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Journal articles on the topic 'Famine'
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1
Ó Gráda, Cormac. "Making Famine History." Journal of Economic Literature 45, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.45.1.5.
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This paper reviews recent contributions to the economics and economic history of famine. It provides a context for the history of famine in the twentieth century, which is unique. During the century, war and totalitarianism produced more famine deaths than did overpopulation and economic backwardness; yet by its end, economic growth and medical technology had almost eliminated the threat of major famines. Today's high-profile famines are “small” by historical standards. Topics analyzed include the role played by food markets in mitigating or exacerbating famine, the globalization of disaster relief, the enhanced role of human agency and entitlements, distinctive demography of certain twentieth-century famines, and future prospects for “making famine history.”
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Vestal, Theodore M. "Risk Factors and Predictability of Famine in Ethiopia." Politics and the Life Sciences 9, no. 2 (February 1991): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400010728.
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Famine, a complex phenomenon with multifactorial causes, produces starvation and associated diseases resulting in unusually high mortality from a lack of food. Devastating famines in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1980s may have provided an impetus for scholars to find additional analytical tools for predicting famines. Two predominant theories of famines causality are (1) food availability decline (FAD), a supply failure; and (2) the entitlement approach based on a demand failure. Findings from both theories are applied to specific examples from Ethiopian famines to analyze the composition and effects of famine. The limited success of contemporary famines studies in anticipating famine suggests the need for improved analytical tools. Risk factor analysis, used successfully in the social sciences and the medical sciences to predict the occurrence of complicated phenomena, is developed to identify controllable, uncontrollable, and contributing factors to famine. Based on the experience of Ethiopia in 1983-86, categorical cutoff values for identifying a high risk of developing famine are formulated.
3
Engler, S., J. Luterbacher, F. Mauelshagen, and J. Werner. "The Irish famine of 1740–1741: causes and effects." Climate of the Past Discussions 9, no. 1 (February 15, 2013): 1013–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cpd-9-1013-2013.
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Abstract. This paper advances the current debate on causes and effects of famines. Since Sen's food entitlement decline theory emerged in the 1980's, climate and environmental factors are widely excluded in famine analysis. Studying the causation and the processes of famines as well as the adaptations to it before the 20th century will enhance modern famine theories and lead to a rethinking of the role of climate/environmental aspects in current research. In our case study, the "Famine Vulnerability Analysis Model" (FVAM) serves as an explanatory model and will open up new perspectives on famines. Special emphasis will be put on the Europe-wide crises of 1740–1741, with a focus on the famine of the "great frost" in Ireland. The interaction of demographic, political, economic and environmental aspects is characteristic in this famine.
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Klid, Bohdan. "Empire-Building, Imperial Policies, and Famine in Occupied Territories and Colonies." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus634.
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The introductory article to the special issue “Empire, Colonialism, and Famine in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries” begins by pointing to some recent literature on famine theory, where stress has been made on responses of authorities to famine and on the political nature of modern famines. Literature on the connection between imperial policies, colonial rule, and famines is also briefly discussed. The Soviet Union is treated as an empire in the essay, and some of the literature on this question is also surveyed. The article then offers summaries of and highlights from essays in this volume that resulted from papers presented at two conferences on the theme “Empires and Famines in Comparative Historical Perspective,” held in 2016 in Toronto and in 2017 in Kyiv. These include papers on famine and food policies during World War II in occupied Ukraine and Moldova. Essays on famines in Soviet Ukraine, British-ruled Ireland, and British-ruled Bengal, India, are summarized as well as an essay on Raphaël Lemkin’s views on genocide and famine and an essay that looked at minorities in Mao’s China during the 1958-62 famine. The essay concludes with the observation that the investigation of imperial policies, colonial rule, and famine should be pursued further, especially in the case of the Soviet Union where this line of research is just beginning.
5
Bhattacharya, Sourit. "Writing Famine, Writing Empire: Food Crisis and Anticolonial Aesthetics in Liam O'Flaherty's Famine and Bhabani Bhattacharya's So Many Hungers!" Irish University Review 49, no. 1 (May 2019): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2019.0380.
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In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the colonies controlled by the British, the Dutch, and other European countries witnessed a number of devastating famines. These famines did not solely arise for the ‘natural’ reasons of the shortage of rainfall or food availability problems, but were aggravated by the systemic imperialist exploitation of the world by these major European powers. Taking as its case study the two great famines in Ireland and India – the 1845–52 Irish Famine and the 1943–44 Bengal Famine – the essay offers a reading of Liam O'Flaherty's Famine (1937) and Bhabani Bhattacharya's So Many Hungers! (1947). It shows that these works – apart from registering the devastating impact of the famines on the colonial population – have pointed through their powerful uses of content, form, and style to the world-historical reasons of long-term agrarian crisis, political instability, tyranny of the landlord classes, inefficiency of the British Empire, and others as responsible for the famines.
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GARNAUT, ANTHONY. "A Quantitative Description of the Henan Famine of 1942." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 6 (April 18, 2013): 2007–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000103.
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AbstractThe Henan famine of 1942 occurred during the middle of the Sino-Japanese war, in a province that was divided between Japanese, Nationalist and Communist political control. Partly due to this wartime context, existing accounts of the famine rely almost exclusively on eyewitness reports. This paper presents a range of statistical sources on the famine, including weather records, contemporary economic surveys and population censuses. These statistical sources allow similarities to be drawn between the Henan famine and other famines that occurred during the Second World War, such as in Bengal, when the combination of bad weather, war-induced disruptions to food markets, and the relegation of famine relief to the war effort, brought great hardship to civilians living near the war front.
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Brennan, Lance. "Government Famine Relief in Bengal, 1943." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 3 (August 1988): 541–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056974.
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An estimated seven and a half million people died of starvation and related diseases in China, Vietnam, and India during the last half of the Second World War. This death toll reflected the severity with which the poor were affected by the combination of natural disaster, military imperative, political conflict, economic dislocation, and corruption that caused these famines. But famine mortality is also a function of the effectiveness of the relief system. The famines in China and, to a lesser extent, Vietnam, occurred in times of administrative disruption. During the Bengal famine of 1943, however, the central and provincial administrations were intact, if under strain, as the Japanese army tested the eastern defenses of India. Moreover, the Bengal government had recently revised the instructions for bringing relief to those affected by famine. The possibility of an ordered administrative response to the crisis means that the analysis of this operation provides an opportunity to make a contribution to the general understanding of famine relief.
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Rudnytskyi, Omelian, Stanislav Kulchytskyi, Oleksandr Gladun, and Natalia Kulyk. "The 1921–1923 Famine and the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in Ukraine: Common and Distinctive Features." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 3 (March 24, 2020): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.81.
