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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Kuck, Jordan. "Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202005.

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This article examines the lesser-known authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis, the Vadonis [Leader] of Latvia from 1934-1940, as a case study of transnational fascism. Specifically, by investigating the nature of Mazpulki [Latvian 4-H] – an agricultural youth organization modeled on American 4-H which became during the Ulmanis regime a sort of unofficial ‘Ulmanis Youth’ institution – and its international connections, and particularly with Italy, the article contends that we should view the Ulmanis regime as having been part of the transnational fascist wave that swept over Europe in the period between the two world wars. The article also makes the historiographical point that the transnational fascism model offers key analytical methods for interpreting fascism’s syncretic nature, especially in the case of those regimes which had some recognizable features of ‘generic’ fascism but which have previously been categorized as merely authoritarian. Future studies of such regimes will expand our understanding of the nature of and links between the many varied manifestations of interwar fascism.

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2

MAMMONE, ANDREA. "The Transnational Reaction to 1968: Neo-fascist Fronts and Political Cultures in France and Italy." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004384.

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AbstractA transnational analysis of neo-fascism in France and Italy can elucidate historical processes that are usually only analysed within a specific national context or deemed to be by-products of individual nation-states. This article highlights the crucial importance of 1968 in the development of neo-fascist electoral and political strategies in both countries, as well as in the rise of extremist cultural activism. It reveals similar reactions to the hegemony of the political left over popular and youth culture as well as a striking commonality of ideals. Through the examination of a relatively brief period (1968 to the end of the 1970s), this article attempts to demonstrate patterns of cross-fertilisation, ideological transfer and the prominence of the Movimento Sociale Italiano which strongly influenced the French neo-fascists in the establishment of the Front national. The importance, and the trans-border impact, of the Nouvelle Droite in the cultural milieu and its attempt to update neo-fascist and racist ideals is also highlighted.

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3

Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (March 25, 2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-British foreign policy and a strong deference to both the Crown and the church/religion. Nevertheless, in this chapter, I argue that the 4th of August regime should be relocated firmly within the terrain of fascism studies. The establishment and consolidation of the regime in Greece reflected a much wider process of political and ideological convergence and hybridisation between anti-democratic/anti-liberal/anti-socialist conservative forces, on the one hand, and radical rightwing/fascist politics, on the other. It proved highly receptive to specific fascist themes and experiments (such as the single youth organisation, called EON), which it transplanted enthusiastically into its own hybrid of ‘radicalised’ conservatism. Although far less ideologically ‘revolutionary’ compared to Italian Fascism or German National Socialism, the 4th of August regime’s radicalisation between 1936 and 1941 marked a fundamental departure from conventional conservative-authoritarian politics in a direction charted by the broader fascist experience in Europe.

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Ridolfi, Maurizio. ""Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra"? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.

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A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social and cultural factors, contribute to overcome the dissociations between a limited political representation of an ungraspable right and the wider circulation of languages and images of identity (in the moderate and populist press, in the youth field, in the silent majority).

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5

Wien, Peter. "Arabs and Fascism: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.

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The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.

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6

Mejdanija, Mirza. "PARADIGMA ITALIJANSKOG DRUŠTVA U ROMANU "CRVENI KARANFIL" ELIJA VITTORINIJA / A PARADIGM OF THE ITALIAN SOCIETY IN "THE RED CARNATION" BY ELIO VITTORINI." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no. 23 (November 10, 2020): 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036990.2020.288.

