Journal articles on the topic 'Factory and trade waste – Purification'

In this study, gasification performance and importance of hydrogen production using waste of a tea factory were evaluated. A mathematical model was developed for the gasification system, which includes a water gas shift reactor used for hydrogen purification. The gasifier temperature was 877?C for the developed model. The model has been validated against experimental data from an 80 kW t h cylindrical downdraft gasifier, given in the literature for syngas composition for three different air-to-fuel ratios. With the developed model, hydrogen production from tea wastes was achieved to yield a higher level by additionally using a water gas shift reactor. Tea waste (1000 kg) was gasified and after the hydrogen purification process, a total of 4.1 kmol hydrogen was achieved, whereas the amount would be 2.8 kmol gas hydrogen if a normal gasification method were used. The validity of the developed model was verified by comparing the experimental results obtained from the literature with the results of the model under the same conditions. After verification of the developed model, the effect of the moisture content of the biomass and the air/fuel ratio on the composition of the product gas were investigated. These investigations were also confirmed by experimental data. The results show that it is important to convert biomass waste into a clean energy source of hydrogen to minimize its environmental impact.

The results of studies of cutting fluids on three types of solvents are presented: distilled water, tap water and treated surface effluents of the factory. It has been proven that replacing tap water with treated surface wastewater when preparing soda-nitrite solutions does not affect the operational and functional properties of the coolant. The possibility of using the treated surface runoff of a bearing factory for the preparation of coagulant solutions for the purpose of using it in the purification of emulsion wastewater has been confirmed. Shown are the directions of recycling waste treatment of the surface runoff of the factory, in particular in the construction industry in the production of asphalt concrete.

Tofu Industry Java Trading Business is an industrial factory engaged in food production that produces tofu. This industry was founded in 2009 which started with his two children who already had experience working in the tofu factory industry not far from their homes. This type of research is normative juridical namely the type of research conducted by studying written regulations so that this research is very closely related to the library. The results of the study are the level of danger from the liquid waste of tofu factory in the tofu trade business Java is not managed properly is damage to the quality of the environment, especially waters as one of the needs of humanity and other living things. Factors that caused the management of liquid waste did not go well according to Law number 32 of 2009, namely the ignorance of the entrepreneurs themselves, factors of education level, economic factors of entrepreneurs, government participation and law enforcement, factors of the role of the community and the role of the community in manage the environment. The legal consequences of these actions are written reprimands, government coercion, freezing of environmental permits, revocation of environmental permits.

‘QUIET PLEASE: Flies are breeding’… reads the sign displayed on the factory breeding room. A female black soldier fly (BSF) is laying around 1500 tiny white eggs onto an industrially designed grid. Over 21 days, one kilogram of her eggs will hatch into eight tonnes of larvae, which will initiate a natural process of waste nutrient recycling as they feed on containers of organic consumer waste that would otherwise go to landfill. In a factory in one of Cape Town’s rapidly developing post-apartheid townships, larvae are thus recycling some 250 tonnes of ‘pre’ and ‘post’ consumer waste every day, transforming negative value waste products into highly valuable insect protein, an alternative to fishmeal – an unsustainably ocean sourced protein. Ethnographic research in this factory explored this biomimically inspired innovation, which uses nature’s purification agents – fly larvae – to revalorise a potentially harmful waste product into a critically important food source for the 21st Century. This paper argues that these industrially designed insect farms produce specific technologies and violent acts of reproductive enclosure. By incorporating debates about the role of naturally inspired solutions that use biological labour to accumulate value, it makes plain the ethical implications that emerge from mimicking and enclosing nature in this way. It contends that the ambition of the discipline of biomimicry to reunite human economies with natural ecologies is overshadowed by the logics of capitalism. While the outcomes of biomimicry may indeed be ecologically sustainable, capitalism’s drive to privatise and profit from the knowledge and labour of nonhuman life means not only controlling animals and their products, but also controlling the processes of life through a constellation of scientific, bureaucratic and legal techniques.

This article is focused on the production of biodiesel from the waste cotton seed oil (WCSO), after purification, as an alternative to fossil fuels. Waste oil was collected from Sodecoton, a factory producing cotton seed oil in the Far North Cameroon. The WCSO was subjected to purification using activated coal, followed by transesterification under basic conditions (potassium hydroxide (KOH)), using methanol and ethanol. Some physico–chemical properties of biodiesel, such as absorbance of waste and purified oil, density, viscosity, water content, acid value, and its energy content were determined. The result of treating the WCSO with activated coal indicated that purification efficiency of activated coal increased with the contact time and the mass of the absorbent. Absorbance results directly proved that activated coal removed unwanted components. In the same way, activated coal concentration and exposure time influenced the level of free fatty acids of WCSO. The yield of methyl ester was 97%, while that of ethyl ester was 98%. The specific gravity at 25 °C was 0.945 ± 0.0601. An evaluation of the lower calorific value (PCI) was done in order to study the energy content of biodiesel. This was found to be a value of 37.02 ± 3.05 MJ/kg for methyl ester and 36.92 ± 7.20 MJ/kg for ethyl ester. WCSO constitutes feedstock for high volume, good quality, and sustainable production of biodiesel, as well as a realistic means of eliminating the pollution resulting from the indiscriminate disposal of waste oils from both household and industrial users.

In this study, alumina-spinel composite hollow fibre membranes were fabricated from abundantly available aluminium dross waste, which can be commonly obtained from aluminium-producing factory. The hollow fibre membranes were successfully fabricated by using a combine phase inversion method and sintering technique. The effects of sintering temperatures on morphology, mechanical strength, and permeability of the hollow fibre membranes were systematically investigated. X-ray fluorescence (XRF) was used to analyze the composition of the aluminium dross waste, while x-ray diffraction analysis (XRD) were further studied to characterize the major crystalline phase of the sintered hollow fibre membranes. An increase in sintering temperatures resulted in densification of hollow fibre membrane, consequently induced the flux reduction. The presence of spinel in microstructural of hollow fibre assisted in decreasing the sintering temperature. As comparison to pure alumina membrane counterparts, this alternative ceramic hollow fibre membrane exhibited a comparable mechanical strength of 78.3-155.1 MPa with lower sintering temperatures ranging from 1350 ˚C to 1400 ˚C at ceramic loading of 40%.

This study determined the degradation of vegetable oil factory effluent by extracellular lipase obtained from Alcaligenes spp. The extracellular lipase produced by isolated Alcaligenes spp was obtained and concentrated using Glycerol before Gel Filtration Chromatography. The partially purified enzyme obtained from the Gel Filtration Chromatography purification showed optimum activity at a temperature of 55° C and pH 7. The enzyme was then concentrated using glycerol prior to treatment. The raw effluent samples (from the vegetable oil factory) were treated with the partially purified enzyme for 20 days. The degradation activity of the enzymes on contaminant concentrations was monitored at every 5 days. A control experiment was also set up for possible natural degradation of contaminants. Effluents were analyzed for metals (Fe, Mn and Zn), Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) and Lipid Content using the standard method. Data were analysed for graphical presentation using the Microsoft Excel package. Results showed reduction in Fe, Mn, Zn, COD and Lipid Contents between day 5 and 20 as 46.28%, 68.71%, 62.53%, 71.45% and 72.57% respectively. The application of extracellular enzyme in the treatment of the effluent enhanced the degradation of the effluent at a higher percentage than the natural attenuation process of the effluent. This showed the promising bioremediation potential of Alcaligenes spp.

It is proposed to purify industrial gas emissions from sulfur dioxide by the adsorption method. Waste from the power industry - sludge from the chemical water treatment of Kazan CHPP-1 - was used as an adsorption material. Its chemical composition is presented. Experimental studies of a new sorption material based on energy waste for gas purification from sulfur dioxide have been carried out. The kinetic dependence and isotherm of the adsorption process are obtained. The mechanism of the process of adsorption of sulfur dioxide by sorption material at different temperatures has been studied. The Gibbs free energy, differential heat, and activation energy of adsorption are determined. The economic and environmental impact of modernization of procedure for cleaning gas emissions from sulfur dioxide in sodium bisulfite production at JSC “Chemical factory named after L.Ya. Karpov” was measured.

Off-site construction entails various advantages compared with the traditional construction method; however, the fragmentation of the prefabrication and assembly results in a complex supply chain. Both general contractors and factories often encounter production deviation, making the original component delivery plan nonoptimal. Traditionally, both parties tend to rely on internal resources or third-party resources to manage schedule changes, paying little attention to the optimisation of the component delivery process. The static compensation mechanisms reported in existing literature require factories to manage demand fluctuations but fail to encourage general contractors to control schedule deviations. Therefore, a dynamic compensation mechanism is proposed to achieve just-in-time component delivery, with which a factory shares possible changes for each component’s delivery date to its clients on an inverse Kanban system. First, unfavourable changes for the factory schedule are allocated with surcharges, and the general contractor should compensate the factory if it accepts the date changes; secondly, schedule changes that are beneficial for the factory are assigned as incentives, and the general contractor receives the factory’s incentive upon agreeing to the changes. Based on these two scenarios, genetic algorithm-based optimisation models are developed to achieve optimal delivery planning solutions. General contractors can obtain an optimal component delivery date to reduce the additional cost when they have changed the assembly schedule. General contractors can also optimise their component delivery schedule to trade their duration flexibility for incentives offered by factories. The models can help both parties to reduce component delivery waste when either side has the motivation to change the original component delivery schedules.

Sidoarjo Regency is one of the supporting districts of East Java province. Sidoarjo Regency is experiencing rapid progress because of the development and potential in trade and industry. One of the industries often found in Sidoarjo Regency is tofu factory. The rapid number of tofu craftsmen industry has caused an increase in the volume of liquid waste which also flows into water bodies. The purpose of this study was to determine the reduction in BOD and COD levels for the tofu factory wastewater treatment in the Sepande area, Sidoarjo Regency using a contructed wetland with Typha latifolia as the remediator. The research stage will be carried out using a laboratory scale using acclimatization as the adaptation stage of Typha latifolia and a crontructed wetland reactor as phytoremediation processing. Based on the results and discussion, it can be concluded that there was a decrease in BOD and COD levels in the tofu industrial wastewater in Sidoarjo using the Constructed Wetland system. The percentage reduction in BOD content was greatest in soil media with 3 stems of Typha latifolia plants and a detention time of 4 days of 72%. While the largest percentage reduction in COD levels was in soil media with 2 stems of Typha latifolia plants and 4 days of detention time of 84%.