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AbstractThis article covers the preconditions, causes, and consequences of the famine of 1921–1923 and of the Holodomor of 1932–1933. Significant attention is paid to the geography and scale of the famine. For the first time in the historiography of the famine of 1921–1923, a thorough assessment is conducted of the demographic loss of population for Ukraine as a whole, seven oblasts, and the Moldova Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR). A comparative analysis of the research results of the 1921–1923 famine and the Holodomor of 1932–1933 is presented. The discussion consists of three parts. The first part addresses the famine of 1921–1923. It examines the historico-political and economic context of the famine, its scale, and its uneven effect on different parts of the country. Special attention is paid to the sanitary-epidemiological situation which was closely tied to the famine itself. The second part is devoted to the Holodomor of 1932–1933. A comparative analysis of losses during the famines of 1921–1923 and 1932–1933 is presented in the third part.
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Sidorova, Svetlana. "FAMINES IN THE BRITISH INDIA IN 1860-1870-S : INACTION, OVERREGULATION AND MILD MEDIATION." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.07.
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In 1860-1870 s the British authorities in India tested various theoretical ideas and practical methods to prevent famines or minimize level of starvation and mortality: from total inaction in accordance with free-trade doctrine during Orissa famine (1866) and tough state regulation by means of organization of public works, large-scaled food procurement, market prices restrain during Bihar-Bengal famine (1873-1874) to a limited interference in the situation during Great famine (1876-1878). During this period, the British famine relief policy was notable for extremely inconsistency that could be referred to the incapacity of the colonial administration to suggest adequate solution of the crisis situations being unable to exceed the limits of predominated liberal economic doctrine of free market and laissez-faire. Moreover, in this period the Indian policy was excessively individualized and depended in a large degree on personal decisions of officials that led very often to contradictory steps from their side. Severe consequences of the famines, hot discussions in the public sphere, ruined careers and practical experience of these decades led to a formulation by the very beginning of 1880-s of more or less balanced famine policy that combined a range of indirect protective/preventive measures and a very restrained intrusion into market mechanisms.
10
Gráda, Cormac Ó. "The Next World and the New World: Relief, Migration, and the Great Irish Famine." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 2 (May 6, 2019): 319–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071900010x.
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Ireland on the eve of the Great Famine was a poor and backward economy. The Great Irish Famine of the 1840s is accordingly often considered the classic example of Malthusian population economics in action. However, unlike most historical famines, the Great Famine was not the product of a harvest shortfall, but of a major ecological disaster. Because there could be no return to the status quo ante, textbook famine relief in the form of public works or food aid was not enough. Fortunately, in an era of open borders mass emigration helped contain excess mortality, subject to the limitation that the very poorest could not afford to leave. In general, the authorities did not countenance publicly assisted migration. This article discusses the lessons to be learned from two exceptional schemes for assisting destitute emigrants during and in the wake of the famine.
11
Berbesque, J. Colette, Frank W. Marlowe, Peter Shaw, and Peter Thompson. "Hunter–gatherers have less famine than agriculturalists." Biology Letters 10, no. 1 (January 2014): 20130853. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbl.2013.0853.
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The idea that hunter–gatherer societies experience more frequent famine than societies with other modes of subsistence is pervasive in the literature on human evolution. This idea underpins, for example, the ‘thrifty genotype hypothesis’. This hypothesis proposes that our hunter–gatherer ancestors were adapted to frequent famines, and that these once adaptive ‘thrifty genotypes’ are now responsible for the current obesity epidemic. The suggestion that hunter–gatherers are more prone to famine also underlies the widespread assumption that these societies live in marginal habitats. Despite the ubiquity of references to ‘feast and famine’ in the literature describing our hunter–gatherer ancestors, it has rarely been tested whether hunter–gatherers suffer from more famine than other societies. Here, we analyse famine frequency and severity in a large cross-cultural database, in order to explore relationships between subsistence and famine risk. This is the first study to report that, if we control for habitat quality, hunter–gatherers actually had significantly less—not more—famine than other subsistence modes. This finding challenges some of the assumptions underlying for models of the evolution of the human diet, as well as our understanding of the recent epidemic of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus.
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Bianco, Lucien. "Comparing the Soviet and Chinese Famines: Their Perpetrators, Actors, and Victims." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 3, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t22p4c.
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The Soviet (1931-33) and Chinese (1958-62) famines were man-made catastrophes that occurred in underdeveloped states with growing populations during peacetime and affected traditional surplus areas. Both are marked by overly ambitious industrialization strategies at the expense of the rural economy in which central authorities failed to lower grain quotas once famine broke out and even increased them. The famines also had differences, notably regarding the nationality or ethnic question, which played a key role in Ukraine and was present in the Kazakh famine, but was absent in the Chinese famine. Also, Chinese Communist Party leaders, notwithstanding the cruelty of their policies, were much better disposed towards peasants than were the Soviet Bolsheviks. One cannot ascribe murderous intent on Mao’s part, but rather an incoherency of policy and unwillingness to recognize and correct his errors.
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Tiburcio, James Augusto Pires. "Nature vs policy: drought and famine in the northeast of Brazil, 1877-79." Sustainability in Debate 12, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18472/sustdeb.v12n3.2021.40293.
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Droughts followed by famines were common in Brazil, mainly in Northeast Brazil, until the 1980s and were frequently devastating, destroying livelihoods. A succession of droughts resulted in harvest failure, triggering famines in some cases. Famine-like conditions prevailed mainly in the 1877-79 Grande Seca (Great Drought), in which many died of malnutrition-related causes. In subsequent droughts, famine-like conditions reoccurred, but the extent of starvation-induced deaths declined to almost zero. Do only available political theories and known natural and socio-political factors, such as climate, topography, and market viability, provide sufficient data to investigate the causes of the drought of 1877-1879? The author concludes that there is little or no research, accumulated knowledge and information on the possible factors that satisfactorily explain why the drought and famine episodes were so impactful in that period.
14
Konkabayeva, A. N., and K. M. Murzakhodzhaev. "SOME ASPECTS OF THE FAMINE IN KAZAKHSTAN IN 1921-1922: IN ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS AND WRITTEN MATERIALS." History of the Homeland 96, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 166–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_4_166.
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This article discusses some aspects of the famine of 1921-1922 on the basis of the collected archival materials. The famine of 1921-1922 is a tragic event of our people. The author examines the socio-economic and political causes of the famine that engulfed the entire province, its consequences and the measures taken. A historiographical review on this topic is also being done.On the basis of archival data, an example is given confirming the disaster and tragedy of the people. The article highlights the activities of the provincial commission for faminer life (GUBPOMGOL), the main directions of the state's work against the fight against infectious diseases and epidemics. Special attention is paid to the peasant uprisings that were caused by the consequences of the famine.
