Journal articles: 'Fascism and women Italy History'

1

Gibson, Mary, and Victoria De Grazia. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166925.

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Abse, T. "Review. Women and Italian fascism. The clockwork factory: women and work in fascist Italy, Perry R Wilson." History Workshop Journal 42, no. 1 (1996): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/1996.42.239.

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Tilly, Louise A., and Perry R. Willson. "The Clockwork Factory: Women and Work in Fascist Italy." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 921. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168679.

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WILLSON, PERRY. "GROUP PORTRAIT: THE ISPETTRICI NAZIONALI OF THE ITALIAN FASCIST PARTY, 1937–1943." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000206.

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AbstractThe years of fascist rule in Italy saw an unprecedented mass political mobilization of women, a mobilization that has, to date, been little studied by historians. This article focuses on the role of the ispettrici nazionali – the highest rank that women ever reached in the fascist party hierarchy. It attempts to piece together a ‘group portrait’ of these hitherto unstudied female hierarchs, who were appointed from 1937 onwards to form a group leadership for the fasci femminili – the women's section of the party and the only way that women could join it. The article investigates who these women were, how they managed to rise to this prominent position, their ideas and motivations, and their role in organizing and mobilizing millions of female party members for political campaigns and for the war effort.

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Petrusewicz, Marta. "Victoria de Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922–1945. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. xiii + 350 pp. $29.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900011108.

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Absalom, Roger. "Reviews of Books:Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy: The Massaie Rurali Perry Willson." American Historical Review 108, no. 4 (October 2003): 1243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/529943.

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Antola, Alessandra. "Ghitta Carell and Italian studio photography in the 1930s." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.586499.

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This article explores the issue of elite representation through photography during the 1930s in Italy. It examines how modern technology affected representation and refers specifically to the work of Ghitta Carell, a photographer who became very successful by portraying prominent Fascist men and women in Italy, including the Duce. Images of the dictator had been continually developed since the late 1920s and frequent and various representations of his person, including the face, were pervasive. Carell's idealised style was much appreciated by high society and Fascist officials alike, while her work also has a darker emotional content that borrows from a painterly tradition. Although not engaged directly by the regime, Carell's work has to be considered as both separate from and complementary whilst also adding to the Fascist aesthetic. She was complicit with the cult of the Duce while revealing aspects of Mussolini's personality that other photographers avoided or missed.

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Sambuco, Patrizia, and Lisa Pine. "Food Discourses and Alimentary Policies in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: A Comparative Analysis." European History Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 2023): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221140274.

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This article adds to the growing literature on the history of food in the European dictatorships by examining and comparing the alimentary policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and their application, paying particular attention to the relationship between class, gender, and the nation. It expands our knowledge and understanding of the mechanics of these dictatorships and of the impact of their food policies on their populations in a comparative way. The Fascist regime took initiatives related to food consumption from the mid-1920s, and women were at the centre of their food propaganda; Nazi Germany – in a similar manner to the Fascist regime – between 1933 and 1939, put in place food policies to encourage people to change their eating habits, even before the outbreak of the Second World War. The analysis of alimentary policies and strategies adopted by the Fascist and Nazi regimes, in the first part of their governments, illustrates the similarities in the populist construction of their food discourses and their efforts to galvanize their citizens. With the consolidation of the two regimes, national specific food initiatives, which were culturally bound and linked to economic and political choices emerged and delineated the differences between the two regimes. Through a detailed account of how food consumption was addressed in particular in domestic literature in the two countries, this article examines the uneven impact of food policies on the different social classes in Italy and Germany. It shows, through its comparative approach to the Italian Fascist and Nazi regimes, how food discourses and alimentary policies to control the population were similar in some respects and dissimilar in others.

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Morant i Ariño, Toni. "Spanish Fascist Women’s Transnational Relations during the Second World War: Between Ideology and Realpolitik." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (October 24, 2018): 834–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418798440.

