAT BRITAIN." RUDN Journal of Economics 25, no. 2 (2017): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2017-25-2-199-208.

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35

Costu, Mehmet Davut. "Little Turkey in Great Britain." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 1 (September 23, 2018): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1507434.

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36

Kiernan, Kathleen E. "Transitions in Young Adulthood in Great Britain." Population Studies 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000145916.

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37

Cronin, James E., and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206176.

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38

Buick, A. "The Socialist Party of Great Britain Centenary." History Workshop Journal 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbi029.

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Chechko, A. N. "OFFICES WORK AT THE OTOLARYNGOLOGY DEPARTMENT OF KRONSTADT HOSPITAL DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." Marine Medicine 4, no. 2 (July 8, 2018): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22328/2413-5747-2018-4-2-94-96.

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Several years have already passed after the seventieth anniversary of German fascism ruining by Red Army and the Navy ﬂeet of theUSSR, which withstood most of the burden imposed by World War II on nations involved in it. There is now no Nazi Germany; however, the tragedy that the human race suffered because of fascism will long be in spotlight for history and military science. Military medicine, in particular Navy, will too learn much from what was happening then. One of the aspects of the history of Navy medicine relates to the prominent constellation of navy doctors who were fulﬁlling their duties at Lenin Order Navy Hospital No. 35. Their deserves, which were honored with numerous national and governmental rewards, are addressed in the present paper.

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Pal, Maïa. "Introduction to ‘Britain versus France: How Many Sonderwegs?’." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341450.

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In memoriamof the late Ellen Meiksins Wood, this piece firstly remembers the main achievements of her forty years of work. Secondly, it introduces one of her contributions, ‘Britain versus France: How ManySonderwegs?’, until now unavailable in an anglophone publication and reprinted in the present issue. This contribution is a useful reformulation of her arguments concerning radical historicity, the concept of ‘bourgeois revolution’, and the specificity of French and British state formation and their political revolutions – in contrast to arguments for a GermanSonderwegas an explanation for the rise of fascism. Wood also provides a fruitful illustration of how to apply a social-property relations approach to the development of the rule of law in each of these states, and thus furthers opportunities for debates on the potential of Political Marxism for understanding contemporary class struggles over rights.

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Carr, W. "Exile in Great Britain. Refugees from Hitler's Germany." German History 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/2.1.67.

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42

Dunkley, Peter, and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171560.

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43

Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.

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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time. The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.

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Reggiani, Andrés H. "Depopulation, Fascism, and Eugenics in 1930s Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 283–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-135.

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Abstract The article explores the reception of eugenics in Argentina in the 1930s. It aims, first, to place eugenics as a topic of expert and public concern against the background of the “demographic fears” associated with the decline of the birthrate among the white population and the closing of European immigration that followed the world depression. Second, it underscores the role played by Italian and German cultural and scientific transnational networks in the reception and dissemination of medical ideas of race improvement. Based upon previously overlooked sources of the Prussian state archives, the essay seeks to revise conventional “neo-Lamarckian” explanations about Latin America’s (and Argentina’s) alleged immunity to negative eugenics. By examining the activities of the Asociación de Biotipología, the debates of the Second Pan-American Conference on Eugenics, and the academic exchanges fostered by the Deutsche-Iberoamerikanische Ärzteakademie, the article argues that Argentine medical practitioners were much more receptive to eugenic sterilization than previously claimed. As they made great efforts to separate it from other “unscientific” forms of racism, they lent credibility to practices which, as recent research has shown, many of them had adopted on allegedly therapeutic grounds.

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Ransby, Barbara. "Reflections on the Fiftieth Anniversary Commemoration of the Fifth Pan-African Congress." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502340.

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The fifth Pan-African Congress was held in Manchester, England in October 1945 with a great roster of delegates who would play, and had played, critical roles in the advancement of Black freedom: W.E.B. DuBois, Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore, and Jomo Kenyatta, to name a few. It was an historic gathering held at a point in history when the defeat of fascism in Europe and the impending demise of colonialism in Africa and the Caribbean were great causes for optimism among progressive people the world over. The manifesto issued by the Congress delegates exposed the atrocities of colonialism, tapped into the universal language of anti-fascism, and thereby hastened the process of decolonization.

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van Roon, Ger. "Great Britain and the Oslo States." Journal of Contemporary History 24, no. 4 (October 1989): 657–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400405.

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Martill, David M. "The early history of pterosaur discovery in Great Britain." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 343, no. 1 (2010): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp343.18.

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Eisner, H. S. "A history of mine safety research in Great Britain." Journal of Occupational Accidents 9, no. 2 (August 1987): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0376-6349(87)90032-0.

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49

Hope, John. "Fascism and the State in Britain: The Case of the British Fascist 1923-31." Australian Journal of Politics & History 39, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1993.tb00074.x.

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Tilly, Charles. "Contentious Repertoires in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Social Science History 17, no. 2 (1993): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171282.

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