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HALL-MATTHEWS, DAVID. "Inaccurate Conceptions: Disputed Measures of Nutritional Needs and Famine Deaths in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 6 (November 2008): 1189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07002892.
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AbstractFrom the 1870s onwards, debates about famine policy were central to both colonial and nationalist conceptions of the role, effectiveness and legitimacy of the state in India. Although opinions on how best to relieve famines varied, ideological opposition to a narrow laissez-faire paradigm was given short shrift in the years preceding the formulation of the Indian Famine Codes. However, specific empirical critiques of the making and implementing of famine policy were more effective. This article explores the ways in which such challenges put scientific and statistical experts within the colonial edifice at odds with those at the top of the political hierarchy, focusing on disputes over relief wages and famine mortality calculations between Sir Richard Temple and Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish. It further examines how proto-nationalist groups and newspapers seized on the value given to statistics by the state to hold it to account for its failure to relieve famine.
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Mohanty, Manoranjan. "The Great Odisha Famine of 1866: Lessons for the 21st Century." Social Change 47, no. 4 (November 21, 2017): 608–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717728002.
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Not only did the great Odisha Famine of 150 years ago result in the death of a million people, it formed a tentative start of formulating an official response to major calamities in modern India. The Famine Commission Report of 1867 and the Indian Famine Code of 1880 were considered part of the relief and welfare measures to address the countless casualties caused by famines, food scarcity, starvation, epidemics and malnutrition. It is argued here that historical episodes, such as the 1866 famine and the Paika Rebellion of 1817, fought against the British, should be seen as a ‘process’ rather than simply as an ‘event’. Therefore, we should examine deeper causes such as land relations, uncontrolled market and free trade apart from administrative failures as the common perception does. This conceptual discourse on the famine takes a human rights perspective to examine the role of the state, civil society organisations and the media in preventing disasters and alleviating human suffering. Over 150 years after the occurrence of the famine and 200 years after the rebellion, some of the structural reasons behind them still continue to deprive the masses to their right to life.
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Graziosi, Andrea. "Stalin’s and Mao’s Famines: Similarities and Differences." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 3, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2b59k.
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This essay addresses the similarities and differences between the cluster of Soviet famines in 1931-33 and the great Chinese famine of 1958-1962. The similarities include: Ideology; planning; the dynamics of the famines; the relationship among harvest, state procurements and peasant behaviour; the role of local cadres; life and death in the villages; the situation in the cities vis-à-vis the countryside, and the production of an official lie for the outside world. Differences involve the following: Dekulakization; peasant resistance and anti-peasant mass violence; communes versus sovkhozes and kolkhozes; common mess halls; small peasant holdings; famine and nationality; mortality peaks; the role of the party and that of Mao versus Stalin’s; the way out of the crises, and the legacies of these two famines; memory; sources and historiography.
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Arage, Getachew, Tefera Belachew, Habtamu Hassen, Mubarek Abera, Fedilu Abdulhay, Misra Abdulahi, and Kalkidan Hassen Abate. "Effects of prenatal exposure to the 1983–1985 Ethiopian great famine on the metabolic syndrome in adults: a historical cohort study." British Journal of Nutrition 124, no. 10 (June 10, 2020): 1052–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007114520002123.
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AbstractThe Ethiopian great famine was one of the severe forms of global famines ever documented in Africa as well as in the recent history of the world. Earlier famine studies, as natural experiments, had tested the association between prenatal famine exposure and the metabolic syndrome and reported heterogeneous findings. Hence, this study aimed at evaluating the effects of prenatal exposure to the 1983–1985 Ethiopian great famine on the metabolic syndrome in adults. Self-reported birth date and age of the study subjects were used to classify the status of famine exposure. The International Diabetes Federation criterion was used to assess the metabolic syndrome. Multivariable logistic regression models were fitted to examine relationship between prenatal famine exposure and the metabolic syndrome. The findings showed that, adjusted for covariates, adults who had prenatal exposure to famine were 2·94 times more likely to develop the metabolic syndrome compared with non-exposed groups (adjusted OR (AOR) 2·94, 95 % CI 1·66, 5·27). More specifically, famine exposure during prenatal life was associated with increased waist circumference (AOR 2·27 cm, 95 % CI 0·28, 4·26), diastolic blood pressure (AOR 2·47 mmHg, 95 % CI 0·84, 4·11), TAG (AOR 0·20 mmol/l, 95 % CI 0·10, 0·28) and fasting blood glucose (AOR 0·24 mmol/l, 95 % CI 0·04, 0·43) compared with the control groups. Higher proportion of the metabolic syndrome, risky anthropometric and dyslipidaemic parameters were observed among exposed groups. This finding adds further evidence on fetal origin of adult diseases hypothesis. The finding may imply that one potential means of preventing adulthood metabolic syndrome is to optimise maternal nutrition during pregnancy.
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Elango, R., and S. Bhaskaran. "Risk Factors and Predictability of Famine in Ethiopia: a Commentary." Politics and the Life Sciences 9, no. 2 (February 1991): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400010765.
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In recent decades, development economists have devoted much of their analysis to understanding a number of microeconomic issues, facing the less developed countries. Those issues range from straightforward poverty analysis to a more sophisticated exercise of optimal economic planning. By and large the body of research which has been done can be grouped into two broad categories: (1) exercises devoted to spelling out the various nuances and shades of poverty, which explain either the dimensions or the causes of poverty and related phenomena, and (2) those attempts aimed at developing solutions to the issues of poverty from the perspective of planners. Obviously, famine studies in general, belong to the first category. There has been substantial literature devoted to explaining “What is meant by famine?” Of course, one's position in this regard determines one's policy perspectives as well. The article under review purports to analyze “Risk Factors and Predictability of Famine in Ethiopia.” The discussion by the author of “what famines are and the theories of famine causality,” provides perspective only for the issue under focus, that is the risk factors and predictability.
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Gráda, Cormac Ó. "Markets and Famines in Pre-Industrial Europe." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 2 (October 2005): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0022195054741181.
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How markets perform during famines has long been a contentious issue. Recent research tends to associate famine with market segmentation and hoarding. Evidence based on an analysis of the spatial and temporal patterns of food-price movements during four famines in pre-industrial Europe indicates that markets functioned “normally” in times of crisis.
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Edgerton-Tarpley, Kathryn Jean. "From Bodhisattva Earth to Man-Made Meat Essence: Famine Foods in Late Qing, Nationalist and Maoist China." Environment and History 26, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734019x15755402985587.