Modern industrial poultry farming plays a huge role in providing the population with food. In this regard, such enterprises are characterized by high concentrations of poultry, clear rhythms, the flow of the technological process of raising and keeping poultry, which requires a large amount of technical equipment, and a consistently high output with a relatively low cost. These characteristics create preconditions for the spread of such enterprises, the improvement of the technology for producing poultry products, providing for the maximum use of all resources for their modernization and expansion. It should be borne in mind that with an increase in the scale of production at poultry farms, the amount of wastewater and various wastes will also increase, the main of which is poultry manure. The most widespread problem is the problem of the impact of poultry farming on aquatic ecosystems, which leads to the destabilization of the biosphere itself and the loss of sustainable integrity, as well as the ability to qualitatively restore the natural environment in certain regions of our country. Some regions of our country have significant changes in relief, the absence of vegetation, which excludes them from economic activities. With regard to the biological usefulness of poultry products consumed by the population, it is recommended to use products grown within a radius of 500 km from the place of residence in the corresponding climatic zone. Taking into account this fact, it is necessary to locate poultry farms directly near the residence of a potential consumer, while reducing the transportation of finished products across the country. In this work, a method has been developed for the use of microorganisms for the purification of wastewater from the poultry farm of ZAO “Agrofirma Vostok” in Nikolaevsky district of Volgograd region and the processing of organic waste in order to create an organic fertilizer for agriculture in the region.

Rubber plant is an important industrial crop, as for economic community and a source of non-oil foreign exchange for the country. In Indonesia, 85% rubber planting area is community rubber plantation with its productivity is still very low (700 - 900 kg ha-1 year-1), compared to its potential which can be more than 1,500 kg ha-1 year-1. The low productivity of community rubber plantation is because of the lack of proper handling and maintenance of their plants. Efforts is needed to improve the quality and productivity of community rubber plantation so as to compete in international trade by improvement on planting, maintenance, latex post-harvesting from the garden to the final processing stage. This research utilizes solid waste from rubber processing factory that is local organic fertilizer (LOF) which is usually merely dumped and become source of environment contaminant. The objective of this study was to determine the optimum dosage of rubber mill waste to the yield of rubber plants. The research was carried out at farmer’s plantation of Tanjung Tengah village, Sub-district of Pondok Kelapa, Central Bengkulu, from May to August 2016. The experiment was arranged in a Randomized Complete Block Design (RCBD) with four replications and 6 levels of LOF as the treatments i.e. 0, 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 kg tree-1 equal to 0, 5, 10, 15, 20 and 25 tons ha-1, respectively. The results showed that the effect of several doses of organic fertilizer of rubber waste to rubber plants had no effect on latex volume, stem girth, latex weights, latex slab weight, and dry weight. The yield of rubber even tended to decrease as the increase of dose of LOF. This was supposedly because the rubber plant is an annual crop so takes a long time to show the response of the treatment.Keywords: rubber sap, waste, compost fertilizer

In this study, sugarcane bagasse ash (SCBA) as waste from sugarcane factory was extracted into silica powder. This powder was then used as adsorbent for ethanol purification. Prior to used, the SCBA was washed using HCl solution. The silica extraction was conducted using various NaOH concentrations (0.5; 1; 1.5 and 2 mol/L) as well as extraction times (30, 60 and 90 minutes). After that the mixture was precipitated using HCl solution. The solution was filtrated through a paper filter and its solid particle was dried until its weight was constant. The particle was grounded and sieved using 18 mesh sieves. The silica powder obtained was analysed using FTIR and its result showed that the powder has silica functional groups. The silica yield increases with increasing of concentration of NaOH solution as well as extraction time. The highest silica yield (45.5% w/w) was achieved at 2 mol/L NaOH solution at 90 min. The surface area, pore diameter, and pore volume of silica powder were measured to be 407 m2/g, 3.81Å, and 2.76 dm3/g, respectively. From application of silica powder as adsorbent in adsorptive-distillation, ethanol concentration can reach 99.3% w/w which indicates azeotropic point can be passed.

ABSTRAKEnergi memiliki peranan penting dalam proses pembangunan yang pada akhirnya untuk mencapai tujuan sosial, ekonomi dan lingkungan untuk serta merupakan pendukung bagi kegiatan ekonomi nasional. Sumber energi terbarukan yang berasal dari pemanfaatan biogas limbah cair kelapa sawit dapat menghasilkan energi listrik yang saat ini banyak bergantung pada generator diesel dengan biaya yang mahal.Limbah cair kelapa sawit (Palm Oil Mill Effluent atau POME) adalah limbah cair yang berminyak dan tidak beracun, berasal dari proses pengolahan minyak kelapa sawit, namun limbah cair tersebut dapat menyebabkan bencana lingkungan apabila tidak dimanfaatkan dan dibuang di kolam terbuka karena akan melepaskan sejumlah besar gas metana dan gas berbahaya lainnya ke udara yang menyebabkan terjadinya emisi gas rumah kaca. Tingginya kandungan Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) sebesar 50.000-70.000 mg/l dalam limbah cair kelapa sawit memberikan potensi untuk dapat di konversi menjadi listrik dengan menangkap biogas (gas metana) yang dihasilkan melalui serangkaian tahapan proses pemurnian. Di Kabupaten Kotawaringin Timur terdapat 36 Pabrik Pengolahan Kelapa Sawit yang total kapasitas pabriknya adalah sebesar 2.115 TBS/jam, menghasilkan limbah cair sebesar 1.269 ton limbah cari/jam dan mampu menghasilkan 42.300 m3 biogas.Kata kunci: Renewable Energy, Plam Oil Mill Effluent, Chemical Oxygen Demand, Biogass, Methane. ABSTRACTEnergy has an important role in the development process and ultimately to achieve the objectives of social, economic and environment for as well as an environmental support for national economic activity. Renewable energy source derived from wastewater biogas utilization of oil palm can produce electrical energy which is currently heavily dependent on diesel generators at a cost that mahal.Limbah liquid palm oil (Palm Oil Mill Effluent, or POME) is the wastewater that is greasy and non-toxic, derived from the processing of palm oil, but the liquid waste could cause environmental disaster if not used and disposed of in open ponds because it will release large amounts of methane and other harmful gases into the air that cause greenhouse gas emissions. The high content of Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) of 50000-70000 mg / l in the liquid waste palm oil provides the potential to be converted into electricity by capturing the biogas (methane gas) produced through a series of stages of the purification process. In East Kotawaringin there are 36 palm oil processing factory that total factory capacity is of 2,115 TBS / hour, producing 1,269 tons of liquid waste wastewater / h and is capable of producing 42,300 m3 of biogas.Keywords: Renewable Energy, Plam Oil Mill Effluent, Chemical Oxygen Demand, Biogass, MethaneCara sitasi: Alkusma, Y.M., Hermawan, dan Hadiyanto. (2016). Pengembangan Potensi Energi Alternatif dengan Pemanfaatan Limbah Cair Kelapa Sawit sebagai Sumber Energi Baru Terbarukan di Kabupaten Kotawaringin Timur. Jurnal Ilmu Lingkungan,14(2),96-102, doi:10.14710/jil.14.2.96-102

New technical solutions for the elimination of negative friction forces in the construction of pile foundations on subsidence soils are considered. The friction forces arising between the subsidence soil and the side surface of the pile, according to the Amonton-Coulomb law and the theoretical justifications of B.V. Deryagin, are presented as the sum of a term depending on adhesion and the product of the coefficient of friction by normal pressure. There is some function approximating the total friction force along the side surface of the pile. Differentiating this function, we obtain a formula that determines the change in soil pressure on the side surface of the pile, which varies with the depth of the pile location in the subsidence soil. To sharply reduce the forces of negative friction, the author has developed the design of a pile foundation made of asbestos cement pipes. Studies have shown that in these piles, the forces of negative friction are reduced by 20-30 %, compared with concrete piles manufactured in factory conditions. The author has developed two variants of the method of building a pile foundation on subsident soils, in which the role of antifriction lubricant is performed by a layer of humbrine. Humbrin is a waste of the technology of purification of technical oils. This waste accumulates in large quantities in the landfills of oil refineries. The author has proposed a new design of a pile foundation, in which recycled tires are used as an outer shell to remove the forces of negative friction. Experimental studies have shown that even with vertical deformations of the tire screen of more than 0.04 m, the amount of pile precipitation turned out to be negligible, only 0.02 mm. The author also developed a pile foundation erected on subsident soils. This pile foundation has an external cylindrical shell. In the gap between the cylindrical shell and the side surface of the pile there is a spiral-wound elastic rubber rolling harness. When the surrounding soil subsides, the outer cylindrical shell moves vertically down the rolling spiral bundle, removing negative friction from the side surface of the pile. In addition, the rolling spiral elastic harness also performs the function of a seismic isolator.

