Academic literature on the topic 'Fascism Great Britain History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.
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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article examines the centrality of the body and distinctive gender codes in the self-representation, the performance and practice, and the culture of Britain's failed fascist movement during the 1930s. The term ‘body fascism’ has taken on different and much diluted meaning in the present day, but in the British Union of Fascists’ construction of the Blackshirted body, in the movement's emphasis on the embodiment of their political religion through sport, physical fitness and public display of offensive and defensive violence, and in their distinctive and racialised bodily aesthetic illustrated in their visual and graphic art production we come to understand Britain's fascist movement as a product of modernity and as one potent expression of the convergence between populist politics and body fixation.
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Colacicco, Tamara. "The British Institute of Florence and the British Council in Fascist Italy: from Harold E. Goad to Ian G. Greenlees, 1922–1940." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.19.
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The first British cultural institute on foreign soil was founded in Florence in 1917. However, it was the creation of the British Council in London in 1935 that marked the beginning of the strengthening of the British cultural presence abroad. The aim of this drive was to promote knowledge of British culture and civic and political life overseas, to defend national prestige and, given the escalating expansionist policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, to encourage the preservation of dialogue between the major European powers, underpinned by democratic principles. Bridging a gap in research into the relationship between Italy and Great Britain in the interwar period, this article reconstructs the case study of British cultural diplomacy in Florence between 1922 and Mussolini’s declaration of war, analysing how British culture was used in politics and propaganda and investigating the relationship of the management of both the British Institute of Florence and the British Council with Fascism. In doing so, it offers original insight into British history and the country’s cultural institutions in Fascist Italy, and into the wider field of Anglo-Italian political and cultural relations during the period of dictatorship in Italy.
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Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.
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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.
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THORSHEIM, PETER. "Salvage and Destruction: The Recycling of Books and Manuscripts in Great Britain during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000222.
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AbstractAn analysis of Great Britain's campaigns to recycle books and paper reveals the paradoxes of wartime waste policies: destroying history and culture for the sake of reusing materials, and the impact of recycling on the war machinery's own wastefulness. Conscious of systematic recycling in Nazi Germany and its own dependence on imports, the British government established a salvage department only weeks after the outbreak of war. Beginning in 1940, this department required all large towns to collect recyclable materials. Salvage, beyond lessening shortages, served ideological and psychological aims, because reused materials were turned into weapons. This led to a critical redefinition of recycling as the war progressed. People who previously characterised the Third Reich's recycling programmes as typical fascist control now considered compulsory recycling in Great Britain wholly positive. However, protesters claimed the government was causing irreparable harm by salvaging items whose value far exceeded their worth as scrap. The harvesting of books, periodicals and manuscripts as ‘waste’ paper proved particularly contentious, with some arguing that their own government was adding to the destruction that bombs were causing to Great Britain's cultural inheritance.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Batyuk, V. I. "Towards a Bipolar World. Book Review of ‘The Second World War and the Transformation of International Relations: From Multipolarity to a Bipolar World’ edited by L.S. Belousov and A.S. Manykin." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 4 (December 20, 2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-4-228-234.
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In 2020 the whole world commemorated the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II — the most horrifi c war in the human history. However, the celebration of the victory over fascism was overshadowed by the growing tension among the leading actors of contemporary international relations. In this context, a high level of responsibility falls on the academic community to rebuff politically motivated attempts to rewrite history and revise the outcomes of this war. The book under review could make an important contribution to that end. The book provides a comprehensive and balanced analysis of the history of World War II. The reviewer emphasizes that rather than providing a detailed examination of military operations the authors focused on their impact on the development of the international relations system. In particular, the book provides a detailed picture of the complex interactions within the strategic triangle — the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain — both during the war and in the years after the war. As a result, the book under review not only provides an opportunity to better understand the key trends in relationships between the Great Powers during the war, but also sheds new light on the origins of the bipolar system and the beginning of the Cold War. The reviewer concludes that, despite sometimes excessively Eurocentric approach of the authors, this book is a seminal work on the history of World War II and a major event for the Russian academic community. As such, this book can be recommended to both professional historians and a wider audience.
