Academic literature on the topic 'Fascism and women Great Britain History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Fascism and women Great Britain History"
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GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.
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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article examines the centrality of the body and distinctive gender codes in the self-representation, the performance and practice, and the culture of Britain's failed fascist movement during the 1930s. The term ‘body fascism’ has taken on different and much diluted meaning in the present day, but in the British Union of Fascists’ construction of the Blackshirted body, in the movement's emphasis on the embodiment of their political religion through sport, physical fitness and public display of offensive and defensive violence, and in their distinctive and racialised bodily aesthetic illustrated in their visual and graphic art production we come to understand Britain's fascist movement as a product of modernity and as one potent expression of the convergence between populist politics and body fixation.
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Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.
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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.
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Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.
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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time.
The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.
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Appeltová, Michaela. "Women’s Agency, Catholic Morality, and the Irish State." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 212–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566244.
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Abstract The text reviews four new books in Irish women’s history and the history of sexuality: Mary McAuliffe’s biography of the revolutionary Margaret Skinnider; Jennifer Redmond’s Moving Histories, exploring the discourses about Irish women migrants to Great Britain in the first few decades of the Irish state, and their everyday lives in Britain; Lindsey Earner-Byrne and Diane Urquhart’s The Irish Abortion Journey, which documents the repressive discourses and policies surrounding abortion in twentieth-century Ireland and relates stories of traveling to Great Britain to obtain it; and finally, Sonja Tiernan’s book examining the ultimately successful political and legal campaign for marriage equality in Ireland. These highly readable, well-researched books place gender and sexuality at the center of Irish history; provide insight into the contradictory political, religious, and medical discourses about Irish women, gays, and lesbians; and document the lives of women both in and out of Ireland.
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Valdés, Juan Núñez. "WOMEN IN THE EARLY DAYS OF PHARMACY IN GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research And Studies 04, no. 12 (October 1, 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.1.
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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull and Agnes Thompson Borrowman.The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been the usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Tyrrell, Alex. "Samuel Smiles and the Woman Question in Early Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2000): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386216.
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When Samuel Smiles (1812–1904) looked back over his career from the vantage point of old age he saw himself as one who had labored for “the emancipation and intellectual improvement of women.” His self-description will surprise those who know him, either through his famous book, Self-Help (1859), where women make fleeting appearances as maternal influences on the achievements of great men, or through the attempts that have been made during the Thatcher years to offer him as an exemplar of a highly selective code of “Victorian Values.” Nonetheless, there is much to be said for Smiles's interpretation: not only was he a prolific author on the condition of women, but his writings on this subject from the late 1830s to the early 1850s were radical in tone and content.By directing attention to these writings, this article makes three points about early Victorian gender relations, radicalism, and Smiles's own career. First, it challenges the lingering notion that this was a time when patriarchal values stifled debate on gender issues. For some historians who write about the women's movement, the early Victorian era has the status of something like a dark age in the history of the agitation for women's rights; this period is overshadowed on the one side by the great debates initiated by Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and on the other by the new feminist movements that developed after the 1850s. Barbara Caine, for example, has written recently that the exclusion of women from the public sphere was “absolute” in the mid-century years; few women had the financial resources necessary to set up a major journal even if they had been bold enough to do so, and the sort of man who wrote sympathetically about women was concerned primarily with his own needs.
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Jordan, Ellen. "The Exclusion of Women From Industry in Nineteenth-Century Britain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015826.
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In 1868, a clergymen told the annual congress of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science that “he had long lived in the town of Liverpool, and had been placed in circumstances there which made him frequently regret that there were no places in which women could find employment. The great want was of employment for every class of women, not only for the higher class, but for those placed in humbler circumstances.” At earlier conferences, however, a number of speakers described the abundant opportunities for female employment in other Lancashire towns. Census figures make it clear that the reason lay in the different industrial bases of these towns.
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Valdés, Juan Núñez Valdés. "International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Studies." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Studies 04, no. 12 (December 24, 2021): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.
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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made it very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull, and Agnes Thompson Borrowman. The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated.
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Мишкина, Кристина, and Kristina Mishkina. "Patriotic education of youth in the system of military-historical tourism in Moscow region (case-study: tour "Heroines of the Battle of Moscow")." Services in Russia and abroad 9, no. 5 (March 16, 2015): 195–0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/17474.