Проведен анализ сорбционных характеристик природных материалов (вермикулит, керамзит, перлит, цеолит Трейд ) при очистке кадмий- и хромсодержащих сточных вод с высокой нагрузкой по ХПК. Установлено, что цеолит обладает максимальными сорбционными характеристиками для Cd и Cr и наименьшим биологическим обрастанием. При использовании вермикулита и керамзита или смесей на их основе можно ожидать увеличения сорбционной емкости для Cd и Сr при микробном обрастании, неизбежно происходящем в условиях контакта с водами, загрязненными органическими соединениями и биогенами. При этом биообрастание может повысить иммобилизационную способность материалов для редоксзависимых металлов за счет ферментативных ресурсов бактериальных клеток, использующих их в качестве акцепторов электронов. Эффект микробного обрастания разнонаправленно изменял параметры материалов: для Cr в большинстве случаев уменьшение и для Cd значительное увеличение. При этом дополнительным эффектом иммобилизации Cr является его биологическое восстановление биопленками. Варьируя состав сорбционного материала, можно подбирать смеси, оптимально подходящие для очистки вод инфильтратов с полигонов твердых бытовых отходов с высокой нагрузкой по ХПК и биогенным элементам как при использовании in situ, так и в системах на поверхности.The analysis of the sorption characteristics of natural materials (vermiculite, expanded clay, perlite, Trade zeolite) during the purification of cadmium and chromium-containing leachate with a high COD load was carried out. It was determined that zeolite had the maximum sorption capacity for Cd and Cr and the lowest biological fouling. When using vermiculite and expanded clay or mixtures on their basis, one can expect an increase in the sorption capacity for Cd and Cr during microbial fouling that inevitably occurs during contacting with water polluted with organic compounds and nutrients. In this case biofouling can increase the immobilization properties of materials for redox-dependent metals due to the enzymatic resources of bacterial cells that use them as electron acceptors. The effect of microbial fouling changed the parameters of materials in different directions: for Cr, in most cases, downward, and for Cd, significantly upward. Moreover, chromium biological recovery by biofilms is an additional effect of immobilization. Varying the composition of the sorption material provides for selecting mixtures that are optimally suitable for the purification of leachates from solid waste landfills with high COD and nutrients load, both when used in situ and in surface systems.

Due to the analysis of the structure of land use in the Kachava river basin, significant deviations from scientifically sound norms were revealed (anthropogenically transformed territories predominate (72.9%), including arable land (62.2%). Excessively high and ecologically dangerous plowing was revealed: in many cases the lands were plowed up to the riverbed, which can be observed in all villages, due to which the eco-corridors, which are an important part of the ecological network, are broken in the basin. The coefficient of anthropogenic transformation of geosystems in the Kachava river basin (according to the method of P.G. Shishchenko) is calculated, which is equal to 7.2 and indicates a high level of transformation of geosystems in the study area. A positive balance of greenhouse gases over the river basin has been established due to the large share of arable land (1,079 tons of CO2 per year) and due to the operation of livestock complexes (as a result of internal fermentation and manure treatment) - about 300 tons. The impact on the environment of industrial facilities (furniture company (SAMM) in the village of Romanivka, brick factory LLC "Western Trade Organization" in the village of Maly Khodachkiv, Galushchynets quarry, area 45.75 ha, in which limestone is mined, with a capacity of 700 thousand tons per year). The following main environmental problems have been identified: air pollution due to improper disposal of waste in the furniture industry, mining. The level of traffic load in all settlements of the Kachava river basin is studied. The recreational load and recreational capacity of the territory are investigated. Recreation is based on ponds, which are used for fishing, swimming or just relaxing in nature. The ecological condition of the Kachava, Romanivsky, Kolodiyivsky and Malokhodachkivsky ponds was analyzed according to physical and hydrobiological indicators. It was found that they are satisfactory for all ponds, except Malohodachkivsky, which can be used for recreational purposes. Despite the fact that the recreational load does not exceed the recreational capacity of the territory, there are environmental problems such as neglect of the coast, pollution by solid waste. The ecosystem of the Kachava, Romanivsky, Kolodiyivsky and Malokhodachkivsky ponds are analyzed according to physical and hydrobiological indicators. Measures to optimize land use in the Kachava River basin are proposed: it is proposed to reduce arable land by an average of 97.65 hectares (5.7%) due to mostly afforestation; creation of а new protected object (landscape reserve near the village of Maly Khodachkiv). The submitted proposal will increase the share of land under natural eco-stabilization lands from 27.1 to 33% of the total area of the river basin and achieve the formation of a continuous eco-corridor, which will connect nature reserves. Key words: river, pond, river basin, ecological situation, nature resource management, anthropogenic impact, anthropogenic transformation, optimization.