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Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange’s cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women’s organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the ‘New Order’ Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collaboration. However, they lacked neither of political calculation nor could abstract from the wider frame of international politics in such an eminently war period. As this article will show, Falangist women used these fluid but less studied relationships to consolidate their own political position at home and explore other ways of political participation in a Nazi-Fascist New Europe, while at the same time trying to secure there a pre-eminent place for non-belligerent Spain. In the end, concerns about the own survival of the Franco dictatorship as the fate of war clearly changed in 1943, let ideological affinity succumb to the diplomatic conveniences they had once meant to overcome.

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Corner, Paul. "Women in Fascist Italy. Changing Family Roles in the Transition from an Agricultural to an Industrial Society." European History Quarterly 23, no. 1 (January 1993): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149302300103.

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Falasca‐Zamponi, Simonetta. "Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy: The Massaie Rurali. By Perry Willson. New York: Routledge, 2002. Pp. xiv+221. $36.95." Journal of Modern History 78, no. 3 (September 2006): 745–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/509183.

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12

Gibson, Mary. "Perry R. Willson, The Clockwork Factory: Women and Work in Fascist Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. 291 pp. $55.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 50 (1996): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900013466.

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Cardoza, Anthony L. "Reviews : Perry R. Willson, The Clockwork Factory. Women and Work in Fascist Italy, Oxford, Clarendon Press, ISBN 0-19-822732-9, 1993; viii + 291 pp.; £35.00." European History Quarterly 25, no. 4 (October 1995): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149502500405.

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Bloomfield, Jude. "Perry R. Willson, The Clockwork Factory: Women and Work in Fascist Italy, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1993, 291 pp., ISBN 0-19-822732-9 hbk, £35.00." Modern Italy 1, no. 2 (1996): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400006098.

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15

Reich, Jacqueline, and Victoria De Grazia. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy 1922-1945." Italica 71, no. 1 (1994): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479421.

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16

Whittam, John. "Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Italy: History, Memory and Culture." Journal of Contemporary History 36, no. 1 (January 2001): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200940103600108.

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ROBERTS, DAVID D. "Myth, Style, Substance and the Totalitarian Dynamic in Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003602.

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AbstractRecent studies of Italian Fascism have focused on ritual, spectacle, commemoration and myth, even as they also take seriously the totalitarian thrust of Fascism. But whereas this new culturalist orientation has usefully pointed beyond earlier reductionist approaches, it has often accented style and myth as opposed to their opposites, which might be summed up as ‘substance’. Some of the aspirations fuelling Fascism, responding to perceived inadequacies in the mainstream liberal and Marxist traditions, pointed beyond myth and style as they helped to shape the Fascist self-understanding – and Fascist practice. This article seeks to show how the interplay of substance, style and myth produced a particular – and deeply flawed – totalitarian dynamic in Fascist Italy.

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Bosworth, R. J. B. "Perry Willson, Peasant Women and Politics in Fascist Italy: The Massaie Rurali, Routledge, London and New York, 2002, xiv + 221 pp., ISBN 0-4152-9170-4 hbk, 0-4152-9171-2 pbk." Modern Italy 8, no. 2 (November 2003): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400013521.

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19

Pero, Allan, and Marie-Luise Gattens. "Women Writers and Fascism: Reconstructing History." South Atlantic Review 62, no. 2 (1997): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200862.

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Bauer, Karin, Marie-Luise Gättens, and Marie-Luise Gattens. "Women Writers and Fascism: Reconstruction History." German Quarterly 70, no. 2 (1997): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407574.

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21

Eman, Irina. "RECENT APPROACHES TO THE ANALYSIS OF THE TWENTY YEARS OF THE FASCIST ERA IN ITALY IN THE RUSSIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Istoriya: Informatsionno-analiticheskii Zhurnal, no. 4 (2021): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rhist/2021.04.09.

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The paper deals with the problems of the history of Italian fascism which are today in the center of the attention of Russian historians. In particular, historiography of the phenomenon of fascism and the anti-fascist movement in Italy, Italian fascism in the context of Italian identity, the specifics of Church-state relations in fascist Italy.

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ADAMSON, WALTER L. "Fascism and Political Religion in Italy: A Reassessment." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000519.