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Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.
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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.
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Palmer, Bryan D. "The Essential E.P. Thompson, edited by Dorothy Thompson. New Press: New York, 2001. x + 498 pp. $45.00 cloth; $21.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790423023x.
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E.P. Thompson was nursed on a mother's milk of transatlantic missionary work and writings on the Middle East that reached back to the last half of the nineteenth century. Fathered on Bengali literature, the poetry of the Great War, cricket with the likes of Nehru, and the struggle for Indian independence, Thompson was born into a highly literate and deeply politicized global village. Small wonder that at seventeen he was an anti-fascist and a soldier. But he took a wide Left turn, following in a brother's footsteps, to become a Marxist and a Communist in his twenties, only to find himself, by 1956, donning dissident dress, leading an exodus from the Communist Party of Great Britain, building a revolutionary New Left in the seemingly unpropitious climate of the late 1950s.
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Borisov, A. Yu. "The Anti-Hitler Coalition: From Enmity to Military Alliance — A Formula for Success." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-7-44.
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It is unfortunate to note again today that World War II did not end, it continues in the form of the war of memory. Politicians and scholars who stand as ideological successors of collaborators are trying to rewrite the history of those tragic days, to downplay the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over fascism. They try to revive certain political myths, which have been debunked long ago, that the Soviet Union and the Nazi Germany bear equal responsibility for the outbreak of World War II, that the Red Army did not liberate Eastern Europe but ‘occupied’ it. In order to combat these attempts it is necessary to examine once again a turbulent history of the inter-war period and, particularly, the reasons why all attempts to form a united antifascist front had failed in the 1930s, but eventually led to the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition.The paper focuses on a complex set of political considerations, including cooperation and confrontation, mutual suspicions and a fervent desire to find an ally in the face of growing international tensions, which all together determined the dynamics of relations within a strategic triangle of the Soviet Union — the United States — Great Britain in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The paper shows how all attempts to establish a collective security system during the prewar period had shattered faced with the policy of appeasement, which allowed the Nazi Germany to occupy much of Europe. Only the Soviet Union’s entry into the war changed the course of the conflict and made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascist aggressors. The author emphasizes that at such crucial moment of history I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill raised to that challenge, demonstrating realism, common sense and willingness to cooperate. Although within the anti-Hitler coalition there was a number of pending issues, which triggered tensions between the Allies, their leaders managed to move beyond old grievances, ideological differences and short-term political interests, to realize that they have a common strategic goal in the struggle against Nazism. According to the author, this is the foundation for success of the anti-Hitler coalition and, at the same time, the key lesson for contemporary politicians. The very emergence of the anti-Hitler coalition represented a watershed in the history of the 20th century, which has determined a way forward for the whole humanity and laid the foundations for the world order for the next fifty years.
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Vonog, E. A. "CONTEMPORARIES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA AND REPRESENTATIVES OF ALBION: THE NATURE OF RELATIONS, REFLECTED IN THE FILM AND PHOTO DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH INTERVENTIONISTS IN THE PERIOD 1918–1919." Siberian journal of anthropology 06, no. 5/2 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31804/2542-1816-2021-5-2-19-35.
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Despite the British support of the Russian White movement during such events as the intervention and the Civil War in Russia, the effective actions of Albion towards the anti-Bolshevik forces can hardly be considered friendly. For centuries, Great Britain acted as an opponent of Russia, and only in the first half of the 20th century because of Kaiser and later fascist Germany threats Great Britain and Russia established short-term allied relations. The study of assessments connected with Great Britain standpoint of certain historical events in our country, as well as the historical experience of relations with this long-standing opponent of Russia made this article topical. In the article the author attempts to convey the nature of the difficult relationship between the contemporaries of the Russian Civil War and the British interventionists, based on visual history and such sources as film and photo documents of the British Expeditionary Forces in the period of 1918–1919. In order to understand the contradictory nature of relations with the British, Russian Republic (earlier the Russian Empire) previous allies, the author aims at showing the prerequisites for the invasion of the Entente countries and changes in the strategy of British political forces in relation to Russia. The study was carried out within the framework of such an interdisciplinary branch of science as «military anthropology», where the object of study is «a man in war». The article presents not only an overview of British film and photo documents, but also their attribution made with the definition of copyright holders, places and time of filming, accompanied with identifying the authors of the film and photo documents involved in creating a visual image of the Civil War in Russia. The study is based on the historical-comparative method, which made it possible to determine the differences between Russian-British relations during the Civil War in all territories of the presence of British interventionists — in the North, South and East of Russia.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women and fascism in inter-war Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272407.