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This article examines change and continuity in the selection, conceptualisation and state-sponsorship of 'famine foods' in late Qing, Nationalist and Maoist China. It employs as case studies the following severe famines that struck North China under three markedly different regimes: the North China Famine of 1876-79, the Henan Famine of 1942/43 and the Great Leap Famine of 1958-62. Continuities that cut across the three periods include the particular non-grain foods - beginning with tree bark and wild plants and extending to Bodhisattva earth (Guanyin tu) - consumed at the local level, and a tradition of elite involvement in identifying and endorsing items that could relieve starvation. The terms used to describe survival foods changed significantly, however, as did the rationale for promoting such foods. Moreover, as twentieth-century Chinese modernisers joined their Western counterparts in championing the use of science and technology to address food crises and other disasters, state-run health and scientific agencies played an increasingly active role in testing and promoting recipes for non-grain foods. This trend reached its zenith during the Great Leap Famine, when the government launched a 'food substitute' (daishipin) campaign that aimed to address food shortages without reducing grain quotas by encouraging the mass-production of food substitutes such as chlorella and artificial meat. This campaign can be understood as a sharp departure from Qing China's grain-centred famine relief policies, a radical extension of rhetoric and priorities laid out during the Nationalist period and a case of high modernism gone badly awry.
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Hechter, Michael. "Internal Colonialism, Alien Rule, and Famine in Ireland and Ukraine." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus642.
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The Irish famine of the mid nineteenth century and the Ukrainian famine of the twentieth century have been the subject of large and quite contentious literatures. Whereas many popular explanations of the Irish famine attribute it to the English government’s infatuation with laissez-faire economic doctrines, by contrast the Ukrainian famine has often been ascribed to Stalin’s resentment of Ukraine’s resistance to the Soviet revolution. This essay suggests that despite their many differences, during these years both Ireland and Ukraine can be considered to have been internal colonies of their respective empires. The key implication of this conception is that these appalling famines arose from a common underlying cause: namely, the inferior political status of these regions relative to that of the core regions of these states. One of the defining characteristics of internal colonies is that they often suffer from alien rule. Alien rulers are typically indifferent to the welfare of the residents of the culturally distinctive regions within their borders. Due to this indifference, both the British and Soviet central rulers cast a blind eye to the fate of the Irish and Ukrainian peasants.
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GRAY, PETER. "FAMINE AND LAND IN IRELAND AND INDIA, 1845–1880: JAMES CAIRD AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF HUNGER." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005091.
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The perception of Ireland and India as ‘zones of famine’ led many nineteenth-century observers to draw analogies between these two troublesome parts of the British empire. This article investigates this parallel through the career of James Caird (1816–92), and specifically his interventions in the latter stages of both the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50, and the Indian famines of 1876–9. Caird is best remembered as the joint author of the controversial dissenting minute in the Indian famine commission report of 1880; this article locates the roots of his stance in his previous engagements with Irish policy. Caird's interventions are used to track the trajectory of an evolving ‘Peelite’ position on famine relief, agricultural reconstruction, and land reform between the 1840s and 1880s. Despite some divergences, strong continuities exist between the two interventions – not least concern for the promotion of agricultural entrepreneurship, for actively assisting economic development in ‘backward’ economies, and an acknowledgement of state responsibility for preserving life as an end in itself. Above all in both cases it involved a critique of a laissez-faire dogmatism – whether manifest in the ‘Trevelyanism’ of 1846–50 or the Lytton–Temple system of 1876–9.
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Walsh, Dermot. "Did the Great Irish Famine increase schizophrenia?" Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 29, no. 1 (2012): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700017547.
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AbstractBackground: Evidence from regions where there have been severe dietary restriction suggests that individuals in utero during periods of starvation may subsequently be at increased risk of schizophrenia. Because Ireland was the location of a major nineteenth century famine an attempt has been made to determine whether any such evidence for famine/schizophrenia association can be found.Method: The data used derive mainly from the Annual Reports on the District, Criminal and Private Lunatic Asylums supplied by the Inspectors of Lunacy in Ireland for the relevant years. Nineteenth century diagnostic labels have been adjusted to conform to schizophrenia as currently understood. Evidence relating to a possible schizophrenia increase in famine-related emigrants is examined.Results: There was an increase in first admission rates for schizophrenia of 85.7% from 1860 to 1875. Admissions for other disorders, chiefly melancholia, also increased. Similar admission increases were evident in other jurisdictions over the same period. Data relating to the mental health of famine – migrating Irish are sparse and of difficult interpretation.Conclusion: The evidence from available data sources attempting to link the Irish famines of the 1840s with a subsequent increase in the incidence of schizophrenia is equivocal and inconclusive.
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HUFF, GREGG. "The Great Second World War Vietnam and Java Famines." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 618–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000148.
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AbstractThis article provides quantitative assessments of the great famines that occurred in Vietnam and Java in 1944–1945, which together claimed the lives of some 3.4 million people. It shows that in both Vietnam and Java, harvest shortfalls, in which weather figured prominently, were so large that insufficient food was available to feed everyone. Nevertheless, in both instances, even with the pressures of war and weather, governments could have acted differently and largely, perhaps even wholly, prevented famine. Although Java's famine had few political repercussions, Vietnam's was instrumental in the August 1945 Viet Minh and communist revolution.
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Luciano, Simone Antonio. "Man Made Famines: an International Crime. A Critique to the Current Gaps in the International Legal Framework." Polish Review of International and European Law 10, no. 2 (December 18, 2021): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2021.10.2.01.
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There is a gap in the current legal framework that might result in the infringement of the human right to food and it is given by the lack of criminalisation of intentionally caused famines. Man-made famines should be recognised as crimes against humanity because after analysing the APs and the Rome Statute, we observe that they only mention starvation episodes, and several other behaviours and situations that would end with a famine are not considered at all. We are referring here to cases when a state has the capacity to predict a famine-related disaster and the resources to minimize its impact but it fails to mitigate the effects and to mobilize a response.Compared with starvation, famines are events that have much more severe repercussions for larger areas, larger social groups or even whole countries. Furthermore, they usually cover a much longer period of time such as seasons or even years. Moreover, the perpetrators have to be major players such as governments, organisations or groups with sufficient economic or military power.Finally, famines may be achieved through military actions, policies and other political actions influencing and altering the normal social processes connected to the production of food.
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Oniang'o, Ruth. "Starvation in the 21st Century? It is not right!" African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development 11, no. 5 (September 25, 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18697/ajfand.46.ed039.
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Meetings and conferences will not rid the world of this scourge called hunger. In my last editorial for issue 45, I described the effects of the drought currently ravaging the Horn of Africa on human beings and especially on children. Who is to blame for the recurrence of the drought, of the famine? Should anyone be blamed? Should anyone take responsibility? United Nations estimated nearly 14 million people being affected. Has this famine attracted as much attention and support like previous famines of similar magnitude? It is doubtful, given the economic hardships donor countries are going through, and other threats to human peace that are taking centre stage.