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AbstractThis article challenges the currently dominant understanding of Italian Fascism as a ‘political religion’, arguing that this view depends upon an outdated model of secularisation and treats Fascism's sacralisation of politics in isolation from church–state relations, the Catholic Church itself and popular religious experience in Italy. Based upon an historiographical review and analysis of what we now know about secularisation and these other religious phenomena, the article suggests that only when we grasp Italian Fascist political religion in relation to secularisation properly understood, and treat it in the context of religious experience and its history as a whole can the nature of Italian Fascism be adequately grasped.

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23

Perlmutter, Ted. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945.Victoria De Grazia." American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 6 (May 1993): 1473–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230202.

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Mammone, Andrea. "A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 11, no. 2 (June 2006): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709338.

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Recent cultural and political debate in contemporary Italy, which has often been focused on Fascism and the Resistance, has seen an attempt to reconsider the importance of the constitutive moment of the Republic, namely the Liberazione from Nazism–Fascism, and to equate the memories of Fascism and anti-Fascism. The direct consequence of these confused revisionist approaches is either to rehabilitate many aspects of the Duce's regime, or on the contrary to assign this shady page of history to oblivion. The effect of this would be to marginalize anti-Fascism, and even to depict Fascism as relatively ‘harmless’ or ‘apolitical’. The danger is that this trend may construct an artificial and distorted history and thus a ‘manipulated’ public memory for Italian society. The purpose of this article is not to defend anti-Fascism but to restore the reality of ‘Fascism in action’, and to challenge distorted revisionist perceptions of the past.

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Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.

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Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and the first to view it as a discrete phenomenon. Queer anti-fascists showed what a radical and inclusive anti-fascism should look like, while their structural analysis of everyday fascism demonstrated why anti-fascism must mean social revolution. For them, queerness was necessarily antifascist: queer people’s common experience of oppression enabled them to understand and overthrow fascism and the existing order. Although they never disappeared, their marginalization by cisgender-heterosexual antifascists should warn antifascists today.

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Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. "Ordinary anti-Fascism? Italy and the fall of Fascism, 1943–1945." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2019): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1550705.

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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (August 2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.

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While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and this article gives an account of the different views of the issues of democracy and corporatism that were held by fascist loyalists. An extensive number of articles published in the period 1945–1953 are used as primary sources.

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Martinelli, Chiara. "Training mothers: feminine vocational education in Italy during Fascism." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 7, no. 1 (July 9, 2020): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-9395.

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Throughout the XX century, the term “feminine vocational education” changed its meaning several times. Were the vocational feminine schools aimed at training skilled industrial workers or at educating perspective high-ranked housewives? This paper aims at answering at this question. For such a pursue, it investigates national and local sources and it analyzes how the field changed during the first ten years Fascism ruled Italy. All the vocational schools were struck by a radical reform and by the efforts the Minister of National Education Giuseppe Belluzzo made for rationalize the field. In such a context, curricula taught in feminine vocational schools changed: more time was devoted to domestic economy and to subjects like literature and foreign languages. As the latter were traditionally included in women’ curricula since XIX century, the issue highlights a relevant links between liberal and fascistic educational policies. However, the increasing role domestic education played shows the regime designed vocational feminine schools not for training skilled industrial workers, but for educating mothers. During Fascism, women workers were called to unskilled and low-paid roles for which no training was need; however, lacks in welfare state and economic crisis made the Regime pursue mothers to work hard for saving money and for elevating people’s living standard.

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Hedinger, Daniel. "Universal Fascism and its Global Legacy. Italy’s and Japan’s Entangled History in the Early 1930s." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202003.