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Following 1925, Italy was facing a downright fascist dictatorship. The ruling politics imposed dictatorship starting with oaths of faithfulness to the regime, all the way to newspapers and school textbooks censorship. The first novel by Elio Vittorini, The Red Carnation, was confiscated by fascist censors, then revised and edited by a Florentine official. The edited and censored novel was published for the first time in 1948 by Mondadori publishing and the version published was not the original version the author himself no longer possessed. The novel tells a story of a local youth, Alessio Mainardi, and his initiation into adult life. He lives in a student dormitory together with other boys of his age. He falls in love with a classmate, Giovanna, and even manages to kiss her on one occasion. As a token of her affection, Giovanna presents him with a red carnation that he keeps and holds dear. He is constantly holding onto this illusion of love and confides in his best friend, Tarquinio. The story in the novel takes place by the end of spring 1924, the days which are in Italy known for the Matteotti affair. Alessio and his friends consider themselves fascist. They attend protests against the Matteotti commemoration organised by antifascists. It is in this novel that Vittorini is trying to resort to a mythical transfiguration owing to which the narrative reality becomes fairytale-like, distant from time and space, without losing anything from its actual heaviness of the balance achieved between myth and reality. By means of a stylistic quest, Vittorini is trying to transfer history into a literary dimension in an allusive and symbolic way. He understands that his duty, as an author, is to transfer historical reality into symbols while the historical events depicted in the novel are the rise of fascism in Italy and Matteottiʼs murder. By means of fairytale imagery, myth and symbol, the author is trying to portray the reality in Italy at the time.

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Entwistle, Harold, and Tracy H. Koon. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943." History of Education Quarterly 26, no. 4 (1986): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369021.

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8

Grand, Alexander De, and Tracy H. Koon. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858234.

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9

Tumblety, Joan. "Alessio Ponzio, Shaping the New Man: Youth Training Regimes in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (April 2018): 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417749502e.

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10

Marcello, Flavia, and Paul Gwynne. "Speaking from the Walls." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.3.323.

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The Città Universitaria (or University City), built in Rome in the mid-1930s, used the reception of classical culture as a propaganda tool through its architecture, art, urban layout, and use of epigraphy. As Flavia Marcello and Paul Gwynne demonstrate, these elements communicated the broad sociopolitical construct of militarism and education characteristic of the Italian Fascist period. Building inscriptions using the immortal words of classical authors had both didactic and referential functions: they spoke peremptorily of accepted modes of behavior and highlighted the role of educated youth in the destiny of an (ideal) Fascist society within its teleological project of Romanità as past, current, and future glory. Speaking from the Walls: Militarism, Education, and Romanità in Rome’s Città Universitaria (1932–35) weaves together sociopolitical, cultural, and architectural frameworks through the study of epigraphy as a carefully constructed presence within orchestrated urban and interior space. Epigraphy completed the spatial experience of architecture in its urban context to construct the collective memory and identity of past, present, and future citizens of Italy.

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11

Peterson, Paul Silas. "Romano Guardini in the Weimar Republic and in National Socialist Germany: With a brief look into the National Socialist correspondences on Guardini in the early 1940s." Journal for the History of Modern Theology / Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte 26, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth-2019-0003.

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Abstract Romano Guardini was one of the most important intellectuals of German Catholicism in the twentieth century. He influenced nearly an entire generation of German Catholic theologians and was the leading figure of the German Catholic youth movement as it grew exponentially in the 1920s. Yet there are many open questions about his early intellectual development and his academic contribution to religious, cultural, social and political questions in the Weimar Republic and in National Socialist Germany. This article draws upon Guardini’s publications, the secondary literature on Guardini and on some archival material, seeking to outline his early development and his engagement with the ideological context following World War I and in National Socialist Germany. Here Guardini’s criticisms of the modern age are presented. Besides this many other issues are addressed, such as his criticism of the women’s movement, his understanding of the youth movement, reception of Carl Schmitt, views of race, interpretation of the controversial Volk-concept, contribution to a Jewish journal in 1933, and his basic positions on the issues of obedience, order and authority. While Guardini was viewed critically by some National Socialists in the Third Reich, the administrative correspondences on him in the 1940s actually show that there was an internal debate about him among the National Socialist officials. This involved different figures, including a diplomat who came to Guardini’s defense. The internal disagreements were made more complicated because Guardini’s brothers were apparently members of the Fascist Party in Italy at this time.

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12

Fenemore, M. "Bündische Jugend: Eine neue Geschichte, 1918–1933, by Rüdiger AhrensShaping the New Man: Youth Training Regimes in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, by Alessio Ponzio." English Historical Review 132, no. 555 (April 2017): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cex045.

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13

GORDON, DANIEL A. "A ‘Mediterranean New Left’? Comparing and Contrasting the French PSU and the Italian PSIUP." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000251.