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Murphy, Dylan Lee. "The Communist Party of Great Britain and its struggle against fascism 1933-1939." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1999. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4855/.
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The sectarian tactics of the Comintern's Third Period prevented the Communist Party of Great Britain from articulating an effective response to the rise of fascism during 1933. The CPGB leadership saw the main threat of fascism in Britain coming from the National Government, whose measures were portrayed as leading to the gradual 'fascisation' of British society. This led to the Party leadership ignoring the BUF as politically irrelevant. However, sections of the CPGB rank and file felt differently, linking up with their Labour movement counterparts; organising activity on a mass scale to prevent BUF activity on the streets of Britain. In mid 1934, reflecting pressure from below and the change in Comintern anti-fascist strategy as advocated by Dimitrov, the CPGB leadership changed tack and sanctioned counter-demonstrations to BUF meetings. In October 1934 it offered a united front electoral pact to the Labour Party. In 1935 the CPGB embraced the popular front policy adopted by the Comintern at its Seventh World Congress. The popular front movement was designed to change the 'profascist' foreign policy of the National Government and replace it with a people's government favourable to a military pact with the USSR. This guiding principle lay behind the popular front activity of the CPGB during 1935- 39. By 1939 after six years of hard work the CPGB had little to show for its struggle against fascism. Despite a small increase in membership, and a slight growth in influence amongst the trade unions and intelligentsia, it had failed to bring about a change in British foreign policy favourable to an alliance with the Soviet Union or to emerge as a significant force within the British Labour movement. This failure can be largely ascribed to its pursuit of an antifascist strategy determined mainly by the requirements of Soviet foreign policy and not by the concerns of British workers.
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Tucci, John. "THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF INTER-WAR BRITISH FASCISTS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3794.
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Between World Wars I and II, allied forces girded themselves to quash yet another enemy bent on world conquest: fascism. In England, however, the British fascists set about to save what they saw as a dying empire. In an effort to restore Britain's greatness, British fascism held to fascist principles and doctrine to stem the flow of immigration, which fascists saw as darkening the pure British culture. While many of the British fascists strongly admired Nazi Germany's version of fascism, they were unique in that they forged their solutions from social ills that were distinctly British. British fascists were unabashedly anti-Semitic. They feared a Jewish threat to Britain's economy and culture and sought to counter it on every front. History, according to the British fascists, was rife with conspiracies which threatened the established "order of things." Unfortunately, their fears of conspiracy were so fantastic that their rationale was at times clouded and to their detriment. Foremost in the thinking of British fascists, Britain itself and all things British stood paramount to the exclusion of all else. Only an enormous resurgence of British nationalism would serve to regain Britain's proud heritage and future. Widely held principles of British fascism included direct representation in government for all occupations. All Britons would work in the interest of Britain, placing individual interests secondary to the whole of British culture. British fascism called for all Britons to actively involve themselves in the organic body of the British fascist state. Honor, duty, and loyalty would guide all Britons to a heightened sense of nationalism which would enable the individual to flourish within the fascist state. British fascism offered a sense of greatness to the British people. When all Britons embraced the nationalism of British fascism, pride of country, strength of family, honor of the individual, and the greatness of the British Empire all would be restored.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Sciences
History
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Malfoy, Jordan I. "Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3639.