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In the early 1930s, fascism emerged as a global phenomenon. In Europe, Mussolini’s Italy was the driving force behind this development, whereas in Asia the center of gravity lay in the Japanese Empire. But the relationship between Japan and the mother country of fascism, Italy, in the interwar period has been hardly examined. The following article thus focuses on the process of interaction and exchange between these two countries. Moreover, the question of Japanese fascism has previously been discussed from a comparative perspective and thereby generally with a Eurocentric bias. In contrast, this article adopts a transnational approach. Thus, the question under consideration is not whether Japan ‘correctly’ adopted Italian Fascism, so to speak, but rather the extent to which Japan was involved in the process of fascism’s globalization. I will show that the pattern of influence in the early 1930s was certainly not limited to a single West-East direction and that fascism cannot be understood as a merely European phenomenon. This article begins by describing the rise and fall of universal fascism in the period from 1932 to 1934 from a global perspective. It secondly explores the legacies of fascism’s global moment and its consequences for the subsequent formation of the Tokyo-Rome-Berlin Axis when, following the end of an utopian phase, a more ‘realistic’ phase of global fascist politics began, with all its fatal consequences.

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ALBANESE, GIULIA. "The Italians and Fascism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000120.

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In a recent review of Christopher Duggan's latest book, Emilio Gentile notes that in the 1970s an ‘intimate history of fascist Italy’ would have met the opposition of ‘militant anti-fascist historiography’ because of its proneness to acknowledge the involvement of Italians in Fascism. Still, after criticising the book, Gentile stresses that the ‘question of consent’ – a topic on which he himself has provided some crucial contributions – is a ‘poorly posed question’.

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31

Davis, John A. "Review Article : Rural Roots of Fascism in Southern Italy." European History Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1987): 229–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700207.

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32

Pugliese, Stanislao G. ":Historicism and Fascism in Modern Italy.(Toronto Italian Studies.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1616–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1616.

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33

Severino, Valerio S. "The Irreligiousness of Fascism." Numen 63, no. 5-6 (October 14, 2016): 525–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341437.

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This essay aims to reexamine the debate on the impact of Fascism on religious studies, by reconstructing what Raffaele Pettazzoni, one of the founding fathers of this field of research in Italy in the first half of the twentieth century, meant by “religion of the state.” His research on the origin of the religious state in Iranian history and in the Greek polytheistic prototype of thepolisoffers a key to the interpretation of his further analysis of the religious Fascist phenomenon. Mingling approaches of both political science and history of religions, this study constitutes an introduction to a new understanding — which remained hidden in Pettazzoni’s texts — of Fascism as a degeneration of state religiousness. While Fascism is an example of the sacralization of politics (according to one of the leading historians of Fascist ideology, Emilio Gentile), Pettazzoni showed how in other ways Fascism perpetuated the pre-Christian crisis of the religious state.

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Malone, Hannah. "Legacies of Fascism: architecture, heritage and memory in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 22, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.51.

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This article examines how Italy has dealt with the physical remains of the Fascist regime, as a window onto Italian attitudes to the past. Theventennioleft indelible marks on Italy’s cities in the form of urban projects, individual buildings, monuments, plaques and street names. In effect, the survival of physical traces contrasts with the hazy memories of Fascism that exist within the Italian collective consciousness. Conspicuous, yet mostly ignored, Italy’s Fascist heritage is hidden in plain sight. However, from the 1990s, buildings associated with the regime have sparked a number of debates regarding the public memory of Fascism. Although these debates present an opportunity to re-examine history, they may also be symptomatic of a crisis in the Italian polity and of attempts to rehabilitate Fascism through historical revisionism.

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Saz, Ismael. "Fascism and empire: Fascist Italy against republican Spain." Mediterranean Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (June 1998): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969808569739.

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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.

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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.

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Maccaferri, Marzia, and Andrea Mammone. "Global populism and Italy. An interview with Federico Finchelstein." Modern Italy 27, no. 1 (February 2022): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2021.69.

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Federico Finchelstein is Professor of History at the New School for Social Research and Eugene Lang College, New York. He is one of the leading scholars on fascism and populism. Professor Finchelstein is the author of many books that have been translated into several languages, including the successful From Fascism to Populism in History (University of California Press, 2017). His new monograph, Fascist Mythologies. The History and Politics of Unreason in Borges, Freud, and Schmitt, is forthcoming in June 2022 from Columbia University Press. Given this, he is a natural starting point to discuss the global dimension of populism and its historical experiences from Latin America to Italy. Andrea Mammone, co-editor of Modern Italy, interviewed him in December 2021.