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AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major differences emerge, especially in the nature of each party's relationship with communism, with the philosovietism of the PSIUP contrasting with the PSU's evolution towards an anti-Leninist decentralist socialism of self-management. Yet, at the same time, important new evidence is uncovered about the concrete political and personal links that developed between leading intellectuals of the PSIUP and PSU, an example being the friendship of the Italian parliamentarian and theorist Lelio Basso with the journalist Gilles Martinet, later French ambassador to Italy. Other transnational links, both across the Mediterranean and to eastern Europe, are explored. Furthermore, the location of the roots of both parties in the 1940s generation of anti-fascist resistance calls into question prevailing assumptions equating the New Left with the youth of the 1960s, with wider implications for our understanding of the development of the European left across the twentieth century.

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14

Whittam, John. "Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Italy: History, Memory and Culture." Journal of Contemporary History 36, no. 1 (January 2001): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200940103600108.

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15

Mulazzani, Marco. "Holiday colonies for Italian youth during Fascism." Architectures of the Sun, no. 60 (2019): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/60.a.zseopkaa.

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Thousands of summer colonies were created for youth in Fascist Italy (1922–1943). Most were temporary structures set up to assist children only during the daytime; dozens became the concrete symbol of the totalitarian project undertaken by Fascism to shape “new Italians” starting from childhood. Actually the colonies promoted by the organizations of the regime, state agencies and industrial companies, due to a lack of precise “models” of reference for the architects involved, present a highly varied expressive panorama, reflecting the complexity of the architectural debate in those years and the difficulties that faced any truly modern approach to architecture.

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16

Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Unspoken Legacies of Fascism in Italy." Current History 122, no. 842 (March 1, 2023): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.842.115.

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As Italy marked the hundredth anniversary of Mussolini’s March on Rome, the leader of a post-fascist party became prime minister for the first time since World War II. Yet this was not a sudden resurgence; the legacies of fascism have permeated Italian society and politics for decades, taking shifting forms—not only on the far right.

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17

Dogliani, Patrizia. "Environment and leisure in Italy during Fascism." Modern Italy 19, no. 3 (August 2014): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.940152.

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While vacation colonies, camps for children and young people, well-equipped beaches and playgrounds, and the first national parks were conceived in Italy during the Liberal period, it was not until the late 1920s/1930s that they were created and transformed by the Fascist regime. This article will analyse the purposes of the use of the environment and protected areas by Fascist organisations during the Fascist regime by different social groups and classes. It will try to answer several questions: how did Fascist mass organisations (youth organisations such as the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB) and Gioventò Italiana del Littorio (GIL), leisure organisations like the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND), sports associations) relate to environmental space? Which popular activities were conceived for open-air, urban and national parks? How did the relationship between outdoor leisure and the environment develop in the ‘new’ middle class in the 1930s? How did Fascism conceive of the relationship between human beings and nature? The Nazi regime and the US New Deal were the strongest models at that time in terms of the politics of land conservation and leisure time. Did Fascism look to those experiments; did Fascism find its own modern ‘conservative’ relationship with the environment? This article will try to answer some of these questions, mindful of the lack of studies on Italy in comparison with the expanding historiography on the German and American cases.

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ROBERTS, DAVID D. "Myth, Style, Substance and the Totalitarian Dynamic in Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003602.

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AbstractRecent studies of Italian Fascism have focused on ritual, spectacle, commemoration and myth, even as they also take seriously the totalitarian thrust of Fascism. But whereas this new culturalist orientation has usefully pointed beyond earlier reductionist approaches, it has often accented style and myth as opposed to their opposites, which might be summed up as ‘substance’. Some of the aspirations fuelling Fascism, responding to perceived inadequacies in the mainstream liberal and Marxist traditions, pointed beyond myth and style as they helped to shape the Fascist self-understanding – and Fascist practice. This article seeks to show how the interplay of substance, style and myth produced a particular – and deeply flawed – totalitarian dynamic in Fascist Italy.

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Eman, Irina. "RECENT APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF THE TWENTY YEARS OF THE FASCIST ERA IN ITALY IN THE RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Istoriya: Informatsionno-analiticheskii Zhurnal, no. 4 (2021): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rhist/2021.04.09.