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This dissertation argues that the origins of civil defense are to be found in pre-World War II Britain and that a driving force of this early civil defense scheme was fear of poison gas. Later iterations of civil defense, such as the Cold War system in America, built on already existing regimes that had proven their worth during WWII. This dissertation demonstrates not only that WWII civil defense served as a blueprint for later civil defense schemes, but also that poison gas anxiety served as a particular tool for the implementation and success of civil defense. The dissertation is organized thematically, exploring the role of civilians and volunteers in the civil defense scheme, as well as demonstrating the vital importance of physical manifestations of civil defense, such as gas masks and air raid shelters, in ensuring the success of the scheme.
By the start of World War II, many civilians had already been training in civil defense procedures for several years, learning how to put out fires, recognize bombs, warn against gas, decontaminate buildings, rescue survivors, and perform first aid. The British government had come to the conclusion, long before the threat became realized, that the civilian population was a likely target for air attacks and that measures were required to protect them. World War I (WWI) saw the first aerial attacks targeted specifically at civilians, suggesting a future where such attacks would occur more frequently and deliberately. Poison gas, used in WWI, seemed a particularly horrifying threat that presented significant problems. Civil defense was born out of this need to protect the civil population from attack by bombs or poison gas. For the next five years of war civil defense worked to maintain British morale and to protect civilian lives. This was the first real scheme of civil defense, instituted by the British government specifically for the protection of its civilian population.
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Betteridge, Thomas. "The unwritten verities of the past history and the English reformations /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.338251.
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Oliver, R. "The Ordnance Survey in Great Britain 1835-1870." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372732.
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Boswell, Caroline S. "Plotting popular politics in Interregnum England." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318295.
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Busfield, Lucy. "Protestant epistolary counselling in Early Modern England, c.1559-1660." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e3986912-1c91-4d8b-a93c-2f02b55b96b7.
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My thesis argues for the significance of individual spiritual counselling within post-Reformation English Protestantism. In particular, it demonstrates the prevalence of pastoral letter-writing and explores the purpose and dynamics of these networks. This research represents the first large-scale, comparative examination of a frequently neglected topic. It draws on many little-known letter collections and a number of unexplored manuscripts, alongside some more familiar epistolary sources. Chapter one situates my research in relation to existing literature on individual spiritual counselling and confession. As a counterpoint to the scholarly claim that contemporary accounts of the post-Reformation ministry emphasise the centrality of preaching at the expense of almost all other pastoral functions, I demonstrate the importance which many divines attributed to directing individual consciences, as well as highlighting contemporary thought on the role of the laity as providers of religious counselling. Chapter two uses Nehemiah Wallington's manuscript volume of exemplary spiritual correspondence to demonstrate the importance of epistolary counselling in the ministries of several early modern clergymen. The second section of the chapter argues that Wallington's own engagement with epistolary counselling ultimately served to uphold ministerial authority. Chapter three investigates the spiritual letter-writing relationships of early seventeenth-century Protestant ministers and their gentry patrons and demonstrates the significant potential which existed for clergymen to exercise religious agency and influence with pious elites. Chapter four explores the authoritative and spiritually intimate correspondences in which Richard Baxter engaged with laypeople from across the social spectrum during the 1650s. Current knowledge of his counselling of the Derbyshire gentlewoman, Katherine Gell, is extended through an original reflection on the significance of networks of pastoral direction in early modern English Protestantism. Chapter five explores the nature of religious advice-giving amongst the laity and uncovers its pious motivations. This characteristically 'godly' activity is both compared and contrasted with contemporary clerical counselling.
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Adamson, David J. "Insanity, idiocy and responsibility : criminal defences in northern England and southern Scotland, 1660-1830." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14462.