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Ventresca, Robert. "Debating the Meaning of Fascism in Contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 11, no. 2 (June 2006): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709288.

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This article takes up the question posed by Claudio Pavone—‘Have the Italians truly known how to come to terms with their past?’—and argues that Italians have indeed grappled with their Fascist past, albeit in varied, contradictory, ambiguous and incomplete ways. This article demonstrates the myriad ways in which Italians—historians, politicians, intellectuals, and segments of the general public—have debated the meaning of Fascism since the fall of Mussolini and the end of the Second World War. What follows below argues that selective remembering and wilful forgetting of the Mussolini regime are nevertheless evidence of an ongoing process of confronting the legacy of Italy's recent past.

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Mammone, Andrea. "The black-shirt resistance: Clandestine fascism in Italy, 1943-50." Italianist 27, no. 2 (October 2007): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/026143407x234185.

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Breschi, Danilo. "Genealogy and Phenomenology of Fascism." Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37466.

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Without reconstructing its genealogy, which then means its history, a political-ideological phenomenon such as fascism, of which Italy was the firstborn between the 1910s and 1920s, can never be fully understood. Its history already provides, at least in part, the interpretation, and in any case helps to understand the phenomenon. Genealogy and phenomenology are therefore the type of analysis that we will conduct in the following pages to scientifically understand a phenomenon too often loaded with public use and exploited for political purposes both in a negative and a positive key. Always and in any case polemogenic.

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Sophia Quine, Maria. "Racial ‘Sterility’ and ‘Hyperfecundity’ in Fascist Italy. Biological Politics of Sex and Reproduction." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 92–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201003.

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This article explores a new dimension in fascist studies, eugenic studies, and the more mainstream history of Italy, Europe, and modernity. It asks scholars to reconsider the centrality of race and biology to the political programme of Italian fascism in power. Fascism’s ‘binomial theorem’ of optimum population change was characterized as a commitment both to increase the ‘quantity’ (number) and improve the ‘quality’ (biology) of the Italian ‘race’. These twin objectives came to fruition in the new scientific and political paradigm known to contemporaries as ‘biological politics’ and to scholars today as ‘biopolitics’. Fascism, this article contends, attempted to utilize the full force of the new ‘biopower’ of reproductive and biogenetic medicine and science in order to realize the aims of its biopolitical agenda for racial betterment through fertility increase. In Italy, fascism encouraged science to tamper with the processes of human reproduction and to extend genetic understanding of diseases which were seen as ‘conquerable’ without sterilization and euthanasia. It began a biotechnological ‘revolution’ that historians often attribute to twenty-first-century science. By exploring the technical innovations in assisted conception which Italian fascism promoted, this article challenges the assumption in much of the scholarship that there was a huge divide between the ‘old’ eugenics of the interwar period and the ‘new’ genetics of recent decades.

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Santomassimo, Gianpasquale. "Metabolizzare il fascismo." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077010.

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- Santomassimo discusses Luca La Rovere's book The Inheritance of Fascism. The A. reconstructs the ample discussions that developed in the immediate postwar period in cultural circles - and among the young - about the responsibilities, consensus and legacies of the regime in the history of the Republic, that refute the widespread image of Italians as opportunistic "turncoats" in the postwar years. What emerges from the study are the limits of the debate on the "metabolization" of Italian fascism in the subsequent period, particularly since the 1960s, in contrast to that in Germany about the responsibilities and collective guilt of the Nazi experience.Key words: Italy, Fascism, Post-fascism, transition, intellectuals.Parole chiave: Italia, fascismo, post-fascismo, transizione, intellettuali.

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Atkinson, David. "Enculturing Fascism? Towards Historical Geographies of Inter-War Italy." Journal of Historical Geography 25, no. 3 (July 1999): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jhge.1999.0123.

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Villari, Giovanni. "A Failed Experiment: The Exportation of Fascism to Albania." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362698.