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The paper deals with the problems of the history of Italian fascism which are today in the center of the attention of Russian historians. In particular, historiography of the phenomenon of fascism and the anti-fascist movement in Italy, Italian fascism in the context of Italian identity, the specifics of Church-state relations in fascist Italy.

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20

Gibson, Mary, and Victoria De Grazia. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166925.

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21

ADAMSON, WALTER L. "Fascism and Political Religion in Italy: A Reassessment." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000519.

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AbstractThis article challenges the currently dominant understanding of Italian Fascism as a ‘political religion’, arguing that this view depends upon an outdated model of secularisation and treats Fascism's sacralisation of politics in isolation from church–state relations, the Catholic Church itself and popular religious experience in Italy. Based upon an historiographical review and analysis of what we now know about secularisation and these other religious phenomena, the article suggests that only when we grasp Italian Fascist political religion in relation to secularisation properly understood, and treat it in the context of religious experience and its history as a whole can the nature of Italian Fascism be adequately grasped.

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Mammone, Andrea. "A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 11, no. 2 (June 2006): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709338.

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Recent cultural and political debate in contemporary Italy, which has often been focused on Fascism and the Resistance, has seen an attempt to reconsider the importance of the constitutive moment of the Republic, namely the Liberazione from Nazism–Fascism, and to equate the memories of Fascism and anti-Fascism. The direct consequence of these confused revisionist approaches is either to rehabilitate many aspects of the Duce's regime, or on the contrary to assign this shady page of history to oblivion. The effect of this would be to marginalize anti-Fascism, and even to depict Fascism as relatively ‘harmless’ or ‘apolitical’. The danger is that this trend may construct an artificial and distorted history and thus a ‘manipulated’ public memory for Italian society. The purpose of this article is not to defend anti-Fascism but to restore the reality of ‘Fascism in action’, and to challenge distorted revisionist perceptions of the past.

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23

Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.

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Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and the first to view it as a discrete phenomenon. Queer anti-fascists showed what a radical and inclusive anti-fascism should look like, while their structural analysis of everyday fascism demonstrated why anti-fascism must mean social revolution. For them, queerness was necessarily antifascist: queer people’s common experience of oppression enabled them to understand and overthrow fascism and the existing order. Although they never disappeared, their marginalization by cisgender-heterosexual antifascists should warn antifascists today.

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Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. "Ordinary anti-Fascism? Italy and the fall of Fascism, 1943–1945." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2019): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1550705.

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25

Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.

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While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and this article gives an account of the different views of the issues of democracy and corporatism that were held by fascist loyalists. An extensive number of articles published in the period 1945–1953 are used as primary sources.

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Hedinger, Daniel. "Universal Fascism and its Global Legacy. Italy’s and Japan’s Entangled History in the Early 1930s." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202003.

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In the early 1930s, fascism emerged as a global phenomenon. In Europe, Mussolini’s Italy was the driving force behind this development, whereas in Asia the center of gravity lay in the Japanese Empire. But the relationship between Japan and the mother country of fascism, Italy, in the interwar period has been hardly examined. The following article thus focuses on the process of interaction and exchange between these two countries. Moreover, the question of Japanese fascism has previously been discussed from a comparative perspective and thereby generally with a Eurocentric bias. In contrast, this article adopts a transnational approach. Thus, the question under consideration is not whether Japan ‘correctly’ adopted Italian Fascism, so to speak, but rather the extent to which Japan was involved in the process of fascism’s globalization. I will show that the pattern of influence in the early 1930s was certainly not limited to a single West-East direction and that fascism cannot be understood as a merely European phenomenon. This article begins by describing the rise and fall of universal fascism in the period from 1932 to 1934 from a global perspective. It secondly explores the legacies of fascism’s global moment and its consequences for the subsequent formation of the Tokyo-Rome-Berlin Axis when, following the end of an utopian phase, a more ‘realistic’ phase of global fascist politics began, with all its fatal consequences.

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27

Bonde, Hans. "The Struggle for Danish Youth: Fascism, Sport, Democracy." International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 10 (August 2009): 1436–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360903057484.