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This thesis compares criminal defences of insanity and idiocy between 1660 and 1830 in northern England and southern Scotland, regions which have been neglected by the historiographies of British crime and "insanity defences". It is explained how and why English and Scottish theoretical principles differed or converged. In practice, however, courtroom participants could obtain to alternative conceptions of accountability and mental distraction. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are employed to reveal contemporary conceptions of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility, which provide inverse reflections of "normal" behaviour, speech and appearance. It is argued that the judiciary did not dictate the evaluation of prisoners' mental capacities at the circuit courts, as some historians have contended. Legal processes were determined by subtle, yet complex, interactions between "decision-makers". Jurors could reach conclusions independent from judicial coercion. Before 1830, verdicts of insanity could represent discord between bench and jury, rather than the concord emphasised by some scholars. The activities of counsel, testifiers and prisoners also impinged upon the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition and restricted the bench's dominance. Despite important evidentiary evolutions, the courtroom authentication of insanity and idiocy was not dominated by Britain's evolving medical professions (including "psychiatrists") before 1830. Lay, communal understandings of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility continued to inform and underpin the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition. Such decisions were affected by social dynamics, such as the social and economic status, gender, age and legal experience of key courtroom participants. Verdicts of insanity and the development of Britain's legal practices could both be shaped by micro- and macro-political considerations. This thesis opens new avenues of research for British "insanity defences", whilst offering comparisons to contemporary Continental legal procedures.
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Kelly, Margaret Rose Louise Leckie. "King and Crown an examination of the legal foundation of the British king /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71499.
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"27 October 1998"Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, School of Law, 1999.
Bibliography: p. 509-550.
Thesis -- Appendices.
'The Crown' has been described as a 'term of art' in constitutional law. This is more than misleading, obscuring the pivotal legal position of the king, which in modern times has been conveniently ignored by lawyers and politicians alike. -- This work examines the legal processes by which a king is made, tracing those processes from the earliest times to the present day. It concludes that the king is made by the selection and recognition by the people, his taking of the Oath of Governance, and his subsequent anointing. (The religious aspects of the making of the king, though of considerable legal significance, are not examined herein, because of space constraints.) -- The Oath of Governance is conventionally called the 'Coronation Oath'-which terminology, while correctly categorising the Oath by reference to the occasion on which it is usually taken, has led by subliminal implication to an erroneous conclusion by many modern commentators that the Oath is merely ceremonial. -- This work highlights the legal implications of the king's Oath of Governance throughout history, particularly in times of political unrest, and concludes that the Oath legally :- conveys power from the people to the person about to become king (the willingness of the people so to confer the power having been evidenced in their collective recognition of that person); - bestows all the prerogatives of the office of king upon that person; - enshrines the manner in which those prerogatives are to be exercised by the king in his people(s)' governance; and that therefore the Oath of Governance is the foundation of the British Constitution. -- All power and prerogative lie with the king, who as a result of his Oath of Governance is sworn to maintain the peace and protection of his people(s), and the king can not, in conscience or law, either do, or allow, anything that is in opposition to the terms of that Oath.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xxvii, 818 p
Books on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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Thurlow, Richard C. Fascism in modern Britain. Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 2000.
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Fascism in Britain: A history, 1918-1985. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1987.
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Anti-fascism in Britain. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2000.
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Renton, Dave. Fascism, anti-fascism, and Britain in the 1940s. New York: St. Martin, 1999.
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Renton, Dave. Fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000.
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Pugh, Martin. 'Hurrah for the blackshirts!': Fascists and fascism in Britain between the wars. London: Jonathan Cape, 2005.
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Tony, Kushner, and Valman Nadia, eds. Remembering Cable Street: Fascism and anti-fascism in British society. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2000.
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Women and fascism. New York: Routledge, 1998.
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Beating the fascists: The untold story of anti-fascist action. London: Freedom Press, 2011.
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Varieties of anti-fascism: Britain in the inter-war period. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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Shaw, John Stuart. "The Politics of Great Britain." In The Political History of Eighteenth-Century Scotland, 18–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27645-5_2.
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Kohn, Hans. "Great Britain and the Orient." In A History of Nationalism in the East, 76–124. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003344773-5.
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Schofield, John, John Carman, and Paul Belford. "A History of Archaeology in Great Britain." In Archaeological Practice in Great Britain, 25–40. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09453-3_2.
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Brown, Tim, and Catherine de Courcy. "Zoological Gardens of Great Britain and Ireland." In Zoo and Aquarium History, 47–68. 2nd ed. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003282488-2.
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Pereira, E. A. C., A. L. Green, D. Nandi, and T. Z. Aziz. "History of Stereotactic Surgery in Great Britain." In Textbook of Stereotactic and Functional Neurosurgery, 77–95. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-69960-6_8.