Modern sociology has a special look at the three associated variables of environment, water and energy. The three variables are not in a harmonial state in many parts of the globe. Some have access to two, or not sufficient to one. Only a few countries are in an equilibrium state of the three. For example, many African countries are in short fall of water and energy. What sociologists suggest is to bring about resources enough as far as the three parts are concerned. In the past, the threefold relationship was less considered and measured, but currently with the heavy weight of population over 7.8 billion world over (WPDS, 2020), balance between the three is inevitable. While population all over the world has increased considerably, water resources have not increased in the same way. Moreover, in the past, population dependency on energy was not that much. But, in the industrial age of today, man is highly in need of energy of different types to maintain life. However, waste and wastewater have become problematic in current age and in most parts of the world. The emerging situation is polluting environment, seas and water streams. It is more observable in less developed world than the developed world. Therefore, the water and energy crisis is wide and ongoing. It is discussed elaborately in the present article. However, national security could be accessible only if water-energy policies are there (Bauer et el. 2014). Introduction The threefold relationship of environment, water and energy is very important from a sociological point of view. Although in the past these three variables were less considered, and their relationship with each other has been less measured, at the same time, following the comprehensive development of modern societies, the tripartite relationship of these variables is inevitable today. To have a healthy environment, enough water resources and enough energy, you must always invest in it. While energy is highly dependent on water, the supply and transfer of water, and the disposal and transfer of wastewater also require energy. Therefore, water and energy, while being necessary for each other, also ensure the health and safety of individuals. Existence of lakes, dams and other similar sources generate energy through and with the power of these elements. At the same time, energy itself transports water resources from one region to another. It also happens with the energy power of the waste disposal system or system. Otherwise, the health of individuals and the health of society in general will face irreparable risks. In the past, when such facilities were less available, many health problems arose that eventually led to an increase in mortality. Therefore, in order to have a healthy environment, providing water and energy resources is very vital and inevitable. Likewise, drinking water itself needs energy for purification and purification operations, and re-pumping to consumers. This means that any interaction regarding the sanitation of water, its purification, its displacement, etc., is itself highly dependent on energy. These conditions ultimately lead to greater well-being, health and security. While developed societies have more or less achieved these possibilities over the last century or so, non-industrial societies have recently been able to implement such schemes; That is, a strategy that leads to better health for them. Where there is a shortage of clean drinking water, and water has to be transported over long distances, having energy is extremely important. Countries generally do not have the same amount of water resources for different uses. As a result, in many cases they have to move water from long distances to other places. This kind of movement requires sufficient and sustainable energy, and this makes agricultural exploitation, agricultural prosperity, access to more resources and products, and the like, more practical and achievable. One of the most significant challenges in this regard is within African countries; That is, areas that are generally short of energy, and the aforementioned losses have made it impossible for such communities to make good use of their potential resources (agricultural land); As a result, poverty and scarcity are widespread in such societies. Method of ResearchMethodology used in the present article is of qualitative type. In that, various paradigms have been used to find out about the facts regarding pandemics during the history. Qualitative research usually studies people, events or areas in their natural settings. In finding facts for the research, the researcher engaged in careful data collection and thoughtful analysis of what was relevant. In the documentary research applied for the present research, printed and written materials were widely regarded. The research was performed as a qualitative library-type in which the researcher had to refer to the relevant and related sources. In the current research, various documents were thoroughly investigated, and the needful inferences were made. The data fed by the investigator in the present article is hopefully reliable. Though literature on pandemics is very limited, yet the author tried to investigate many different resources in order to elicit the necessary information to build up the text. Energy and waterMany of the problems of the society will be reduced if all the people of a society have adequate access to energy and water. It means the safety of water for drinking and sanitary consumption (UNDP: 2015). Access to water and energy also greatly contributes to improving the quality of life. At the same time, access to these resources greatly contributes to the health of the environment, its preservation and maintenance. Today, many less developed communities face increasing population, population density, and mass migration to urban areas. They face water and energy constraints. This has caused the environment to be directly and indirectly affected, and in a negative way. Overpopulation in urban areas, on the one hand, and water scarcity, on the other, put many green space resources at risk of extinction. Therefore, urban environmental planners must always adjust and consider the relocation and resettlement of the population in accordance with water and energy resources. This statement can be applied to all human societies, and it means that energy and water are inseparable. For example, energy is inevitably needed to cool biofuels (hydropower) or water-based power plants, and so on, to access water sources or safe water. In other words, to transfer water from one area to another, or to pump water for change or desalination, we need sufficient and appropriate energy. Therefore, countries should always pay enough attention to these two sources in their planning path. However, many traditional water sources such as springs, aqueducts and the like are being destroyed in many communities. Likewise, following the general warming of the earth, water scarcity is felt more than ever in different communities. On the other hand, following the consumption of more and more population, the need for water directly and indirectly is always increasing. Given this scenario, environmental planners must always take new practical measures to meet the growing needs of their citizens. From a sociological point of view, basic human needs cannot be met without energy and water. That is, it provided food for the growing population, and sustained economic growth. Many societies today need more food, even than in previous years. In other words, more per capita should be considered for them in terms of food, services, agricultural resources and the like. This means that as the quality of life improves, so does the expectation of consumption. In such circumstances, the community in question needs more water resources. While many societies are in such a situation. Future consumption needs are less predictable. Rising prices for food and consumables around the world in recent years are evidence of this claim. That is, many societies around the world over the past decades have not paid attention to the current years (decades) of the 21st century. At the same time (today) (1.3 billion) 1.3 billion people in the world do not have access to electricity, and about 800 million people get their water from unhealthy sources. These conditions lead to many diseases, health problems, personal and social threats and other deprivations. Therefore, considering the natural trend of population growth, which is generally 2% per year or more in developing countries, the forecast and increase of water and energy resources is of crucial importance. As noted, nearly one-seventh of the world's population is now forced to use polluted water resources, which threatens the health of current and even future generations. Therefore, environmental sociologists must always measure and predict population growth index and water resources index together. Many African countries today are in such a situation. That is, a situation whose unhealthy conditions can be transferred to other communities. It's about the same billion people suffering from poverty, hunger and deprivation, and over the next thirty years the demand for food and energy will increase at an unprecedented rate. However, a high proportion of the population, or in other words one-seventh of the world's population, faces food deprivation. While by 2050 the world population will increase from the current 7.2 billion (2013) to more than 9.2 billion, during this time the expectations of individuals, their way of life and the different needs of citizens in different societies will also increase. . These conditions will further exacerbate food and energy problems. Therefore, social planners should distribute their urban and rural population in proportion to their water and energy resources. If more population pressure is applied to urban areas, it will put additional pressure on water and energy resources. However, many human societies today still rely on the same water resources to sustain their lives, economic growth and their environment. In a situation where the share of the population is increasing, effective and productive sources of agricultural and food production. That is, water and energy resources must also increase, otherwise many products. Food production, agricultural production and the like are more or less failing. Under such circumstances, more migration will inevitably occur, which in itself has a negative impact on the environment. This trend is more related to less developed countries than industrialized and developed countries. Improving communities and ecosystemsPutting water and energy on the agenda (from a systemic point of view). How it was developed and managed must be pursued at the local, national, regional and global levels. Water and energy as two influential and vital factors today should be regularly included in development plans, sufficient budgets should be allocated to them, and as mentioned, they should be pursued at different levels and in a participatory manner. In this way, water and energy supply can be achieved to some extent. Likewise, specialized departments, in partnership with other institutions, must make the necessary predictions in proportion to time and place. Therefore, water, energy and food supply will play a central role in the importance and environmental health of communities. Due to increasing population, urban population density, population growth, and changing lifestyles, the need for water, energy and food is felt more than ever in the past. Today, however, a significant portion of the world's population cannot easily meet these needs. Therefore, countries, both independently and in partnership with other communities, must meet the growing needs for water, energy and food as much as possible. In this way, the quality of life in these communities also improves. Many Third World countries, and African countries in general, face severe restrictions in the water, energy and food sectors. The issue of energy and water in general is important in two ways. That is, in terms of the opportunities and challenges of society, and the elimination of many of the growing needs in different societies. Water and energy, while creating opportunities, on the other hand, and in conditions of scarcity or scarcity, water inevitably brings challenges and limitations. Opportunities mean that in the conditions of having sufficient water and energy, economic-agricultural development takes place in its desired form. That is, a movement that itself provides more added value. With the opportunity in question, this situation will lead to more investment, more income, and ultimately more per capita GDP. That is, what leads to an improvement in the quality of life. Few countries have achieved this today. However, many developing societies today and in the years to come will face a water and energy crisis. The problem itself requires more studies, more investment and more international cooperation. Population, economy and energy and water demandThe production and use of energy and water in its national form is a significant necessity in order to meet the basic needs and develop opportunities for the people. Energy supply means access to clean, reliable and revenue-generating energy services for cooking, heating, lighting, communications and productive uses (United Nations: 2010). The supply of water resources and the production of energy required due to the growing needs, today is the first level of importance in different countries. The provision of these resources in its national and global form must be considered, otherwise uncontrolled migration from places without water and energy to other places will inevitably take place. That is, the flow that ultimately leads to environmental problems in various forms. This process leads to housing constraints, transportation problems, and many socio-economic disadvantages. Therefore, social planners, environmental sociologists, and economists must always have adequate oversight and effective forecasting in the water and energy sectors. Water and energy themselves provide food security. It means providing and accessing adequate, healthy and nutritious food that meets the daily nutritional needs and nutritional preferences for a healthy and active life (FAO: 1996). In any case, both energy and water cross national borders in some cases, thereby facilitating international cooperation. Today, following the need of countries for these two factors, new relations have emerged between countries. Whereas in the distant past, water currents flowed easily from one country to another, today for this movement. Contracts and treaties are concluded. Similarly, while countries today need more energy (for example, electricity), cooperation and areas of trade and transmission of electricity between countries are taking place. In this way, the fields of economic cooperation between countries have increased. That is, it provides conditions that improve agriculture, improve the environment, and provide more food, and so on. Cooperation between neighbors in this way provides benefits sharing, profitability, access to more food and water-related products. As the population of countries has increased in recent decades, and on the other hand, the need for food has increased, this has made the connection between countries more and more in terms of water and energy transmission. Is. Improved global water, energy and food supply conditions can be achieved through a cohesive policy. It means adopting a method in terms of management and administration, integrated in all sections and scales (WWF Retrieved). At the international level, ongoing crises such as energy, food, financial issues, and the like indicate systemic interdependence. If the needs related to the mentioned indicators such as energy, water and food are not met in an adequate level, the society will face various crises. Under such circumstances, the standard of living declines. That is, comfort, access to the required material goods, income, employment, domestic products, and inflation are all affected by the declining trend in living standards (Retrieved: 2011). For example, in the absence of energy and water, many villagers migrate to urban areas. That is, a movement that itself leads to crises such as environmental pollution, transportation, population density, destruction of the urban environment and the like. Such crises also lead to greater challenges to personal and social health. Therefore, the water and energy crisis poses many and ongoing challenges. Sociologists in general and environmental sociologists in particular evaluate and predict these conditions. Developing countries face serious challenges in achieving their Millennium Development Goals by 2015, and their close and intimate relationships with water, energy and food need to be re-examined to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Developing countries must always anticipate their coming years by turning to water and energy resources. That is, such facilities that lead to the provision of food. However, such countries face unforeseen challenges and problems due to their increasing population on the one hand, and their extensive migration to urban areas on the other hand. Sociologists have always advised that greater individual and social health be achieved through access to adequate sources of water and energy, otherwise there will be many challenges in the lives of different strata. Likewise, the emergence of new injuries endangers individual and social health in various forms. Energy and water balanceEnergy and water are two important factors in urban development. Any industrial development and access to more industrial products, and more processing itself requires more energy and water resources. In the absence of these two sources, urban communities are largely exposed to economic stagnation, unemployment, and consequently economic inflation. This also leads to a decline in quality of life. Therefore, in proportion to the capacities related to their water and energy resources, they should welcome urban development. Today, many developing communities are facing this problem (restrictions on water and energy resources) in urban areas due to the general increase in their population, and migration from rural to urban areas. Fast-growing cities are heavily dependent on energy and water supply. But at the same time, they must reduce water demand, manage relevant trade, and make good use of their water resources. That is, through the reuse of water, the recycling of water and the production of energy from waste and the like. In a coherent and coordinated manner for industrial development, the use and reuse of energy and water is essential, in order to increase scarce resources and save costs. That is, during the production and management of waste, the motivation for social-environmental responsibility should be strengthened as much as possible through sustainable production. The relationship between energy and water is not only quantitative, but also water quality, water pollution, water pollution and the like must be considered. Different countries and societies, given their growing needs on the one hand, and the scarcity of water resources on the other hand, must always make multiple uses of the available water resources. It means recycling a lot of used water and reusing it in other fields and the like. Otherwise, the limitation and shortage of water resources will lead to food shortages. Therefore, continuous monitoring of its water resources to a large extent ensures the health and quality of life in urban and rural areas as much as possible. The connection between water and energy is inseparable, especially in urban areas. That is, city life depends on these two elements (Sustainca: 2015). Disseminate information on water and energyAccess to information and dissemination of data in the field of energy and water resources, or in other words, management of water resources, etc., is itself a major challenge in most societies today. Many countries, especially in less developed societies, do not have enough information about their water resources, water needs, future water resources, and water management in general. Therefore, based on estimates, such communities will sooner or later face challenges and problems due to water shortages. Therefore, from the sociological point of view of the environment, these communities should prioritize studies and information gathering in this regard as part of their plans, given the increase in their population and water consumption. Green infrastructure facilities, and nature conservation, provide significant services in protecting communities from floods and overheating, dust control, etc. It means strengthening green infrastructure (Benedict: 1947). The complexity of energy and water development decisions often requires some kind of modeling (or hybrid model), based on which an integrated support system is developed and maintained. To meet their water needs, countries must use newer and more advanced methods and models. Likewise, the link between less developed and more developed countries, in order to benefit from their experiences, can itself help in making decisions about energy and water development in less developed societies. Otherwise, the scope of the crisis will expand further in the coming years. Such developments include water and energy economics, their ecological impacts, social criteria, and economic tools that can be measured through choices. In other words, calculating and measuring their water and energy resources as effective methods help these countries in providing water resources. In general, today water and energy resources in its scientific form should be evaluated, measured and predicted. The bridge between science, politics and peopleDialogue or science, politics and people in the field of energy and water based on knowledge and education (literacy), indicates that energy and water need improvement and development. That is, effective efforts must be made in this regard. Innovations in technology, management and the like. In this way, a bridge between science, politics and people can be created. By creating such a tripartite relationship, energy and water resources can be fundamentally managed. At the same time, science and technology must be aligned with, and aligned with, energy and water policy.Otherwise, the challenges and shortcomings of energy and water constraints will become more and more widespread. In a situation where the global population has increased to more than 7.2 billion people today, and at the same time social, economic, service and similar needs have increased more than ever in the past, the use of science and technology to Providing as much energy and water as possible is inevitable. This connection can also be explained by the fact that human beings are inseparable from nature. As any damage to nature by man, man himself is subsequently harmed (Rights of Mother Earth: 2011). As far as developing countries are concerned, such efforts should be made to expand capacities at all levels. By creating such connections or putting them on the agenda, the necessary coordination between the environment, water and energy is achieved. Therefore, capacity building at different levels, including urban and rural areas, industrial and agricultural capacity, human capacity, both men and women, each play a role in providing resources related to water, energy and a healthy environment. ConclusionSociologically speaking, basic human needs cannot be met without energy and water. Currently, over 1.3 billion people in the world do not have access to electricity, and over 800 million people get their water from unhealthy sources. Such conditions lead to many diseases, health problems, personal and social threats, and other deprivations. As noted earlier, one-seventh of world's population is currently forced to use polluted water resources which threatens the health of generations. Therefore, environmental sociologists must always measure and predict the population growth index and water resources index together. However, many human societies still rely on the same water resources to sustain their lives, their economic growth and their environment. Water and energy as two influential and vital factors should be regularly included in development plans, and sufficient budgets need to be allocated to them. Eventually, it must be noted that water, energy and food supply play a central role in the environmental health of communities. References: Bauer, D.; et al. "The Water-Energy Nexus: Challenges and Opportunities". US Department of Energy. 2014. Benedict, M.A.; et al. Green Infrastructure: Linking Landscapes and Communities. 1947. California Sustainability Alliance, Cynthia, Truelove, Senior Water Policy Analyst, California Public Utilities Commission. FAO. Rome Declaration on World Food Security and World Food Summit Plan of Action, World Food Summit 13-17, November 1996, Rome. Nexus Resource. Right of Mother Earth, Bolivia UN, Bolovian.net, Retrieved 2011. Standard of Living Definition, Investopedia.com, Retrieved 2011. UNDP: Millennium Development Goals, Goal 7: Ensure Environmental Sustainability. 2015. UN Secretary General's Advisory Group on Energy and Climate Change (AGECC), Summary Report and Recommendations, 28 April 2010, P.13. World Population Data Sheet, Population Reference Bureau, Washington DC. 2020.