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28

ALBANESE, GIULIA. "The Italians and Fascism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000120.

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In a recent review of Christopher Duggan's latest book, Emilio Gentile notes that in the 1970s an ‘intimate history of fascist Italy’ would have met the opposition of ‘militant anti-fascist historiography’ because of its proneness to acknowledge the involvement of Italians in Fascism. Still, after criticising the book, Gentile stresses that the ‘question of consent’ – a topic on which he himself has provided some crucial contributions – is a ‘poorly posed question’.

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29

Davis, John A. "Review Article : Rural Roots of Fascism in Southern Italy." European History Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1987): 229–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700207.

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30

Pugliese, Stanislao G. ":Historicism and Fascism in Modern Italy.(Toronto Italian Studies.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1616–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1616.

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31

Severino, Valerio S. "The Irreligiousness of Fascism." Numen 63, no. 5-6 (October 14, 2016): 525–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341437.

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This essay aims to reexamine the debate on the impact of Fascism on religious studies, by reconstructing what Raffaele Pettazzoni, one of the founding fathers of this field of research in Italy in the first half of the twentieth century, meant by “religion of the state.” His research on the origin of the religious state in Iranian history and in the Greek polytheistic prototype of thepolisoffers a key to the interpretation of his further analysis of the religious Fascist phenomenon. Mingling approaches of both political science and history of religions, this study constitutes an introduction to a new understanding — which remained hidden in Pettazzoni’s texts — of Fascism as a degeneration of state religiousness. While Fascism is an example of the sacralization of politics (according to one of the leading historians of Fascist ideology, Emilio Gentile), Pettazzoni showed how in other ways Fascism perpetuated the pre-Christian crisis of the religious state.

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32

Peters, Michael A. "The return of fascism: Youth, violence and nationalism." Educational Philosophy and Theory 51, no. 7 (September 27, 2018): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1519772.

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33

Alonso, Gregorio. "Antiauthoritarian youth culture in Francoist Spain: clashing with fascism." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 21, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636204.2020.1760438.

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34

Malone, Hannah. "Legacies of Fascism: architecture, heritage and memory in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 22, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.51.

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This article examines how Italy has dealt with the physical remains of the Fascist regime, as a window onto Italian attitudes to the past. Theventennioleft indelible marks on Italy’s cities in the form of urban projects, individual buildings, monuments, plaques and street names. In effect, the survival of physical traces contrasts with the hazy memories of Fascism that exist within the Italian collective consciousness. Conspicuous, yet mostly ignored, Italy’s Fascist heritage is hidden in plain sight. However, from the 1990s, buildings associated with the regime have sparked a number of debates regarding the public memory of Fascism. Although these debates present an opportunity to re-examine history, they may also be symptomatic of a crisis in the Italian polity and of attempts to rehabilitate Fascism through historical revisionism.

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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.

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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.

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Saz, Ismael. "Fascism and empire: Fascist Italy against republican Spain." Mediterranean Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (June 1998): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969808569739.

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Maccaferri, Marzia, and Andrea Mammone. "Global populism and Italy. An interview with Federico Finchelstein." Modern Italy 27, no. 1 (February 2022): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2021.69.

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Federico Finchelstein is Professor of History at the New School for Social Research and Eugene Lang College, New York. He is one of the leading scholars on fascism and populism. Professor Finchelstein is the author of many books that have been translated into several languages, including the successful From Fascism to Populism in History (University of California Press, 2017). His new monograph, Fascist Mythologies. The History and Politics of Unreason in Borges, Freud, and Schmitt, is forthcoming in June 2022 from Columbia University Press. Given this, he is a natural starting point to discuss the global dimension of populism and its historical experiences from Latin America to Italy. Andrea Mammone, co-editor of Modern Italy, interviewed him in December 2021.

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Ventresca, Robert. "Debating the Meaning of Fascism in Contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 11, no. 2 (June 2006): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709288.