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Knight, Melvin M., Harry Elmer Barnes, and Felix Flügel. "Commercial Development Since 1800 — Great Britain, France, and Germany." In Economic History of Europe, 610–42. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003354727-19.
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Thurlow, Richard C. "The Security Service, the Communist Party of Great Britain and British Fascism, 1932–51." In British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State, 27–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522763_3.
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Rendall, Jane. "‘Uneven Developments’: Women’s History, Feminist History and Gender History in Great Britain." In Writing Women’s History, 45–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21512-6_3.
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Baines, D. "Recovery from the Depression in Great Britain, 1932–9." In New Directions in Economic and Social History, 190–202. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22448-7_15.
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Wrigley, C. "Labour and Trade Unions in Great Britain, 1880–1939." In New Directions in Economic and Social History, 97–110. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22448-7_8.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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Palmer, Rendel. "History of Coastal Engineering in Great Britain." In 25th International Coastal Engineering Conference. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/9780784401965.006.
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Sahnov, A., A. Klyuev, and L. Litvinova. "HISTORICAL LONDON." In Manager of the Year. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/my2021_276-280.
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The article is devoted to the capital of the United Kingdom. The description is based on a comparison of information about London in the past and modern London. It helps you to see the history of the capital of the United Kingdom in dynamics, assess the scale of changes and understand the reason for these changes. Modern London plays a significant role in the political, economic and cultural life of the country. Geographically the city, which is now a metropolis, is located on the River Thames in the south-eastern part of the island of Great Britain. All the famous parts of the city – the City, the West End, the East End, Westminster are quite old and historically significant and interesting. The authors trace the history of the city since its foundation, separately considering the informative names of London streets, its historical parts – the Town, many boroughs, the Tower and Hamlet.
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Rutsinskaya, Irina, and Galina Smirnova. "VISUALIZATION OF EVERYDAY SOCIAL AND CULTURAL PRACTICES: VICTORIAN PAINTING AS A MIRROR OF THE ENGLISH TEA PARTY TRADITION." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/37.
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"Throughout the second half of the seventeen and the eighteenth centuries, tea remained an expensive exotic drink for Britain that “preserved” its overseas nature. It was only in the Victorian era (1837-1903) that tea became the English national drink. The process attracts the attention of academics from various humanities. Despite an impressive amount of research in the UK, in Russia for a long time (in the Soviet years) the English tradition of tea drinking was considered a philistine curiosity unworthy of academic analysis. Accordingly, the English tea party in Russia has become a leader in the number of stereotypes. The issue became important for academics only at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Currently, we can observe significant growth of interest in this area in Russia and an expansion of research into tea drinking with regard to the history of society, philosophy and culture. Despite this fact, there are still serious lacunas in the research of English tea parties in the Victorian era. One of them is related to the analysis of visualization of this practice in Victorian painting. It is a proven fact that tea parties are one of the most popular topics in English arts of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. No other art school in the world referred to the topic so frequently: painting formed the visual image of the English tea party, consolidated, propagandized and spread ideas of the national tea tradition. However, this aspect has been reflected neither in British nor Russian studies. Being descriptive and analytical, the present research refers to the principles of historicism, academic reliability and objectivity, helping to determine the principal trends and social and cultural features and models in Britain during the period. The present research is based on the analysis of more than one hundred genre paintings by British artists of the period. The paintings reflect the process of creating a special “truly English” material and visual context of tea drinking, which displaced all “oriental allusions” from this ceremony, to create a specific entourage and etiquette of tea consumption, and set nationally determined patterns of behavior at the tea table. The analysis shows the presence of English traditions of tea drinking visualization. The canvases of British artists, unlike the Russian ones, never reflect social problems: tea parties take place against the background of either well-furnished interiors or beautiful landscapes, being a visual embodiment of Great Britain as a “paradise of the prosperous bourgeoisie”, manifesting the bourgeois virtues. Special attention is paid to the role of the women in this ritual, the theme of the relationship between mothers and children. A unique English painting theme, which has not been manifested in any other art school in the world, is a children’s tea party. Victorian paintings reflect the processes of democratization of society: representatives of the lower classes appear on canvases. Paintings do not only reflect the norms and ideals that existed in the society, but also provide the set patterns for it."