Acidic wastewater treatment for the TNT factory which located in the middle of the mountains is characterized by part of its nature with alkaline properties, which prompted the researcher to take advantage of it in the treatment of acidic water instead of caustic soda. Acidic waste water is originated from spent acid treatment building, nitration, purification building, drying and packing building in TNT factory. The objective of this study is to use treated Acidic water TNT Factory by rock granules. Acidic waste water is mixed together with rock granules lye after crushed process of these rocks. The results the pH value of water after neutralizing reaction showed a significant rise in pH from 1.20 to 7. 00. This is within the SSMO. These data included reduction in BOD from 30.00 to 7.00 mg/l which is also within the range of SSMO. The COD value of the acidic wastewater which is 65.00 mg/l to 11 mg/l which is also within the range of SSMO. The use of rock granules for treatment will save an amount 9.45kg/t of caustic soda per ton of product TNT product.

The present study were carried out in the brewing factory of Cameroon (SABC) Yaoundé focuses on the evaluation of chemical contaminants influencing the wastewater treatment plant. Standard methods of analysis of physicochemical parameters of wastewater in anaerobic sludge were done according to Waterleau [1]. The information collected made it possible to evaluate chemical contaminants according to the use of water, water solubility and dangerousness. It was found that, chemical contaminants are mostly disinfectants (30%) and cleaning products (15%). Nevertheless, there are others used for pH regulation, such as beer stabilizers, etc. The wastewater treatment plant has shown overall good yields. The temperature that varies between 31°C and 32°C, characterise an optimal temperature for the metabolism of microorganisms. The pH oscillates between 7 and 10 characterise majority the alkaline waters. This study shows that the presence of chemical contaminants in discharge water which came from different part of the factory and were other chemical are used, influences microorganism area and can affect their health of purification microorganisms by acting on the physico-chemical parameters of wastewater and sludge.

Abstract Efficient collection of water from fog can effectively alleviate the problem of water shortage in foggy but water-scarce areas, such as desert, island and so on. Different with the inefficient fog meshes, corona discharge can release charged particles, charge water droplets and further enhance the water-collecting effect. This manuscript proposes a novel multi-electrode collecting structure, which can achieve the efficient and direction-independent collecting fog. The multi-electrode structure consists of three parts: charging electrode, intercepting electrode and ground electrode. Four types of water-collecting structures are compared experimentally, and the results show that the collection rates of traditional fog mesh, wire-mesh electrode with fog coming from high-voltage electrode (FH), wire-mesh electrode with fog coming from ground electrode (FG) and multi-electrode are 2~3 g/h, 100~120 g/h, 60~80 g/h, 200~220 g/h, respectively. The collection rate of multi-electrode structure is 100 ~ 150 times that of traditional fog mesh and 2 ~ 4 times that of wire-mesh electrode. These results demonstrate the superiority of the multi-electrode structure in fog collection. In addition, the motion equation of charged droplets in electric field is also derived, and the optimization strategy of electrode spacing is also discussed. This structure can be applied not only to fog collection, but also to air purification, factory waste gas treatment and other fields.

Xylanases are enzymes that convert xylan into xylose, xylobiose, and xylotriose. The present study deals with the production and optimization of xylanase through Solid-State Fermentation (SSF) using different agricultural wastes by Aspergillus spp. The Plackett Burman (PB) design was used to screen significant media components affecting the xylanase production. The carbon sources screened were wheat bran, rice bran, sugarcane bagasse, corn cob, and orange peel. The nitrogen sources screened were yeast extract, peptone, (NH4)2SO4, Na2NO3, and urea. Also, nine different salts such as KCl, MgSO4, Na2HPO4, CaCl2, FeSO4, ZnSO4, Na2CO3, KH2PO4, and NaH2PO4 which act as trace elements were screened. The results showed that wheat bran, yeast extract, Na2NO3 and KCl are the significant factors that affect xylanase production. A 33 Full Factorial Design (FFD) was performed to optimize the significant media components (wheat bran, KCl, yeast extract) obtained from PB design using Response Surface Methodology (RSM). Statistical analysis of results showed that wheat bran, KCl, yeast extract, and interaction between wheat bran and yeast extract were found to be significant. The optimum concentration of wheat bran, KCl, yeast extract was 8 g/L, 0.1 g/L and 3 g/L. The Partial purification of xylanase was carried out using ammonium salt precipitation and dialysis. Gel filtration chromatography was performed to optimize the elution time, which was found to be 6 minutes. Application of xylanase in orange juice clarification was studied at 40 °C, 50 °C, and 60 °C. The optimum temperature obtained was 60 ºC.