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The article reveals the concept of "military-historical and examines the history of participation of Russian women in the war. Special attention is paid to the patriotic education of the youth by the example of the tour ´Heroines of the Battle of Moscow ": the urgency of the theme is reasoned, the importance of the Victory near Moscow and its influence on the whole course of the war and the fate of our homeland are identified, women´s contribution to the victory of the Soviet people over fascism is shown, the need for preserving the memory of their heroism are reflected, as well as connection between generations is shown, and its educational value are indicated. The article presents the developed by the author military and historical tour "Heroines of the Battle of Moscow." This is one-day tour, where the route, place, time, goals, objectives and content of the tour are specified in detail. The contents disclosed 4 themes: warlike woman; rear stand on women; women widows; war and motherhood. All themes are united by a common idea - the contribution of women in the Soviet people´s Victory over fascism in the Great Patriotic War. Virtual tour (for schoolchildren and students). For its implementation great practical material in the form of applications (illustrative, printed and video material) is selected. The article reveals the novelty of the proposed tour, the mechanism of its implementation and expected results.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fascism and women Great Britain History"
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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women and fascism in inter-war Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272407.
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Henderson, Nancy Ann. "British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.
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British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.
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Eger, Elizabeth. "The Nine Living Muses of Great Britain : women, reason and literary community in eighteenth-century Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272422.
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Summers, A. "Women as voluntary and professional military nurses in Great Britain, 1854-1914." Thesis, Open University, 1985. http://oro.open.ac.uk/56913/.
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After the Crimean War, civilian initiatives were largely responsible for introducing female nurses into military hospitals to supplement and supervise male orderlies. The early difficulties of the new nursing service were similar to those experienced by middle and upper-class women reformers of civilian hospitals. The first female corps was almost independent of military commandants and medical officers; 'lady superintendents' made unwelcome attempts to impose the social norms and work patterns of upper-class households. The medical officers achieved full authority over the female nurses only in 1885. Although reluctant to mobilise female nurses for colonial warfare, under pressure from civilian relief agencies army medical authorities did so after 1879. Army nurses were not prominent public figures; nevertheless, British and foreign war nursing attracted considerable civilian interest, and for some women became a symbol of their right to political participation and equal citizenship. The institution in 1883 of the first national decoration for women, the Royal Red Cross, further legitimated heroism in war as a female ambition. The Royal British Nurses' Association's attempt to form a military nursing reserve indicates that many trained nurses saw war service as conferring the public status necessary to their campaign for state registration. The manpower crisis of the Boer War 1899 - 1902 convinced officials that army hospitals required more female personnel; the success of subsequent drives to recruit trained nurses and voluntary first-alders as military reserve nurses and auxiliaries on the eve of World War I owed much to interests, enthusiasms and ambitions generated among women in the nineteenth century. The early history of British female army nursing demonstrates the influence of civilian expectations upon military institutions; developments at the turn of the century suggest that it was through military nursing that civilian women were militarised.
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Dabby, Benjamin James. "Female critics and public moralism in Britain from Anna Jameson to Virginia Woolf." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607994.
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Kimball, Toshla (Toshla Rene). "Women, War, and Work: British Women in Industry 1914 to 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500947/.
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This thesis examines the entry of women, during World War I, into industrial employment that men had previously dominated. It attempts to determine if women's wartime activities significantly changed the roles women played in industry and society. Major sources consulted include microfilm of the British Cabinet Minutes and British Cabinet Papers; Parliamentary Debates; memoirs of contemporaries like David Lloyd George, Beatrice Webb, Sylvia Pankhurst, and Monica Cosens; and contemporary newspapers. The examination begins with the early debates concerning the pressing need for labor in war industries, women's recruitment into industry, women's work and plans, the government's arrangements for demobilization, and women's roles in postwar industry. The thesis concludes that women were treated as a transient commodity by the government and the trade unions.
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Moss, Jonathan Thomas. "Women, workplace militancy and political subjectivity in Britain, 1968-1985." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7259/.
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This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.
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McMurray, David, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "'A rod of her own' : women and angling in victorian North America." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2007, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/537.
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This thesis will argue that angling was a complex cultural phenomenon that had developed into a respectable sport for women during the Early Modern period in Britain. This heterogeneous tradition was inherited by many Victorian women who found it to be a vehicle through which they could find access to nature and where they could respectably exercise a level of authority, autonomy, and agency within the confines of a patriarchal society. That some women were conscious of these opportunities and were deliberate in their use of angling to achieve their goals while others happened upon them in a more unassuming manner, underscores how angling also functioned as a canopy of camouflage within Victorian society. In other words, though it outwardly appeared as a simple recreational activity, angling possessed the ability to function as a meta-narrative for its adherents, where the larger experiences and intentions of women became subtly intertwined, if not hidden, within the actual activity itself.viii, 197 leaves ; 29 cm.