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This article takes up the question posed by Claudio Pavone—‘Have the Italians truly known how to come to terms with their past?’—and argues that Italians have indeed grappled with their Fascist past, albeit in varied, contradictory, ambiguous and incomplete ways. This article demonstrates the myriad ways in which Italians—historians, politicians, intellectuals, and segments of the general public—have debated the meaning of Fascism since the fall of Mussolini and the end of the Second World War. What follows below argues that selective remembering and wilful forgetting of the Mussolini regime are nevertheless evidence of an ongoing process of confronting the legacy of Italy's recent past.

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Mammone, Andrea. "The black-shirt resistance: Clandestine fascism in Italy, 1943-50." Italianist 27, no. 2 (October 2007): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/026143407x234185.

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Breschi, Danilo. "Genealogy and Phenomenology of Fascism." Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37466.

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Without reconstructing its genealogy, which then means its history, a political-ideological phenomenon such as fascism, of which Italy was the firstborn between the 1910s and 1920s, can never be fully understood. Its history already provides, at least in part, the interpretation, and in any case helps to understand the phenomenon. Genealogy and phenomenology are therefore the type of analysis that we will conduct in the following pages to scientifically understand a phenomenon too often loaded with public use and exploited for political purposes both in a negative and a positive key. Always and in any case polemogenic.

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Santomassimo, Gianpasquale. "Metabolizzare il fascismo." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077010.

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- Santomassimo discusses Luca La Rovere's book The Inheritance of Fascism. The A. reconstructs the ample discussions that developed in the immediate postwar period in cultural circles - and among the young - about the responsibilities, consensus and legacies of the regime in the history of the Republic, that refute the widespread image of Italians as opportunistic "turncoats" in the postwar years. What emerges from the study are the limits of the debate on the "metabolization" of Italian fascism in the subsequent period, particularly since the 1960s, in contrast to that in Germany about the responsibilities and collective guilt of the Nazi experience.Key words: Italy, Fascism, Post-fascism, transition, intellectuals.Parole chiave: Italia, fascismo, post-fascismo, transizione, intellettuali.

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Sophia Quine, Maria. "Racial ‘Sterility’ and ‘Hyperfecundity’ in Fascist Italy. Biological Politics of Sex and Reproduction." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 92–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201003.

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This article explores a new dimension in fascist studies, eugenic studies, and the more mainstream history of Italy, Europe, and modernity. It asks scholars to reconsider the centrality of race and biology to the political programme of Italian fascism in power. Fascism’s ‘binomial theorem’ of optimum population change was characterized as a commitment both to increase the ‘quantity’ (number) and improve the ‘quality’ (biology) of the Italian ‘race’. These twin objectives came to fruition in the new scientific and political paradigm known to contemporaries as ‘biological politics’ and to scholars today as ‘biopolitics’. Fascism, this article contends, attempted to utilize the full force of the new ‘biopower’ of reproductive and biogenetic medicine and science in order to realize the aims of its biopolitical agenda for racial betterment through fertility increase. In Italy, fascism encouraged science to tamper with the processes of human reproduction and to extend genetic understanding of diseases which were seen as ‘conquerable’ without sterilization and euthanasia. It began a biotechnological ‘revolution’ that historians often attribute to twenty-first-century science. By exploring the technical innovations in assisted conception which Italian fascism promoted, this article challenges the assumption in much of the scholarship that there was a huge divide between the ‘old’ eugenics of the interwar period and the ‘new’ genetics of recent decades.

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Atkinson, David. "Enculturing Fascism? Towards Historical Geographies of Inter-War Italy." Journal of Historical Geography 25, no. 3 (July 1999): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jhge.1999.0123.

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Villari, Giovanni. "A Failed Experiment: The Exportation of Fascism to Albania." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362698.

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Using Italian and Albanian archive sources, this essay analyses the effectiveness of Italian policy in Albania, during the years of its union with Italy (1939–1943), in the creation of a model Fascist state and in the generation of support for Italy among the Albanian population. Through the creation of party and state structures similar to those in Italy, Fascism intended to give voice to Albanian Nationalist demands, but Italian policy was undermined by a basic defect which helped to cool any initial enthusiasm: the loss of all semblance of Albanian independence and the exploitation of local resources to the benefit of the Italians alone. The Italy-Greece conflict cast a shadow on the Fascist fighting ability which not even the creation of ‘Great Albania’ (thanks to the help of the Germans) removed. As Italy's military fortunes changed for the worse, they were forced to address a growing resistance until the tragic conclusion of 8th September 1943 and the end of the occupation.