Wearing clothing from the past is all the rage now. Different styles and aesthetics of vintage and historical clothing, original or appropriated, are popular with fashion wearers and home sewers. Social media is rich with images of anachronistic clothing and the major pattern companies have a large range of historical sewing patterns available. Butterick McCall, for example, have a Making History range of patterns for sewers of clothing from a range of historical periods up to the 1950s. The 1950s styled fashion is particularly popular with pattern producers. Yet little research exists that explains why anachronistic clothing is all the rage. Drawing on 28 interviews conducted by the author with women who wear/make 1950s styles clothing and a survey of 229 people who wear/make historical clothing, this article outlines four key reasons that help explain the popularity of wearing/making anachronistic clothing: It argues that there exists rage against four ‘fast fashion’ practices: environmental disregard, labour breaches, poor quality, and poor fit. Ethical consumption practices such as home sewing quality clothes that fit, seeks to ameliorate this rage. That much of what is being made is anachronistic speaks to past sewing techniques that were ethical and produced quality fitting garments rather than fashion today that doesn’t fit, is of poor quality, and it unethical in its production. Fig. 1: Craftivist Collective Rage: Protesting Fast FashionRage against Fast Fashion Rage against fast fashion is not new. Controversies over Disney and Nike’s use of child labour in the 1990s, the anti-fur campaigns of the 1980s, the widespread condemnation of factory conditions in Bangladesh in the wake of the 2016 Rana Plaza collapse and Tess Holiday’s Eff Your Beauty Standards campaign, are evidence of this. Fast fashion is “cheap, trendy clothing, that samples ideas from the catwalk or celebrity culture and turns them into garments … at breakneck speed” (Rauturier). It is produced cheaply in short turnarounds, manufactured offshore by slave labour, with the industry hiding these exploitative practices behind, and in, complex supply chains. The clothing is made from poor quality material, meaning it doesn’t last, and the material is not environmentally sustainable. Because of this fast fashion is generally not recycled and ends up as waste in landfills. This for Rauturier is what fast fashion is: “cheap, low quality materials, where clothes degrade after just a few wears and get thrown away”. The fast fashion industry engages in two discrete forms of obsolescence; planned and perceived. Planned obsolescence is where clothes are designed to have a short life-span, thus coercing the consumer into buying a replacement item sooner than intended. Claims that clothes now last only a few washes before falling apart are common in the media (Dunbar). This is due to conscious manufacturing techniques that reduce the lifespan of the clothes including using mixed fibres, poor-quality interfacing, and using polyester threads, to name a few. Perceived obsolescence is where the consumer believes an otherwise functioning item of clothing to no longer to be valued. This is borne out in the idea that an item is deemed to be “in vogue” or “in fashion” and its value to the consumer is thus embedded in that quality. Once it falls out of fashion is deemed worthless. Laver’s “fashion cycle” elucidated this idea over eighty years ago. Since the 1980s the fashion industry has sped up, moving from the traditional twice annual fashion seasons to the fast fashion system of constantly manufacturing new styles, sometimes weekly. The technologies that have allowed the rapid manufacturing of fast fashion mean that the clothes are cheaper and more readily available. The average price of clothing has dropped accordingly. An item that cost US$100 in 1993 only cost US$59.10 in 2013, a drop of 41 per cent (Perry, Chart). The average person in 2014 bought 60 per cent more clothing that they did in 2000. Fast fashion is generally unsaleable in the second-hand market, due to its volume and poor design and manufacture. Green notes that many charity clothing stores bin a large percentage of the fast fashion items they receive. Environmental Rage Consumers are increasingly expressing rage about the environmental impact of fast fashion. The production of different textiles places different stresses on the environment. Cotton, for example, accounts for one third of the fibres found in all textiles, yet it requires high levels of water. A single cotton shirt needs 2,700 litres of water alone, the equivalent to “what one person drinks in two-and-a-half years” (Drew & Yehounme). Synthetics don’t represent an environmentally friendly alternative. While they may need less water, they are more carbon-intensive and polyester has twice the carbon footprint of cotton (Drew & Yehounme). Criticisms of fast fashion also include “water pollution, the use of toxic chemicals and increasing levels of textile waste”. Textile dyeing is the “second largest polluter of clean water globally.” The inclusion of chemical in the manufacturing of textiles is “disruptive to hormones and carcinogenic” (Perry, Cost). Naomi Klein’s exposure of the past problems of fast fashion, and revelations such as these, inform why consumers are enraged by the fast fashion system. The State of Fashion 2019 Report found many of the issues Klein interrogated remain of concern to consumers. Consumers continue to feel enraged at the industry’s disregard for the environment (Shaw et al.) any many are seeking alternative sources of sustainable fashion. For some consumers, the ethical dilemmas are overcome by purchasing second-hand or recycled clothing, or participate in Clothing Exchanges. Another alternative to ameliorating the rage is to stop buying new clothes and to make and wear their own clothes. A recent article in The Guardian, “’Don’t Feed the Monster!’ The People Who Have Stopped Buying New Clothes” highlights the “growing movement” of people seeking to make a “personal change” in response to the ethical dilemmas fast fashion poses to the environment. While political groups like Fashion of Tomorrow argue for collective legislative changes to ensure environmental sustainability in the industry, consumers are also finding their own individual ways of ameliorating their rage against fast fashion. Over recent decades Australians have consistently shown concern over environmental issues. A 2016 national survey found that 63 per cent of Australians considered themselves to be environmentalists and this is echoed in the ABC’s War on Waste programme which examined attitudes to and effects of clothing waste in Australia. In my interviews with women wearing 1950s style clothing, almost 65 per cent indicated a distinct dissatisfaction with mainstream fashion and frustration particularly with pernicious ‘fast fashion’. One participant offered, “seeing the War on Waste and all the fast fashion … I really like if I can get it second hand … you know I feel like I am helping a little bit” [Gabrielle]. Traid, a network of UK charity clothes shops diverts 3 000 tonnes of clothes from landfill to the second-hand market annually, reported for 2017-18 a 30 per cent increase in its second-hand clothes sales (Coccoza). The Internet has helped expand the second-hand clothing market. Two participants offered these insights: “I am completely addicted to the Review Buy Swap and Sell Page” [Anna] and “Instagram is huge for girls like us to communicate and get ideas” [Ashleigh]. Slave Rage The history of fashion is replete with examples of exploitation of workers. From the seamstresses of France in the eighteenth century who had to turn to prostitution to supplement their meagre wages (Jones 16) to the twenty-first century sweatshop workers earning less than a living wage in developing nations, poor work conditions have plagued the industry. For Karl Marx fashion represented a contradiction within capitalism where labour was exploited to create a mass-produced item. He lambasted the fashion industry and its “murderous caprices”, and despite his dream that the invention of the sewing machine would alleviate the stress placed on garment workers, technology has only served to intensify its demands on its poor workers (Sullivan 36-37). The 2013 Rena Plaza factory disaster shows just how far some sections of the industry are willing to go in their race to the bottom.In the absence of enforceable, global fair-trade initiatives, it is hard for consumers to purchase goods that reflect their ethos (Shaw et al. 428). While there is much more focus on better labour practices in the fashion industry, as the Baptist World Aid Australia’s annual Ethical Fashion Report shows, consumers are still critical of the industry and its labour practices.A significant number of participants in my research indicated that they actively sought to purchase products that were produced free from worker exploitation. For some participants, the purchasing of second-hand clothing allowed them to circumnavigate the fast fashion system. For others, mid-century reproduction fashion was sourced from markets with strong labour laws and “ethically made” without the use of sweat shop labour” [Emma]. Alternatively, another participant rejected buying new vintage fashion and instead purchased originally made fashion, in this case clothing made 50 to 60 years ago. This was one was of ensuring “some poor … person has [not] had to work really hard for very little money … [while the] shop is gaining all the profits” [Melissa]. Quality Rage Planned obsolescence in fashion has existed at least since the 1940s when Dupont ensured their nylon stockings were thin enough to ladder to ensure repeat custom (Meynen). Since then manufacturers have deliberately used poor techniques and poor material – blended fabrics, unfinished seams, unfixed dyes, for example – to ensure that clothes fail quickly. A 2015 UK Barnardo’s survey found clothes were worn an average of just seven times, which is not surprising given that clothes can last as little as two washes before being worn out (Dunbar). Extreme planned obsolescence in concert with perceived obsolescence can lead to clothes being discarded before their short lifespan had expired. The War on Waste interviewed young women who wore clothes sometimes only once before discarding them.Not all women are concerned with keeping up to date with fashion, instead wanting to create their own identify though clothes and are therefore looking for durability in their clothes. Many of the women interviewed for this research were aware of the declining quality of clothes, often referring to those made before the fast fashion era as evidence of quality clothing. For many in this study, manufacturing of classically styled clothing was of higher concern than mimicking the latest fashion trend. Some indicated their “disgust” at the poor quality of fast fashion [Gabrielle]. Others has specific outrage at the cost of poorly made fast fashion: “I don’t like spending a lot of money on clothing that I know may not necessarily be well made” [Skye] and “I got sick of dresses just being see through … you know, seeing my bras under things” [Becky]. For another: “I don’t like the whole mass-produced thing. I don’t think that they are particularly well made … Sometimes they are made with a tiny waist but big boobs, there’s no seams on them, they’re just overlocked together …” [Vicky]. For other participants in this research fast fashion produced items were considered inferior to original items. One put it is this way: “[On using vintage wares] If something broke, you fixed it. You didn’t throw it away and go down to [the shop] and buy a new one ... You look at stuff from these days … you could buy a handbag today and you are like “is this going to be here in two years? Or is it going to fall apart in my hands?” … there’s that strength and durability that I do like” [Ashleigh]. For another, “vintage reproduction stuff is so well made, it’s not like fast fashion, like Vivien of Holloway and Pin Up Girl Clothing, their pieces last forever, they don’t fall apart after five washes like fast fashion” [Emma]. The following encapsulates the rage felt in response to fast fashion. I think a lot of people are wearing true vintage clothing more often as a kind of backlash to the whole fast fashion scene … you could walk into any shop and you could see a lot of clothing that is very, very cheap, but it’s also very cheaply made. You are going to wear it and it’s going to fall apart in six months and that is not something that I want to invest in. [Melissa]Fit RageFit is a multi-faceted issue that affects consumers in several ways: body size; body shape; and height. Body size refers to the actual physical size of the body, whether one is underweight, slim, average, muscular or fat. Fast fashion body size labelling reflects what the industry considers to be of ‘normal sizes’, ranging from a size 8 through to a size 16 (Hackett & Rall). Body shape is a separate, if not entirely discrete issue. Women differ widely in the ratios between their hips, bust and waist. Body shape distribution varies widely within populations, for example, the ‘Size USA’ study identified 11 different female body shapes with wide variations between populations (Lee et al.). Even this doesn’t consider bodies with physical disabilities. Clothing is designed to fit women of ‘average’ height, thus bodies that are taller or shorter are often excluded from fast fashion (Valtonen). Even though Australian sizing practices are based on erroneous historical data (Hackett and Rall; Kennedy), the fast fashion system continues to manufacture for average body shapes and average body heights, to the exclusion of others. Discrimination through clothing sizes represents one way in which social norms are reinforced. Garments for larger women are generally regarded as less fashionable (Peters 48). Enraged consumers label some of the offerings ‘fat sacks’, ‘tents’ and ‘camouflage wear’ (Colls 591-592). Further, plus size is often more expensive and having been ‘sized up’ from smaller sizes, the result is poor fit. Larger body’s therefore have less autonomy in fashioning their identity (Peters 45). Size restrictions can lead to consumers having to choose between going without a desired item or wearing a size too small for them as no larger alternative is available (Laitala et al. 33-34).The ideology behind the thin aesthetic is that it is framed as aspirational (Barry) and thus consumers are motivated to purchase clothes based upon a desire to fit in with this beauty ideal. This is a false dichotomy (Halliwell and Dittmar 105; Bian and Wang). For participants in this research rage at fashion fashions persistance in producing for ‘average’ sized women was clearly evident. For a plus-size participant: “I don’t suit modern stuff. I’m a bigger girl and that’s not what style is these days. And so, I find it just doesn’t work for me” [Ashleigh]. For non-plus participants, sizing rage was also evident: I’m just like a praying mantis, a long string bean. I’m slim, tall … I do have the body shape … that fast fashion catered for, and I can still dress in fast fashion, but I think the idea that so many women feel excluded by that kind of fashion, I just want to distance myself from it. So, so many women have struggles in the change rooms in shopping centres because things don’t fit them nicely. [Emma] For this participant reproduction fashion wasn’t vanity sized. That is, a dress from the 1950s had the body measurements on the label rather than a number reflecting an arbitrary and erroneous sizing system. Some noted their disregard for standardised sizing systems used exclusively for fast fashion: “I have very non-standard measurements … I don’t buy dresses for that reason … My bust and my waist and my hips don’t fit a standard. You know I can’t go “ooh that’s a 12, that’s an 18”. You know, I don’t believe in standard sizing basically” [Skye]. Variations of sizing by brands adds to the frustration of fashion consumers: “if someone says 'I’m a size 16' that means absolutely nothing. If you go between brands … [shop A] XXL to a [shop B] to a [shop C] XXL to a [shop D] XXL, you know … they’re not the same. They won’t fit the same, they don’t have the same fit” [Skye]. These women recognise that their body shape, size and/or height is not catered for by fast fashion. This frees them to look for alternatives beyond the product offerings of the mainstream fashion industry. Although the rage against aspects of fast fashion discussed here – environmental, labour, quality and fit – is not seeing people in the streets protesting, people are actively choosing to find alternatives to the problem of sourcing clothes that fit their ethos. ReferencesABC Television. "Coffee Cups and Fast Fashion." War on Waste. 30 May 2017. Barnardo's. "Once Worn, Thrice Shy – British Women’s Wardrobe Habits Exposed!" 11 June 2015. 1 Mar. 2019 <http://www.barnardos.org.uk/news/press_releases.htm?ref=105244http://www.barnardos.org.uk/news/press_releases.htm?ref=105244>.Barry, Ben. "Selling Whose Dream? A Taxonomy of Aspiration in Fashion Imagery." Fashion, Style & Popular Culture 1.2 (2014): 175-92.Cocozza, Paula. “‘Don’t Feed The Monster!’ The People Who Have Stopped Buying New Clothes”. The Guardian 19 Feb. 2019. 20 Feb. 2019 <http://www.theguardian.com/fashion/2019/feb/19/dont-feed-monster-the-people-who-have-stopped-buying-new-clothes#comment-126048716>.Colls, Rachel. "‘Looking Alright, Feeling Alright’: Emotions, Sizing and the Geographies of Women's Experiences of Clothing Consumption." Social & Cultural Geography 5.4 (2004): 583-96.Drew, Deborah, and Genevieve Yehounme. "The Apparel Industry’s Environmental Impact in 6 Graphics." World Resources Institute July 2005. 24 Feb. 2018 <http://www.wri.org/blog/2017/07/apparel-industrys-environmental-impact-6-graphics>.Dunbar, Polly. "How Your Clothes Are Designed to Fall Apart: From Dodgy Stitching to Cheap Fabrics, Today's Fashions Are Made Not to Last – So You Have to Buy More." Daily Mail 18 Aug. 2016. 25 Feb. 2018 <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-3746186/Are-clothes-fall-apart-dodgy-stitching-cheap-fabrics-today-s-fashions-designed-not-buy-more.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-3746186/Are-clothes-fall-apart-dodgy-stitching-cheap-fabrics-today-s-fashions-designed-not-buy-more.html>.Hackett, Lisa J., and Denise N. Rall. "The Size of the Problem with the Problem of Sizing: How Clothing Measurement Systems Have Misrepresented Women’s Bodies from the 1920s – Today." Clothing Cultures 5.2 (2018): 263-83.Kennedy, Kate. "What Size Am I? Decoding Women's Clothing Standards." Fashion Theory 13.4 (2009): 511-30.Klein, Naomi. No Logo, No Space, No Choice, No Jobs: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. London: Flamingo, 2000.Laitala, Kirsi, Ingun Grimstad Klepp, and Benedict Hauge. "Materialised Ideals Sizes and Beauty." Culture Unbound: Journal of Current Cultural Research 3 (2011): 19-41.Laver, James. Taste and Fashion. London: George G. Harrap, 1937.Lee, Jeong Yim, Cynthia L. Istook, Yun Ja Nam, Sun Mi Pak. "Comparison of Body Shape between USA and Korean Women." International Journal of Clothing Science and Technology 19.5 (2007): 374-91.Perry, Mark J. "Chart of the Day: The CPI for Clothing Has Fallen by 3.3% over the Last 20 Years, while Overall Prices Increased by 63.5%." AEIdeas 12 Oct. 2013. 4 Jan. 2019 <http://www.aei.org/publication/chart-of-the-day-the-cpi-for-clothing-has-fallen-by-3-3-over-the-last-20-years-while-overall-prices-increased-by-63-5/http://www.aei.org/publication/chart-of-the-day-the-cpi-for-clothing-has-fallen-by-3-3-over-the-last-20-years-while-overall-prices-increased-by-63-5/>. Perry, Patsy. “The Environmental Cost of Fast Fashion.” Independent 8 Jan. 2018. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/fashion/environment-costs-fast-fashion-pollution-waste-sustainability-a8139386.html>.Peters, Lauren Downing. "You Are What You Wear: How Plus-Size Fashion Figures in Fat Identity Formation." Fashion Theory 18.1 (2014): 45-71.Rauturier, Solene. “What Is Fast Fashion?” 1 Aug. 2010. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://goodonyou.eco/what-is-fast-fashion/>.Shaw, Deirdre, Gillian Hogg, Edward Shui, and Elaine Wilson. "Fashion Victim: The Impact of Fair Trade Concerns on Clothing Choice." Journal of Strategic Marketing 14.4 (2006): 427-40.Sullivan, Anthony. "Karl Marx: Fashion and Capitalism." Thinking through Fashion. Eds. Agnès Rocamora and Anneke Smelik. London: I.B. Tauris, 2016. 28-45. Valtonen, Anu. "Height Matters: Practicing Consumer Agency, Gender, and Body Politics." Consumption Markets & Culture 16.2 (2013): 196-221.