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Lauer, Laura Elizabeth. "Women in British Nonconformity, circa 1880-1920, with special reference to the Society of Friends, Baptist Union and Salvation Army." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ff846f2b-fe1f-4cb5-a38f-d0844d1b45df.
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The reclamation and analysis of women's experiences within three Nonconformist denominations is the focus of this thesis. The first chapter places each denomination in its social and theological context, and describes its governing structures. The bulk of the thesis is devoted to situating women within this context and examining the ways in which women sought representation within male-dominated governing structures. Chapter two examines the conflict between Friends' egalitarian theology and women's lack of governing power. Although women Friends gained access to the governing body of the Society, the issue of equality remained problematic. The chapter finishes with a discussion of the Society's split over women's suffrage. The Baptist Zenana Mission is the focus of the third chapter. Zenana missionaries claimed spiritual and imperial authority over "native" women and used the languages of separate spheres to carve out a vocation for single women in keeping with denominational norms. In so doing, they marginalised the work done by missionary wives. The fourth chapter begins with an examination of the life and theology of Catherine Booth, whose contribution to the Salvation Army is often neglected. Catherine advocated women's ministry in terms that validated both "women's work for women" and public preaching. This chapter looks at the appeal of officership for women, especially the empowering experiences of salvation and holiness, and charts the growth of the Women's Social Work. Despite the Army's egalitarian theology, conflict was felt by women officers who struggled to combine corps and family duties. The final chapter briefly examines idealised representations of women to conclude that their defining power, while significant, was by no means hegemonic.
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Macleod, Catriona Macdonald. "Women, work and enterprise in Glasgow, c.1740-1830." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6744/.
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This study addresses the roles women played in Glasgow during a period of economic, demographic and cultural change. Glasgow in the eighteenth century was rapidly expanding and fast establishing itself as an international trading centre and an important industrial region. Despite the considerable interest that these developments have received, the gendering of Glasgow’s economy remains relatively unexplored. This research adds to the work of redressing that imbalance, by exploring the economic activities of women of middling social status in the urban economy, focusing on women’s enterprise and also financial management as a form of work.
Books on the topic "Fascism and women Great Britain History"
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Women and fascism. New York: Routledge, 1998.
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Dalley, Jan. Diana Mosley: A life. London: Faber, 2000.
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Thurlow, Richard C. Fascism in modern Britain. Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 2000.
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Anti-fascism in Britain. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2000.
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Fascism in Britain: A history, 1918-1985. Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1987.
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Renton, Dave. Fascism, anti-fascism, and Britain in the 1940s. New York: St. Martin, 1999.
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Renton, Dave. Fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000.
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Tony, Kushner, and Valman Nadia, eds. Remembering Cable Street: Fascism and anti-fascism in British society. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2000.
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Varieties of anti-fascism: Britain in the inter-war period. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Diana Mosley. London: Vintage, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Fascism and women Great Britain History"
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"Appendix: Who’s Who in the History of Women and Fascism in Britain." In Feminine Fascism. I.B. TAURIS, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755623280.0007.
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Guillaume, Cécile. "Legal Mobilizations by Unions to Promote Equal Pay in Great Britain." In Organizing Women, 119–58. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529213690.003.0004.
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This chapter looks more specifically at how British unions have represented women's interests, based on a study of the struggle for equal pay since the 1970s. This history provides a complex, evolving, and in-depth reading of the presumed links between descriptive and substantive representation of women. It reveals the involvement of critical actors; men and women inside institutions, including unions, some of whom were very hostile to the defence of equal pay. Whether internally in their unions, or externally through bodies like the Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC), women have mobilized to obtain their rights and ensure those rights were implemented. Less well known is the fact that local union men, mostly low paid and from male-dominated unions, seized on the existing legislation to obtain equal pay for their female colleagues. At the periphery of institutions, these actors were able to mobilize allies in the legal and political spheres both at the national and European level, to build networks and work towards the interpretation, implementation, and spread of legal norms within organizational practices.
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Grayzel, Susan. "5 Liberating Women? Examining Gender, Morality and Sexuality in First World War Britain and France." In Evidence, History and the Great War, 113–34. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782381839-008.
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Gottlieb, Julie. "Women’s Print Media, Fascism, and the Far Right in Britain Between the Wars." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0035.