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Using Italian and Albanian archive sources, this essay analyses the effectiveness of Italian policy in Albania, during the years of its union with Italy (1939–1943), in the creation of a model Fascist state and in the generation of support for Italy among the Albanian population. Through the creation of party and state structures similar to those in Italy, Fascism intended to give voice to Albanian Nationalist demands, but Italian policy was undermined by a basic defect which helped to cool any initial enthusiasm: the loss of all semblance of Albanian independence and the exploitation of local resources to the benefit of the Italians alone. The Italy-Greece conflict cast a shadow on the Fascist fighting ability which not even the creation of ‘Great Albania’ (thanks to the help of the Germans) removed. As Italy's military fortunes changed for the worse, they were forced to address a growing resistance until the tragic conclusion of 8th September 1943 and the end of the occupation.

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Arvidsson, A. "Between Fascism and the American Dream: Advertising in Interwar Italy." Social Science History 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 151–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-25-2-151.

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Augschöll, Annemarie. "Totalitarian school politics during fascism in Italy and their transgenerational effects." History of Education Review 47, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-03-2018-0010.

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Purpose The research is rooted in the interest in educational biographies of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Europe during the twentieth century. The purpose of this paper is to give an answer to the question of how the nationalistic educational norms during the period of totalitarian regimes manifested themselves in the educational biographies of minorities, and how much individuals and collectives transferred their scholastic denationalisation experiences (e.g. prohibition of alphabetisation in their mother tongue) to the following generations. In other words, if and how traces of the previously named experiences, for example the attitude towards education, can be found in insecurities and attitudes of the first or even the second follow-up generation. Design/methodology/approach The theoretical foundation used for this research is the conception of school as “institutional actor” theorised by Helmut Fend (2006). Fend used a widened concept based upon Weber’s (1922/1988) action-theoretical, Luhmann’s (2002) system-theoretical and Scharpf’s (2000) and Schaefers’ (2002) institution-centred approaches. This scientific background designs a theoretical concept of school fitted for the social and pedagogical research field. Specifically, in Fend’s analysis of design- and action-oriented potentials, Fend (2006) “turns his special attention to the processes in the educational field, which are implemented by actors, who themselves act in the context of institutional framework conditions” (p. 17). Findings The experience of school in totalitarian contexts manifests itself in individual and collective memories, later found in the following generations with particular emphasis on the approaches towards education. Originality/value This paper analyses the transgenerational impact of the experiences ethnical minorities had with schools.

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PERGHER, ROBERTA. "The Ethics of Consent—Regime and People in the Historiographies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 309–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000119.

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In his trenchant and stimulating review article Patrick Bernhard surveyed a series of English-language studies that focus in one way or another on the relationship between the fascist regime and the Italian people. Drawing on the historiography of Nazi Germany, Bernhard took these studies as his cue to argue that much of the historiography on Italian Fascism is outdated. In particular, he sees the approach adopted to assessing the regime's appeal as often old-fashioned, with the result that Italian historians have vastly underestimated ordinary Italians’ embrace of fascism and their complicity in its violence and war crimes. At the same time, he argues that histories of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy show far more parallels and intersections than have been acknowledged of late and calls on Italian historians to turn their attention to this entangled history.

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Bosworth, R. J. B. "Tourist Planning in Fascist Italy and the Limits of a Totalitarian Culture." Contemporary European History 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004033.

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The historiography of Italian fascism has reached a curious pass. Once, especially in the English-language world, all was dominated by the study of politics, diplomacy and war. Moreover, these studies were automatically ‘intentionalist’ in their interpretation. For Denis Mack Smith as, ironically, for Renzo De Felice, it did not seem possible to think of the period from 1922 to 1945 except as ‘Mussolini's Italy’; any analysis of fascist Italy could not depart far from the dominant and dominating figure of the Duce.

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Thurlow, R. C. "Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement, 1923-45." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.746.

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Gullace, N. F. "Review: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945 * Julie V. Gottlieb: Feminine Fascism: Women in Britain's Fascist Movement 1923-1945." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.3.320-a.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism and women Italy History'

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