When the National Trust was established in 1895 its founders, Canon Rawnsley, Sir Robert Hunter and Octavia Hill, were, as Cannadine notes, “primarily concerned with preserving open spaces of outstanding natural beauty which were threatened with development or spoliation.” This was because, like Ruskin, Morris and “many of their contemporaries, they believed that the essence of Englishness was to be found in the fields and hedgerows, not in the suburbs and slums” (Cannadine 227). It was important to protect these sites of beauty and historical interest from development not only for what they were but for what they purportedly represented—an irreplaceable repository of the nation’s “spiritual values”, and thus a vital antidote to the “base materialism” of the day. G.M. Trevelyan, who I am quoting here, noted in two pieces written on behalf of the Trust in the 1920s and 30s, that the “inexorable rise of bricks and mortar” and the “full development of motor traffic” were laying waste to the English countryside. In the face of this assault on England’s heartland, the National Trust provided “an ark of refuge” safeguarding the nation’s cherished physical heritage and preserving its human cargo from the rising waters of materialism and despair (qtd. in Cannadine 231-2).Despite the extension of the road network and increasing private ownership of cars (up from 200,000 registrations in 1918 to “well over one million” in 1930), physical distance and economic hardship denied the majority of the urban population access to the countryside (Taylor 217). For the urban working classes recently or distantly displaced from the land, the dream of a return to rural roots was never more than a fantasy. Ford Madox Ford observed that “the poor and working classes of the towns never really go back” (Ford 58).Through the later nineteenth century the rural nostalgia once most prevalent among the working classes was increasingly noted as a feature of middle class sensibility. Better educated, with more leisure time and money at their disposal, these sentimental ruralists furnished a ready market for a new consumer phenomenon—the commodification of the English countryside and the packaging of the values it notionally embodied. As Valentine Cunningham observes, this was not always an edifying spectacle. By the late 1920s, “the terrible sounds of ‘Ye Olde England’ can already be heard, just off-stage, knocking together its thatched wayside stall where plastic pixies, reproduction beer-mugs, relics of Shakespeare and corn-dollies would soon be on sale” (Cunningham 229). Alongside the standard tourist tat, and the fiction and poetry that romanticised the rural world, a new kind of travel writing emerged around the turn of the century. Through an analysis of early-twentieth century notions of Englishness, this paper considers how the north struggled to find a place in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927).In Haunts of Ancient Peace (1901), the Poet Laureate, Alfred Austin, described a journey through “Old England” as a cultural pilgrimage in quest of surviving vestiges of the nation’s essential identity, “or so much of it as is left” (Austin 18). Austin’s was an early example of what had, by the 1920s and 30s become a “boom market … in books about the national character, traditions and antiquities, usually to be found in the country” (Wiener 73). Longmans began its “English Heritage” series in 1929, introduced by the Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, with volumes on “English humour, folk song and dance, the public school, the parish church, [and] wild life”. A year later Batsford launched its series of books on “English Life” with volumes featuring “the countryside, Old English household life, inns, villages, and cottages” (Wiener 73). There was an outpouring of books with an overtly conservationist agenda celebrating journeys through or periods of residence in the countryside, many of them written by “soldiers like Henry Williamson and Edmund Blunden, who returned from the First War determined to preserve the rural England they’d known” (Cunningham 229; Blunden, Face, England; Roberts, Pilgrim, Gone ; Williamson). In turn, these books engendered an efflorescence of critical analyses of the construction of England (Hamilton; Haddow; Keith; Cavaliero; Gervais; Giles and Middleton; Westall and Gardiner).By the 1920s it was clear that a great many people thought they knew what England was, where it might be found, and if threatened, which parts of it needed to be rescued in order to safeguard the survival of its essential identity. By the same point, there were large numbers who felt, in Patrick Wright’s words, that “Some areas of the nation had been lost forever and in these no one should expect to find the traditional nation at all” (Wright 87).A key guide to the nation’s sacred sites in this period, an inventory of their relics, and an illustration of how its lost regions might be rescued for or erased from its cultural map, was provided in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927). Initially published as a series of articles in the Daily Express in 1926, In Search of England went through nine editions in the two and a half years after its appearance in book form in 1927. With sales in excess of a million copies, as John Brannigan notes, the book went through a further twenty editions by 1943, and has remained continuously in print since (Brannigan).In his introduction Morton proposes In Search of England is simply “the record of a motor-car journey round England … written without deliberation by the roadside, on farmyard walls, in cathedrals, in little churchyards, on the washstands of country inns, and in many another inconvenient place” (Morton vii). As C.R. Perry notes, “This is a happy image, but also a misleading one” (Perry 434) for there was nothing arbitrary about Morton’s progress. Even a cursory glance at the map of his journey confirms, the England that Morton went in search of was overwhelmingly rural or coastal, and embodied in the historic villages and ancient towns of the Midlands or South.Morton’s biographer, Michael Bartholomew suggests that the “nodal points” of Morton’s journey are the “cathedral cities” (Bartholomew 105).Despite claims to the contrary, his book was written with deliberation and according to a specific cultural objective. Morton’s purpose was not to discover his homeland but to confirm a vision that he and millions of others cherished. He was not in search of England so much as reassuring himself and his readers that in spite of the depredations of the factory and the motor vehicle, it was still out there. These aims determined Morton’s journey; how long he spent in differing parts, what he recorded, and how he presented landscapes, buildings, people and material culture.Morton’s determination to celebrate England as rural and ancient needed to negotiate the journey north into an industrial landscape better known for its manufacturing cities, mining and mill towns, and the densely packed streets of the poor and working classes. Unable to either avoid or ignore this north, Morton needed to settle upon a strategy of passing through it without disturbing his vision of the rural idyll. Narratively, Morton’s touring through the south and west of the country is conducted at a gentle pace. In my 1930 edition of the text, it takes 185 of the book’s 280 pages to bring him from London via the South Coast, Cornwall, the Cotswolds and the Welsh marches, to Chester. The instant Morton crosses the Lancashire border, his bull-nosed Morris accelerates through the extensive northern counties in a mere thirty pages: Warrington to Carlisle (with a side trip to Gretna Green), Carlisle to Durham, and Durham to Lincoln. The final sixty-five pages return to the more leisurely pace of the south and west through Norfolk and the East Midlands, before the journey is completed in an unnamed village somewhere between Stratford upon Avon and Warwick. Morton spends 89 per cent of the text in the South and Midlands (66 per cent and 23 per cent respectively) with only 11 per cent given over to his time in the north.If, as Genette has pointed out, narrative deceleration results in the descriptive pause, it is no coincidence that this is the recurring set piece of Morton’s treatment of the south and west as opposed to the north. His explorations take dwelling moments on river banks and hill tops, in cathedral closes and castle ruins to honour the genius loci and imagine earlier times. On Plymouth Hoe he sees, in his mind’s eye, Sir Walter Raleigh’s fleet set sail to take on the Armada; at Tintagel it is Arthur, wild and Celtic, scaling the cliffs, spear in hand; at Buckler’s Hard amid the rotting slipways he imagines the “stout oak-built ships which helped to found the British Empire”, setting out on their journeys of conquest (Morton 39). At the other extreme, Genette observes, that narrative acceleration produces ellipsis, where details are omitted in order to render a more compact and striking expression. It is the principle of ellipsis, of selective omission, which compresses the geography of Morton’s journey through the north with the effect of shaping reader experiences. Morton hurries past the north’s industrial areas—shuddering at the sight of smoke or chimneys and averting his gaze from factory and slum.As he crosses the border from Cheshire into Lancashire, Morton reflects that “the traveller enters Industrial England”—not that you would know it from his account (Morton 185). Heading north towards the Lake District, he steers a determined path between “red smoke stacks” rising on one side and an “ominous grey haze” on the other, holding to a narrow corridor of rural land where, to his relief, he observes men “raking hay in a field within gunshot of factory chimneys” (Morton 185-6). These redolent, though isolated, farmhands are of greater cultural moment than the citadels of industry towering on either side of them. While the chimneys might symbolise the nation’s economic potency, the farmhands embody the survival of its essential cultural and moral qualities. In an allusion to the Israelites’ passage through the Red Sea from the Book of Exodus, the land that the workers tend holds back the polluted tide of industry, furnishing relief from the factory and the slum, granting Morton safe passage through the perils of modernity and into the Promised Land–or at least the Lake District. In Morton’s view this green belt is not only more essentially English than trade and industry, it is also expresses a nobler and more authentic Englishness.The “great industrial new-rich cities of northern England—vast and mighty as they are,” Morton observes, “fall into perspective as mere black specks against the mighty background of history and the great green expanse of fine country which is the real North of England” (Morton 208). Thus, the rural land between Manchester and Liverpool expands into a sea of green as the great cities shrink on the horizon, and the north is returned to its origins.What Morton cannot speed past or ignore, what he is compelled or chooses to confront, he transforms, through the agency of history, into something that he and England can bear to own. Tempted into Wigan by its reputation as a comic nowhere-land, a place whose name conjured a thousand music hall gags, Morton confesses that he had expected to find there another kind of cliché, “the apex of the world’s pyramid of gloom … dreary streets and stagnant canals and white-faced Wigonians dragging their weary steps along dull streets haunted by the horror of the place in which they are condemned to live” (Morton 187).In the process of naming what he dreads, Morton does not describe Wigan: he exorcises his deepest fears about what it might hold and offers an incantation intended to hold them at bay. He “discovers” Wigan is not the industrial slum but “a place which still bears all the signs of an old-fashioned country town” (Morton 188). Morton makes no effort to describe Wigan as it is, any more than he describes the north as a whole: he simply overlays them with a vision of them as they should be—he invents the Wigan and the north that he and England need.Having surveyed parks and gardens, historical monuments and the half-timbered mock-Tudor High Street, Morton returns to his car and the road where, with an audible sigh of relief, he finds: “Within five minutes of notorious Wigan we were in the depth of the country,” and that “on either side were fields in which men were making hay” (Morton 189).In little more than three pages he passes from one set of haymakers, south of town, to another on its north. The green world has all but smoothed over the industrial eyesore, and the reader, carefully chaperoned by Morton, can pass on to the Lake District having barely glimpsed the realities of industry and urbanism, reassured that if this is the worst that the north has to show then the rural heartland and the essential identity it sustains are safe. Paradoxically, instead of invalidating his account, Morton’s self-evident exclusions and omissions seem only to have fuelled its popularity.For readers of the Daily Express in the months leading up to and immediately after the General Strike of 1926, the myth of England that Morton proffered, of an unspoilt village where old values and traditional hierarchies still held true, was preferable to the violently polarised urban battlefields that the strike had revealed. As the century progressed and the nation suffered depression, war, and a steady decline in its international standing, as industry, suburban sprawl and the irresistible spread of motorways and traffic blighted the land, Morton’s England offered an imagined refuge, a real England that somehow, magically resisted the march of time.Yet if it was Morton’s triumph to provide England with a vision of its ideal spiritual home, it was his tragedy that this portrait of it hastened the devastation of the cultural survivals he celebrated and sought to preserve: “Even as the sense of idyll and peace was maintained, the forces pulling in another direction had to be acknowledged” (Taylor 74).In his introduction to the 1930 edition of In Search of England Morton approvingly acknowledged that a new enthusiasm for the nation’s history and heritage was abroad and that “never before have so many people been searching for England.” In the next sentence he goes on to laud the “remarkable system of motor-coach services which now penetrates every part of the country [and] has thrown open to ordinary people regions which even after the coming of the railways were remote and inaccessible” (Morton vii).Astonishingly, as the waiting charabancs roared their engines and the village greens of England enjoyed the last hours of their tranquillity, Morton somehow failed to make the obvious connection between these unique cultural and social phenomena or take any measure of their potential consequences. His “motoring pastoral” did more than alert the barbarians to the existence of the nation’s hidden treasures, as David Matless notes it provided them with a route map, itinerary and behavioural guide for their pillages (Matless 64; Peach; Batsford).Yet while cultural preservationists wrung their hands in horror at the advent of the day-tripper slouching towards Barnstaple, for Morton this was never a cause for concern. The nature of his journey and the form of its representation demonstrate that the England he worshipped was more an imaginary than a physical space, an ideal whose precise location no chart could fix and no touring party defile. ReferencesAustin, Alfred. Haunts of Ancient Peace. London: Macmillan, 1902.Bartholomew, Michael. In Search of H.V. Morton. London: Methuen, 2004.Batsford, Harry. How to See the Country. London: B.T. Batsford, 1940.Blunden, Edmund. The Face of England: In a Series of Occasional Sketches. London: Longmans, 1932.———. English Villages. London: Collins, 1942.Brannigan, John. “‘England Am I …’ Eugenics, Devolution and Virginia Woolf’s Between the Acts.” The Palgrave Macmillan Literature of an Independent England: Revisions of England, Englishness and English Literature. Eds. Claire Westall and Michael Gardiner. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.Cannadine, David. In Churchill’s Shadow: Confronting the Past in Modern Britain. London: Penguin, 2002.Cavaliero, Glen. The Rural Tradition in the English Novel 1900-1939. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977.Cunningham, Valentine. British Writers of the Thirties. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.Ford, Ford Madox. The Heart of the Country: A Survey of a Modern Land. London: Alston Rivers, 1906.Gervais, David. Literary Englands. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.Giles, J., and T. Middleton, eds. Writing Englishness. London: Routledge, 1995.Haddow, Elizabeth. “The Novel of English Country Life, 1900-1930.” Dissertation. London: University of London, 1957.Hamilton, Robert. W.H. Hudson: The Vision of Earth. New York: Kennikat Press, 1946.Keith, W.J. Richard Jefferies: A Critical Study. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1965.Lewis, Roy, and Angus Maude. The English Middle Classes. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1949.Matless, David. Landscape and Englishness. London: Reaktion Books, 1998.Morris, Margaret. The General Strike. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976.Morton, H.V. In Search of England. London: Methuen, 1927.Peach, H. Let Us Tidy Up. Leicester: The Dryad Press, 1930.Perry, C.R. “In Search of H.V. Morton: Travel Writing and Cultural Values in the First Age of British Democracy.” Twentieth Century British History 10.4 (1999): 431-56.Roberts, Cecil. Pilgrim Cottage. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1933.———. Gone Rustic. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1934.Taylor, A.J.P. England 1914-1945. The Oxford History of England XV. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975.Taylor, John. War Photography: Realism in the British Press. London: Routledge, 1991.Wiener, Martin. English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.Williamson, Henry. The Village Book. London: Jonathan Cape, 1930.Wright, Patrick. A Journey through Ruins: A Keyhole Portrait of British Postwar Life and Culture. London: Flamingo, 1992.