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Women were well represented as leaders, activists, and as contributing journalists in the various fascist movements in Britain between the wars. The first movement to adopt the fascist name in Britain, the British Fascisti (1923–35), later the British Fascists (BF), founded by Miss Rotha Lintorn-Orman, published the British Fascist and the British Lion in which women’s issues and the activities of women in the movement were generously covered (Durham 1998; Gottlieb 2000). Although the much more successful British Union of Fascists (BUF, 1932–40) was male-led and male-dominated, its publications – Fascist Week, Blackshirt, Action, and its academically oriented Fascist Quarterly – also covered women’s issues and provided women’s pages. Further, for a short time in 1933–4, the BUF published the cyclostyled Woman Fascist, the news-sheet of the BUF’s Women’s Section, at that time under the leadership of former suffragette ‘Slasher’ Mary (Mary Richardson). Indeed, the influence of three former suffragettes on the evolution of the BUF’s women’s policy was decisive, and these veterans of the Pankhursts’ Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) entered into heated polemics with anti-fascist feminists inside and outside the pages of these publications. The BUF’s women’s policy and its stance on feminist-identified issues, from equal pay and the abolition of the marriage bar to the relationship between women and peace/pacifism, was more nuanced and sophisticated than we may imagine. The movement emphasised that its women’s policies differed from those of the Italian Fascist and Nazi German regimes (Passmore 2003). While distancing itself from Nazi reaction and violent misogyny, the BUF claimed it rejected ‘the sex war as it does the class war: as it does the whole political theory of division. It is by unity of purpose alone that our nation can struggle through to great things’ (Blackshirt 5 Oct 1934: 9). This essay surveys the content and the evolving themes and concerns as framed in these print media, with specific reference to women’s issues, the space accorded to women’s political engagement, and the attempted reconciliation between the ultimately irreconcilable creeds of fascism and feminism.
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Hurl-Eamon, Jennine, and Lynn MacKay. "Parliament of Great Britain, the Parliamentary Register; or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the House of Commons (London, 1800), Vol. 12, 247–9." In Women, Families and The British Army 1700-1880, 32–34. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003011767-8.
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Easley, Alexis. "Introduction." In New Media and the Rise of the Popular Woman Writer, 1832-1860, 1–23. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474475921.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the 1832-60 time period in Great Britain, focusing on developments in the publishing trade that offered new openings for women writers to pursue literary careers. It also provides a chapter outline, as well as a discussion of methodology and current scholarship on women writers and the history of mass media.
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Bidnall, Amanda. "Introduction." In West Indian Generation. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940032.003.0001.
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The history of West Indian (or Caribbean) migration to Great Britain and its impact on British national identity have been the subjects of growing scholarly interest, but they are often viewed in terms of racial tension and conflict—as a series of crisis moments marked by violence and growing anti-immigration sentiment. This Introduction states the author’s thesis that in the years after the Second World War, when the British Empire was reinventing itself as a “New” Commonwealth, and decolonization was on the horizon, a coterie of artists fused a catholic array of concerns in their work and found an echo in the British cultural establishment. They worked within British cultural institutions and trends and expressed a positive vision of national belonging that was multi-racial, anti-racist, and focused on Britain’s historic connection to its West Indian colonies. In doing so, these men and women were less symbols of a racial divide or national angst than they were a driving force behind a postwar cultural revolution. The chapter also reviews some of the essential primary and secondary literature in British cultural studies, the history of Black Britain, and contemporary sociological studies of English “race relations.”
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Melnikov, Andrey V. "Correspondence of S.F. Platonov and M.M. Bogoslovsky." In Traditional and innovative ways to explore social history of Russia 12th–20th centuries: Collection of articles in honor of Elena Nikolaevna Shveikovskaya, 174–84. Novyj hronograf, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/94881-516-9.14.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the source features of a unique documentary complex – the correspondence of two major Russian historians S.F. Platonov (1860–1933) and M.M. Bogoslovsky (1867–1929). The epistolary dialogue of scientists is of considerable interest not only in terms of studying their life and work. The confidential correspondence reflects significant events in the scientific and social life of Russia, Moscow, Petersburg-Petrograd-Leningrad. Correspondence is a valuable historical and historiographic source not only for understanding the development of historical science in Russia, the formation of Moscow and St. Petersburg historical schools, but also for studying the public consciousness of the Russian humanitarian intelligentsia at the end of the 19th — first third of the 20th centuries, in-depth knowledge of the culture of a turning point in the history of Russia. The letters contain valuable information about the everyday life and life of the professors, the organization of scientific life at the Academy of Sciences, the Archaeographic commission, at Moscow university and the Moscow theological academy, at the Moscow higher courses for women, at the Institute of history of the RANION, the Historical Museum, other higher educational institutions and scientific societies two capitals, they reflect the international ties of domestic historical science with scientists from Great Britain, Germany, France, USA, Czech Republic.