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Malk, Bahlbi Y. "State-induced Famine in Eritrea: Persecution and Crime against Humanity." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (July 18, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p1.
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Famine remains one of the major causes of deaths and displacements in the Sub-Saharan African countries where people have continuously been compelled to cross international borders in search of livelihood securities. There is no question that the continent has been exposed to erratic rainfalls, crop failures and droughts, but contemporary famine has less to do with natural-related crop failures and much to do with poor governance. The author argues that state’s premeditated action, inaction and incompetency to respond to insecurity and threats are largely responsible for African famines. Due to historical misperception of African famine and oversimplification of refugees’ motives from Africa, however, food-based persecution has not been a common subject of research. Besides, the absence of drought does not necessary mean the absence of famine either, because the aforementioned factors frequently cause it to happen even in the middle of plenty. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore how government’s action or inaction can lead to famine in the absence or presence of drought which in return forces people to escape from drastically deteriorating conditions of existence by flight. The goal of this paper is mainly to challenge the common perception that famine as being the drought-induced outcome of humanitarian crisis in Africa and refugees as being victims of the natural circumstance. Thus, this paper argues that a government that deprives its citizens of the basic necessity such as the right to food is as dangerous as the one that persecutes its citizens on the five Convention grounds. Hence, taking Eritrea as a case example, this article discusses chronic food insecurity and mass starvation as a state-induced disaster, which I believe should be considered a crime against humanity under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
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Marcus, David. "Famine Crimes in International Law." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (April 2003): 245–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100102.
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Some of the worst human rights catastrophes of the twentieth century were famines created or manipulated by governments. In 1932 at least five million Ukrainians starved to death, while hunger was largely unknown across the border in Russia.The Soviet government imposed disastrous grain quotas on the Ukraine, then let its own citizens literally collapse in the streets while it exported grain to further its “revolutionary” objectives.The Ethiopian famine of 1983-1985, preserved in popular memory as a natural disaster of biblical proportions, most fiercely struck those parts of the country that harbored irredentist movements. In a stunning, but telling, rejoinder to international pity for the purportedly hapless Ethiopian government, the Ethiopian foreign minister told a U.S. chargé d’affaires that “food is a major element in our strategy against the secessionists.” Since 1994, more than two million out of a population of twenty-two million in North Korea have starved to death, while South Koreans, affected by similar weather patterns, have remained completely untouched by famine. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), trying to distribute aid earmarked for famine victims, have watched helplessly as the government callously interfered and have arrived at the conclusion that “the authorities are deliberately depriving hundreds of thousands of truly needy Koreans of assistance.”
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MacAskill, John. "‘It is truly, in the expressive language of Burke, a nation crying for bread’: the public response to the highland famine of 1836–1837." Innes Review 61, no. 2 (November 2010): 169–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2010.0104.
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Famines and food scarcities in the Highlands and Islands, apart from those of the 1690s and 1847, have been under-examined in Scottish historiography. This article considers an aspect of the serious famine of 1836–7: the public response to the famine as reflected by the committees set up to solicit public subscriptions, principally in Edinburgh, Glasgow and London and by the contemporary newspaper reportage. Three themes in particular are examined: the motive and role of the proprietors in seeking subscriptions; the extent to which the evangelical ethos of the day – that the most potent weapon of God's wrathful providence was famine – influenced the public response; and the highlander as a suitable recipient of public aid. The public response was generous, driven by a strong belief in Christian charity, benevolence, divine direction and philanthropic duty. The highlanders were seen as an object of charity for the debt owed to them by the nation for war time services rendered. The proprietors never shook off the criticism that their appeals to the public were self-serving.
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Kaufmann, Jeffrey C. "Forget the Numbers: The Case of a Madagascar Famine." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172111.
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“Famines gather history around them,” we are told, even more so, it seems, with high numbers of dead. These numbers are treated sometimes like monuments for famines, increasing over time according to utilitarian concerns. Sources for a famine on Madagascar show that though high numbers may be useful in drawing attention to a calamity, people closer to the event may not locate this history or situate their memory via numbers. Emphasizing numbers in lieu of other ways of remembering and also forgetting a calamity appear not to be very good guides to this history.The killing famine that struck southern Madagascar in 1930–31 attracted substantial written comment among the French. Everyone seemed to have an opinion about this famine, which followed the surprising and dramatic killing of the predominant species of prickly pear cactus by cochineal insects in the late 1920s. A large area, a seventh of the island (approximately a sixth of France), with a population at the time of around a half million people and perhaps two million head of cattle, was effected by the biological war on cactus. “Cactus pastoralists” were suddenly without a very resourceful plant. It had provided thick fences of protection to these herders and their cattle; its fruit and water a mainstay for people; its singed cladodes a critical source of water and sustenance for cattle.The “furnace of contamination”—the rapidly reproducing cochineal choking to death their cactus hosts—started in 1925 at the southwest provincial center of Toliara and spread to the east, north, and south at a rate of 100 kilometers per year.
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Doiar, Larуsa. "The problem of hunger in Ukrainian books 1921—1923." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 8 (August 27, 2020): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.8(289).48-52.
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The article is devoted to the historiography of the famine of 1921—1923 in the Ukrainian SSR. The author analyzes domestic books published in the publishers of Soviet Ukraine directly during the disaster that befell five of the twelve provinces of the Ukrainian SSR at that time. Analyzing the event, the author captures the specific features and differences of the famine of 1921—1923 from the Great Famine of 1932—1933. disasters, ordinary outside observers, authorities of all ranks, specialists in science and practical medicine. The author emphasizes that against the background of these developments in the medical field, a new scientific direction has been developed - the study of human hunger states, their impact on the development of human physiology and genetics, specific diseases provoked by prolonged starvation not on a voluntary basis. Concerning the world aspect of the problem of hunger, the author emphasizes that during the study period, in particular, during the First World War (1914—1918), there were artificially organized famines. The latter were seen as effective means in the fight against the enemy and, in fact, became the factors of victory over him. Since neither the fact nor the scale of the 1921—1923 famine in the then Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic was veiled by the Bolshevik authorities, the event had not only a public outcry but also received considerable humanitarian assistance from the world community. This article mainly uses scientific publications published in Soviet Ukraine during 1921—1923.
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Mabbs-Zeno, Carl C. "The Famine in Famine Research." Politics and the Life Sciences 9, no. 2 (February 1991): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400010753.