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Nezhadmasoum, Sanaz, and Nevter Zafer Comert. "Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6254.
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Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus Sanaz Nezhadmasoum¹, Nevter Zafer Comert² Department of Architecture. Eastern Mediterranean University. Famagusta. North Cyprus.Via Mersin 10. Turkey E-mail: sanaz.nezhadmasoum@gmail.com, nzafer@gmail.com Keywords: Historic-geographic approach, Typo-morphology, Urban form, Lefke town Conference topics and scale: Urban morphological methods and techniques Morphological analysis in cities have been employed to conduct the research on the urban form and fabric of the place, that helps to determine the conservation plans or strategies of towns that reveal clues to their own history (Whithand,2001). Such analysis methods are a process that reviews the evolution and evaluation of towns throughout history. This paper focuses on, Conzen’s and Caniggia’s ideas, MRG Conzen’s historic-geographical approaches (1968) on planning level and Caniggia’s typo-morphological process (2001) on architectural level. Those methodologies help to understand the transformation procedure of different regions of city throughout the years and recovering how the city elements and urban hierarchy are interrelated. Additionally, the focus of this paper is to study the town’s morphological transformations, regarding its spatial, geographical and historical combinations. Within this context, Geographical and historical surveys done on the whole town of Lefke, in north-west Cyprus, and a detailed explanation on the typo-morphological analyses of some particular regions will be given in this article. One of the significant character that makes the town unique is its historical background which lay down with an organic urban pattern from Ottoman period. Lefke town was first formed with a medieval character, and through centuries of functional and physical transformations, has been highly influenced by British extensions, which were either prearranged modifications affected by socio- natural, economic, and political situations, or instinctive and spontaneous changes. All these historical factors, along with its geographical features, make Lefke an interesting case to be studied with an urban typo-morphological approach. References Caniggia G, Maffei G., 2001, Interpreing Basic building Architectural composition and building typology Alinea editrice, Firenze, Italy Cömert, N. Z., & Hoskara, S. O. (2013) ‘A typo-morphological study: the CMC industrial mass housing district, lefke, northern cyprus’, Open House International, 38(2), 16-30. Conzen, M. R. G. (1968) ‘The use of town plans in the study of urban history’, in Dyos, H. J. (ed.) The study of urban history (Edward Arnold, London) 113-30. Larkham, P. J. (2006) ‘The study of urban form in Great Britain’, Urban Morphology, 10(2), 117. Moudon, A. V. (1997) ‘Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field’, Urban morphology, 1(1), 3-10. Whitehand, J. W. (2001) ‘British urban morphology: the Conzenion tradition’, Urban Morphology, 5(2), 103-109.
Reports on the topic "Fascism Great Britain History"
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Zhytaryuk, Maryan. UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM IN GREAT BRITAIN. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11115.
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Professor M. Zhytaryuk’s review is about a book scientific novelty – a monograph by Professor M. Tymoshyk «Ukrainian journalism in the diaspora: Great Britain. Monograph. K.: Our culture and science, 2020. 500 p. – il., Them. pok., resume English, German, Polish.». Well-known scientist and journalism critic, Professor M. S. Tymoshyk, wrote a thorough work, which, in terms of content, is a combination of a monograph, a textbook and a scientific essay. This book can be useful for both students and practicing journalists or anyone interested in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainian journalism and Ukrainian culture. The author dedicated his work to Stepan Yarmus from Winnipeg, Canada – archpriest, journalist, editor, professor. As the epigraph to the book were taken the words of Ivan Bagryany: «Our press, born under the sword of Damocles of repatriation», not only survived and survived to this day, but also showed a brilliant ability to grow and develop. It was shown that beggars that had come to the West without money at heart can and know how to act so organized. It was also an example of how a modern «enbolshevist» and «denationalized» by the occupier man person is capable of a combined mass action».
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.