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Dyson, Kenneth. "Conservative Liberalism and Ordo-Liberalism: From Child to Midwife of Crisis in Capitalism and Democracy." In Conservative Liberalism, Ordo-liberalism, and the State, 45–76. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854289.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter reveals the extent of demise of economics with the Third Reich; the experience of academic isolation, harassment, and fear; the private comments of founding Ordo-liberals in this dark period and the literature they read (like Friedrich Schiller); the misjudgements many of them made and their attempts to draw lessons; and the stimulus to retreat into philosophy and history in the search for meaning. They sought an alternative to ‘vulgar’ liberalism, the failures in the market economy, and the deficiencies in democracy. Character, culture, principles, and rules formed the axes of their thought about a rejuvenated liberalism. The chapter locates the founding thinkers in the beleaguered cultivated bourgeois intelligentsia and its sense of a civilizational crisis of modernity that went back into the nineteenth century; in the disorder that was generated by the First World War and its aftermath, notably fears of communism and fascism; in the hyperinflation of 1923; in the Great Depression; and in brutal anti-Semitism. Prominence is given to Walter Eucken’s remarkable public lecture in 1936 on the struggle of science and his public debate in 1937 with a Nazi economist. The chapter examines how founding Ordo-liberals like Walter Eucken and Wilhelm Röpke were viewed by fellow liberals like Friedrich Hayek, notably the emphasis placed on their strength of character and conviction. Finally, the chapter plots both the extraordinary growth of citations of Ordo-liberalism since the 1950s and its correlation with events; the shift towards seeing it as a cause of crises especially after 2009; and Ordo-liberalism in the context of post-1945 structural changes and debates about patriarchy and the role of women.
Conference papers on the topic "Fascism and women Great Britain History"
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Rutsinskaya, Irina, and Galina Smirnova. "VISUALIZATION OF EVERYDAY SOCIAL AND CULTURAL PRACTICES: VICTORIAN PAINTING AS A MIRROR OF THE ENGLISH TEA PARTY TRADITION." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/37.
Full textAbstract:
"Throughout the second half of the seventeen and the eighteenth centuries, tea remained an expensive exotic drink for Britain that “preserved” its overseas nature. It was only in the Victorian era (1837-1903) that tea became the English national drink. The process attracts the attention of academics from various humanities. Despite an impressive amount of research in the UK, in Russia for a long time (in the Soviet years) the English tradition of tea drinking was considered a philistine curiosity unworthy of academic analysis. Accordingly, the English tea party in Russia has become a leader in the number of stereotypes. The issue became important for academics only at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Currently, we can observe significant growth of interest in this area in Russia and an expansion of research into tea drinking with regard to the history of society, philosophy and culture. Despite this fact, there are still serious lacunas in the research of English tea parties in the Victorian era. One of them is related to the analysis of visualization of this practice in Victorian painting. It is a proven fact that tea parties are one of the most popular topics in English arts of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. No other art school in the world referred to the topic so frequently: painting formed the visual image of the English tea party, consolidated, propagandized and spread ideas of the national tea tradition. However, this aspect has been reflected neither in British nor Russian studies. Being descriptive and analytical, the present research refers to the principles of historicism, academic reliability and objectivity, helping to determine the principal trends and social and cultural features and models in Britain during the period. The present research is based on the analysis of more than one hundred genre paintings by British artists of the period. The paintings reflect the process of creating a special “truly English” material and visual context of tea drinking, which displaced all “oriental allusions” from this ceremony, to create a specific entourage and etiquette of tea consumption, and set nationally determined patterns of behavior at the tea table. The analysis shows the presence of English traditions of tea drinking visualization. The canvases of British artists, unlike the Russian ones, never reflect social problems: tea parties take place against the background of either well-furnished interiors or beautiful landscapes, being a visual embodiment of Great Britain as a “paradise of the prosperous bourgeoisie”, manifesting the bourgeois virtues. Special attention is paid to the role of the women in this ritual, the theme of the relationship between mothers and children. A unique English painting theme, which has not been manifested in any other art school in the world, is a children’s tea party. Victorian paintings reflect the processes of democratization of society: representatives of the lower classes appear on canvases. Paintings do not only reflect the norms and ideals that existed in the society, but also provide the set patterns for it."