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For all the insights reported in the preceding article by Vestal, the author leaves the impression that he is dissatisfied that our current level of understanding adequately addresses the complexity of famine. Vestal's article ranges widely across the research on famine, provoking a revisitation of some controversies and inviting further thought on the world's level of famine vulnerability and what researchers might do to reduce that vulnerability.
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Li, Chihua, and L. H. Lumey. "Early-Life Exposure to the Chinese Famine of 1959–1961 and Type 2 Diabetes in Adulthood: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis." Nutrients 14, no. 14 (July 12, 2022): 2855. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu14142855.
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Background: The fast-growing literature suggests that the Chinese famine of 1959–1961 drives current and future type 2 diabetes (T2D) epidemics in China. This conclusion may be premature, as many Chinese famine studies have major methodological problems. We examine these problems, demonstrate how they bias the study results, and formulate recommendations to improve the quality of future studies. Methods: We searched English and Chinese databases for studies that examined the relationship between prenatal exposure to the Chinese famine and adult T2D from inception to 8 February 2022. We extracted information on T2D cases and study populations of individuals born during the famine (famine births), before the famine (prefamine births), and after the famine (postfamine births). We used random-effects models to compare the odds of T2D in famine births to several control groups, including postfamine births, combined pre- and postfamine births, and prefamine births. We used meta-regressions to examine the impacts of age differences between comparison groups on famine effect estimates and the role of other characteristics, including participant sex, age, and T2D assessments; famine intensity; residence; and publication language. Potential sources of heterogeneity and study quality were also evaluated. Results: Twenty-three studies met our inclusion criteria. The sample sizes ranged from less than 300 to more than 360,000 participants. All studies defined the famine exposure based on the participants’ dates of birth, and 18 studies compared famine births and postfamine births to estimate famine effects on T2D. The famine and postfamine births had an age difference of three years or more in all studies. The estimates of the famine effect varied by the selection of controls. Using postfamine births as controls, the OR for T2D among famine births was 1.50 (95% CI 1.34–1.68); using combined pre- and postfamine births as controls, the OR was 1.12 (95% CI 1.02–1.24); using prefamine births as controls, the OR was 0.89 (95% CI 0.79–1.00). The meta-regressions further showed that the famine effect estimates increased by over 1.05 times with each one-year increase in ignored age differences between famine births and controls. Other newly identified methodological problems included the poorly assessed famine intensity, unsuitable study settings for famine research, and poor confounding adjustment. Interpretation: The current estimates of a positive relationship between prenatal exposure to the Chinese famine and adult T2D are mainly driven by uncontrolled age differences between famine births and postfamine births. Studies with more rigorous methods, including age-balanced controls and robust famine intensity measures, are needed to quantify to what extent the famine exposure is related to current T2D patterns in China.
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Guest Editors, From The. "Communism and Hunger: Preface." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 3, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2qc79.
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Over the past two decades, researchers have made significant progress in studying the great political famines of the twentieth century. As a result of increased access to formerly closed archives and the collective efforts of the international scholarly community, we now have a rather accurate picture of the causes, dynamics, demographic impact, and consequences of the pan-Soviet famines of 1931-33, the Ukrainian Holodomor, the Kazakh great hunger, and the terrible famine of 1959-61 in China produced by the Great Leap Forward...
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Mukherjee, Janam. "Hunger Habitus: State, Society, and Starvation in Twentieth-Century Bengal." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus640.
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This article offers a brief summary of the complex factors leading to the famine in Bengal in the 1940s and discusses its longer-term impacts—the afterlife, so to speak—of famine. This episode of starvation claimed as many as five million lives in Bengal, and had long lasting social, political, and economic consequences. Several different paradigms emerged that impacted the socio-political landscape of Bengal in the midst of the famine. Famine studies often focus on causality and on peaks of starvation deaths. However, periods of mass starvation such as the famine in Bengal do not simply end when mass starvation ends. Rather, famine inscribes itself into a famine society in elaborate fashion, impacting post-famine societies in abiding ways for generations to come.
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Lyons, Michael C. "A Famine Motif in the Book of Amos: Amos 8:11–14 and Ancient Near Eastern Innovations of Hunger, Drought, and Famine." Bulletin for Biblical Research 33, no. 2 (July 2023): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.33.2.0136.
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Abstract Ancient Near Eastern famine language occurs as a motif throughout the book of Amos, climaxing in a cataclysmic famine in Amos 8:11–14. This article investigates that famine motif and shows how the motif derives from well-established ancient Near Eastern famine language from Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Levant, and Anatolia. Amos uses this famine language to allude to famine, drought, or starvation in nearly every chapter of Amos. These allusions create the expectation that Yhwh’s judgment against Israel will arrive as a physical famine upon the people. In the culminating judgment oracle of chapter 8, the author innovates ancient Near Eastern famine language to portray the words of Yhwh becoming absent. This novel approach to famine as a lack of the word of God comes as a literary and theological surprise that has gone unnoticed in scholarship. The expected physiological starvation culminates instead in an unexpected starvation of Yhwh’s word—a far more severe judgment on Israel.
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Qin, Lu-Lu, Bang-An Luo, Fan Gao, Xiang-Lin Feng, and Jia-He Liu. "Effect of Exposure to Famine during Early Life on Risk of Metabolic Syndrome in Adulthood: A Meta-Analysis." Journal of Diabetes Research 2020 (March 6, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/3251275.
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Background. Emerging studies have explored the association between the famine exposure during early life and the risk of the metabolic syndrome, and the results remain controversial. This meta-analysis was performed to summarize the famine effects on the prevalence of metabolic syndrome (MetS) in adulthood. Materials and Methods. We searched the PubMed, Web of Science, Embase, ScienceDirect, and Chinese National Knowledge Infrastructure for relevant studies up to December 2019. Pooled odd ratios (ORs) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were used to estimate the effect exposure to famine on MetS using a random-effects model, and the I2 was used to evaluate the heterogeneity. Results. The analyses included 39 studies from 10 articles with a total of 81504 participants. Fourteen studies from 10 articles for fetal famine exposure, 20 studies from 7 articles for childhood famine exposure, and 5 studies from 3 articles for adolescence/adult famine exposure were included in this meta-analysis. Compared with a nonexposed group, famine exposure significantly increased the risk of MetS for early life famine exposure (OR=1.27, 95% CI: 1.18-1.38), fetal famine exposure (OR=1.27, 95% CI: 1.14-1.43), and childhood famine exposure (OR=1.29, 95% CI: 1.16-1.44). Subgroup analyses showed that the result was consistent regardless of the study designs, definitions of MetS, and causes of famine, with or without adjustment for age, smoking, drinking, and physical activity. Conclusions. This meta-analysis suggests that exposure to famine during early life may increase the risk of MetS in adulthood.