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Cavagnini, M. Giovanni. "‘Reckless youth’. Cardinal Maffi and Fascism (1919–31)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 19, no. 2 (February 5, 2014): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2014.871126.

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Arvidsson, A. "Between Fascism and the American Dream: Advertising in Interwar Italy." Social Science History 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 151–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-25-2-151.

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Augschöll, Annemarie. "Totalitarian school politics during fascism in Italy and their transgenerational effects." History of Education Review 47, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-03-2018-0010.

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Purpose The research is rooted in the interest in educational biographies of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Europe during the twentieth century. The purpose of this paper is to give an answer to the question of how the nationalistic educational norms during the period of totalitarian regimes manifested themselves in the educational biographies of minorities, and how much individuals and collectives transferred their scholastic denationalisation experiences (e.g. prohibition of alphabetisation in their mother tongue) to the following generations. In other words, if and how traces of the previously named experiences, for example the attitude towards education, can be found in insecurities and attitudes of the first or even the second follow-up generation. Design/methodology/approach The theoretical foundation used for this research is the conception of school as “institutional actor” theorised by Helmut Fend (2006). Fend used a widened concept based upon Weber’s (1922/1988) action-theoretical, Luhmann’s (2002) system-theoretical and Scharpf’s (2000) and Schaefers’ (2002) institution-centred approaches. This scientific background designs a theoretical concept of school fitted for the social and pedagogical research field. Specifically, in Fend’s analysis of design- and action-oriented potentials, Fend (2006) “turns his special attention to the processes in the educational field, which are implemented by actors, who themselves act in the context of institutional framework conditions” (p. 17). Findings The experience of school in totalitarian contexts manifests itself in individual and collective memories, later found in the following generations with particular emphasis on the approaches towards education. Originality/value This paper analyses the transgenerational impact of the experiences ethnical minorities had with schools.

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Bosworth, R. J. B. "Tourist Planning in Fascist Italy and the Limits of a Totalitarian Culture." Contemporary European History 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004033.

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The historiography of Italian fascism has reached a curious pass. Once, especially in the English-language world, all was dominated by the study of politics, diplomacy and war. Moreover, these studies were automatically ‘intentionalist’ in their interpretation. For Denis Mack Smith as, ironically, for Renzo De Felice, it did not seem possible to think of the period from 1922 to 1945 except as ‘Mussolini's Italy’; any analysis of fascist Italy could not depart far from the dominant and dominating figure of the Duce.

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PERGHER, ROBERTA. "The Ethics of Consent—Regime and People in the Historiographies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 309–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000119.

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In his trenchant and stimulating review article Patrick Bernhard surveyed a series of English-language studies that focus in one way or another on the relationship between the fascist regime and the Italian people. Drawing on the historiography of Nazi Germany, Bernhard took these studies as his cue to argue that much of the historiography on Italian Fascism is outdated. In particular, he sees the approach adopted to assessing the regime's appeal as often old-fashioned, with the result that Italian historians have vastly underestimated ordinary Italians’ embrace of fascism and their complicity in its violence and war crimes. At the same time, he argues that histories of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy show far more parallels and intersections than have been acknowledged of late and calls on Italian historians to turn their attention to this entangled history.

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Henne, Steffen. "Revolution and Eternity." Fascism 3, no. 1 (April 12, 2014): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00301003.

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The conference ‘Revolution and Eternity – Fascism’s Temporality’ discussed the complex and meta-historical topic of ‘time and temporality’ with regards to the fascist experience of time, and ways of temporal thinking and acting with reference to German National Socialism, and fascism in Italy and Romania. The various papers examined specific national forms of fascism from the perspective of the concepts of political order and temporality (e.g. fascist interpretations of temporal dimensions – future, present and past). The conference revealed that the fascist view of time was based on specific (chrono)political practices (archaeology, filmmaking etc.) and that the inhumane politics of fascism were embedded in temporal paradigms that combined contradictory ideas of revolutionary acceleration with the eternal standstill of time.

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