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BUIJTENHUIJS, ROBERT. "HUNGER IN NORTHERN CHAD Hunger und Herrschaft: Vorkoloniale und frühe koloniale Hungerkrisen im Nordtschad. By ASTRID MEIER. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1995. Pp. 304. No price given (ISBN 3-515-06729-9)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796296902.
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This book, a doctoral thesis submitted to the University of Zürich in 1994, takes as its starting point the modern idea that hunger and famine are not fatalities determined by nature. Basing herself on the example of Northern Chad during the final pre-colonial decades and the first decades of French colonial rule, the author argues rather that famines, although partly caused by natural factors, reflect the political, economic and social conditions of the societies in which they take place. Famines, she claims, reflect power relations and the violence that sometimes flows from them.
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Fonzi, Paolo. "Non-Soviet Perspectives on the Great Famine: A Comparative Analysis of British, Italian, Polish, and German Sources." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 444–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.27.
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AbstractThe present contribution analyzes systematically diplomatic reports written by German, Italian, British, and Polish representatives in the Soviet Union at the time of the Great Famine. Based on both published documents and unpublished archival sources, the article examines comparatively the perception of the Great Famine in these four countries. After providing a short overview of the diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the four countries at the time of the famine, this article examines how German, Italian, British, and Polish diplomats explained three key issues for understanding the Great Famine: (1) the role of the conflicts between state and peasantry in unleashing the famine; (2) the issue of whether the Soviet government intentionally caused the famine; and (3) the role of intentions in the development of the famine and the relationship between the nationalities policy of the Soviet government and the famine.
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Li, Yun, Yanping Li, M. Edip Gurol, Yesong Liu, Peng Yang, Jihong Shi, Sheng Zhuang, Michele R. Forman, Shouling Wu, and Xiang Gao. "In utero exposure to the Great Chinese Famine and risk of intracerebral hemorrhage in midlife." Neurology 94, no. 19 (April 10, 2020): e1996-e2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000009407.
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ObjectiveTo investigate whether in utero exposure to the Great Chinese Famine in 1959 to 1961 was associated with risk of intracerebral hemorrhage (ICH) in adulthood.MethodsIn this cohort analysis, we included 97,399 participants of the Kailuan Study who were free of cardiovascular disease and cancer at baseline (2006). Cases of incident ICH were confirmed by medical record review. We used the Cox proportional hazards model to calculate the hazard ratio (HR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) for ICH according to in utero famine exposure status.ResultsAmong 97,399 participants in the current analyses, 6.3% (n = 6,160) had been prenatally exposed to the Great Chinese Famine. During a median 9.0 years of follow-up (2006–2015), we identified 724 cases of incident ICH. After adjustment for potential confounders, the HR of ICH was 1.99 (95% CI 1.39–2.85) for in utero famine-exposed individuals vs individuals who were not exposed to the famine. When exposure to famine and severity of famine were examined jointly, the adjusted HR was 2.99 (95% CI 1.21–7.39) for in utero exposure to severe famine and 1.94 (95% CI 1.32–2.84) for in utero exposure to less severe famine relative to those without exposure to famine.ConclusionsIndividuals with in utero exposure to famine, especially those exposed to severe famine, were more likely to have ICH in midlife, highlighting the role of nutritional factors in susceptibility to this severe cerebral condition.
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Grey, Kelsey, Gerard Bryan Gonzales, Mubarek Abera, Natasha Lelijveld, Debbie Thompson, Melkamu Berhane, Alemseged Abdissa, Tsinuel Girma, and Marko Kerac. "Severe malnutrition or famine exposure in childhood and cardiometabolic non-communicable disease later in life: a systematic review." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 3 (March 2021): e003161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2020-003161.
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IntroductionChild malnutrition (undernutrition) and adult non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are major global public health problems. While convincing evidence links prenatal malnutrition with increased risk of NCDs, less is known about the long-term sequelae of malnutrition in childhood. We therefore examined evidence of associations between postnatal malnutrition, encompassing documented severe childhood malnutrition in low/middle-income countries (LMICs) or famine exposure, and later-life cardiometabolic NCDs.MethodsOur peer-reviewed search strategy focused on ‘severe childhood malnutrition’, ‘LMICs’, ‘famine’, and ‘cardiometabolic NCDs’ to identify studies in Medline, Embase, Global Health, and the Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL) databases. We synthesised results narratively and assessed study quality with the UK National Institute for Health and Care Excellence checklist.ResultsWe identified 57 studies of cardiometabolic NCD outcomes in survivors of documented severe childhood malnutrition in LMICs (n=14) and historical famines (n=43). Exposure to severe malnutrition or famine in childhood was consistently associated with increased risk of cardiovascular disease (7/8 studies), hypertension (8/11), impaired glucose metabolism (15/24) and metabolic syndrome (6/6) in later life. Evidence for effects on lipid metabolism (6/11 null, 5/11 mixed findings), obesity (3/13 null, 5/13 increased risk, 5/13 decreased risk) and other outcomes was less consistent. Sex-specific differences were observed in some cohorts, with women consistently at higher risk of glucose metabolism disorders and metabolic syndrome.ConclusionSevere malnutrition or famine during childhood is associated with increased risk of cardiometabolic NCDs, suggesting that developmental plasticity extends beyond prenatal life. Severe malnutrition in childhood thus has serious implications not only for acute morbidity and mortality but also for survivors’ long-term health. Heterogeneity across studies, confounding by prenatal malnutrition, and age effects in famine studies preclude firm conclusions on causality. Research to improve understanding of mechanisms linking postnatal malnutrition and NCDs is needed to inform policy and programming to improve the lifelong health of severe malnutrition survivors.
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Razzaque, Abdur. "Effect of Famine on Fertility in a, Rural Area of Bangladesh." Journal of Biosocial Science 20, no. 3 (July 1988): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000006623.
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SummaryThis study investigates the effects of the 1974–75 famine on differential fertility in a rural population of Bangladesh, using information on household socioeconomic status collected in the 1974 census, and registration data on births, deaths and migrations for the period 1974–77 from the Demographic Surveillance System of the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh. Occupation of household head was taken as a measure of socioeconomic status. Total fertility rates were analysed for three periods: pre-famine, famine and post-famine. Overall fertility declined due to the famine by 34%, but this was compensated partially by a 17% increase in the post-famine period. Fertility of women of all ages and socioeconomic groups was affected by the famine, a more pronounced effect being observed among the poor. Fertility showed a higher post-famine recovery among women in the middle socioeconomic groups and in those aged 25–34 years.
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Akhtar Gul, Muhammad Ghulam Shabeer, Rija Ahmad Abbasi, and Abdul Wahab Khan. "Africa’s Poverty and Famines: Developmental Projects of China on Africa." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 3, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v3i1.109.
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Poverty exists without any face; it is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon. Poverty and famines existed before human civilization and culture. Human culture existed 0.07 million years ago, and civilization began 6000 years ago. In a modern civilized society, ‘first famine in human history occurred in 1708 B.C. From 1708 BC to 1878 AD, 350 famines occurred in various spheres of the world. The Encyclopedia Britannica listed 31 main famines from prehistoric to the 1960s. The sub-continent has also faced eleven severe famines from 1769-70 to 1943, and about 40.9 million people have died due to these famines. Similarly, more than 2 billion people live below the poverty line. Besides, China left 800 million people due to ‘Open Door Policy’. Now she is changing the world's shape through BRI. Africa is a complex and perplexing region of the world. Because, Africa is facing all the root problems of the world, i.e., poverty, massive unemployment and income inequality, mono-culture political economy, border disputes, intra-state wars, and ethnic and lingual clashes. In the land of Africa, the first famine was recorded 2273 years ago in Ethiopia’. About 2,582 languages[i] and 1,382 dialects are found on the African continent. From 1945 to 1999, humanity faced 25 interstate wars, most of which occurred in Africa. Therefore, 127 civil wars happened among 73 states in the same era, and 16.2 million people died. The Export and Import Bank of China will spend 1US$ trillion on the African continent in 2025.
[i] Language which is speaking in Africa, Arabic (170 million) English (130 million), Swahili (100), French (115), Berber (50), Hausa (50), Portuguese (20) and Spanish (10) (Spolsky, 2018)
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Vanderkolk, Grace. "In the shadow of famine: How do Russo–Ukrainian and Russo–Kazakh relations impact memorialisation of the Holodomor and Kazakh famine?" Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 15, no. 3 (May 15, 2024): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol15.iss3.18242.
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The trajectories of public memory and memorialisation of the famines of the 1930s have been vastly different for Kazakhstan and Ukraine, despite the common causation of these national tragedies. Many of the disparities between memorialisation of these events emerge from these nations’ different post–collapse trajectories. A not insignificant amount of vacillation on memory policy occurred as both nations grappled with the past, owing to the various orientations of national leadership and popular sentiment as contexts shifted. While Ukraine sought to forge an independent path quickly post–collapse, Kazakhstan maintained close relations with Russia until recently. Changes to Kazakhstan’s foreign policy spurred, in part, by the Russian full–scale invasion of Ukraine have in turn prompted a revaluation of famine memory. This article seeks to illustrate the complexity of nations coming to terms with their Soviet pasts alongside new domestic and international concerns and illustrate the value of comparative analysis of famine memory through a post–colonial lens.
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Shahid, Amal. "Re ‘constructing’ Informality." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 16–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-20212001.
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Abstract In the latter half of the 19th century the Indian subcontinent was wrought with frequent famines. The colonial state provided relief to the affected population through employment on public works such as roads, canals and railways, in addition to charitable relief. Discussing working conditions, wages, and recruitment, this paper argues that famine labour was characterized by informality under a state regulated employment system, and explores how informality can be conceptualized in a historical context. Coinage of and the distinction between the terms formal and informal is fairly recent, being defined by degrees of state regulation and precarity. This paper, through the case of famine construction workers, offers evidence of practice and adds to the corpus of literature that challenges the distinction between the two terms. Therefore, the paper holds implications for current discussions on interpenetrations between formal and informal economies in the global south.
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Tauger, Mark B. "Natural Disaster and Human Actions in the Soviet Famine of 1931–1933." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1506 (January 1, 2001): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2001.89.
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Until recently both scholarly and popular discussions of the catastrophic famine in the Soviet Union in 1931-1933 invariably have described it as an artificial or ''manmade" famine. Certain well-known scholars have dominated this discussion, expressing two main interpretations of the famine. A Ukrainian nationalist interpretation holds that the Soviet regime, and specifically losif Stalin, intentionally imposed the famine to suppress the nationalist aspirations of Ukraine and Ukrainians; revisionists argue that the leadership imposed the famine to suppress more widespread peasant resistance to collectivization. According to these views, a natural disaster that could have caused a famine did not take place in those years.
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Woodward, Nicholas. "Transportation Convictions during the Great Irish Famine." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 1 (June 2006): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2006.37.1.59.
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Periods of famine would seem to entail not only increased criminal activity but also a greater range of people willing to commit crimes to avoid starvation. Transportation data from Ireland during the Great Famine of the 1840s confirms an increase in criminal activity, revealing that the locus of crime shifted significantly toward the areas most seriously affected by famine conditions. The characteristics of the criminals, however, did not change dramatically. Young men continued to be the main perpetrators, as they had been before the Famine, although those convicted during the Famine often received lighter sentences.
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Azam, Fardous Mohammad Safiul, Anup Biswas, Abdul Mannan, Nusrat Anik Afsana, Rownak Jahan, and Mohammed Rahmatullah. "Are Famine Food Plants Also Ethnomedicinal Plants? An Ethnomedicinal Appraisal of Famine Food Plants of Two Districts of Bangladesh." Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine 2014 (2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/741712.
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Plants have served as sources of food and medicines for human beings since their advent. During famines or conditions of food scarcity, people throughout the world depend on unconventional plant items to satiate their hunger and meet their nutritional needs. Malnourished people often suffer from various diseases, much more than people eating a balanced diet. We are hypothesizing that the unconventional food plants that people eat during times of scarcity of their normal diet are also medicinal plants and thus can play a role in satiating hunger, meeting nutritional needs, and serving therapeutic purposes. Towards testing our hypothesis, surveys were carried out among the low income people of four villages in Lalmonirhat and Nilphamari districts of Bangladesh. People and particularly the low income people of these two districts suffer each year from a seasonal famine known as Monga. Over 200 informants from 167 households in the villages were interviewed with the help of a semistructured questionnaire and the guided field-walk method. The informants mentioned a total of 34 plant species that they consumed during Monga. Published literature shows that all the species consumed had ethnomedicinal uses. It is concluded that famine food plants also serve as ethnomedicinal plants.
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Cașu, Igor. "Discurs și putere în timpul foametei în masă din Moldova sovietică, 1946-47." Romanian Studies Today 3, no. 3-4 (January 30, 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.62229/rst/3.4.1/2.
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The article analyses the Communist discourse strategies in Soviet Moldavia during the mass famine in the immediate postwar years. Based on recent archival findings from several post-Soviet archives as well as Western historiography, the article focuses on why it was so important for the Soviet regime to control language during mass famines. Controlling language was an intrisic part of controlling reality, designing scape-goats, and protecting the power from popular blame and wrath.