During World War II, the Soviet Union’s food supply was in a state of crisis. Hitler’s army had occupied the agricultural heartlands of Ukraine and Southern Russia in 1941 and, as a result, agricultural production for the entire nation had plummeted. Soldiers in Red Army, who easily ate the best rations in the country, subsisted on a daily allowance of just under a kilogram of bread, supplemented with meat, tea, sugar and butter when and if these items were available. The hunger of the Red Army and its effect on the morale and strength of Europe’s eastern warfront were causes for concern for the Soviet government and its European and American allies. The one country with a food surplus decided to do something to help, and in 1942 the United States agreed to send thousands of pounds of meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. After receiving several shipments of the all-American spiced canned meat SPAM, the Red Army’s quartermaster put in a request for a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka. Pound for pound, America sent more pigs overseas than soldiers during World War II, in part because pork was in oversupply in the America of the early 1940s. Shipping meat to hungry soldiers and civilians in war torn countries was a practical way to build business for the U.S. meat industry, which had been in decline throughout the 1930s. As per a Soviet-supplied recipe, the first cans of Lend-Lease tushonka were made in the heart of the American Midwest, at meatpacking plants in Iowa and Ohio (Stettinus 6-7). Government contracts in the meat packing industry helped fuel economic recovery, and meatpackers were in a position to take special request orders like the one for tushonka that came through the lines. Unlike SPAM, which was something of a novelty item during the war, tushonka was a food with a past. The original recipe was based on a recipe for preserved meat that had been a traditional product of the Ural Mountains, preserved in jars with salt and fat rather than by pressure and heat. Thus tushonka was requested—and was mass-produced—not simply as a convenience but also as a traditional and familiar food—a taste of home cooking that soldiers could carry with them into the field. Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the arrival of tushonka was instrumental in helping the Red Army push back against the Nazi invasion (178). Unlike SPAM and other wartime rations, tushonka did not fade away after the war. Instead, it was distributed to the Soviet civilian population, appearing in charity donations and on the shelves of state shops. Often it was the only meat product available on a regular basis. Salty, fatty, and slightly grey-toned, tushonka was an unlikely hero of the postwar-era, but during this period tushonka rose from obscurity to become an emblem of socialist modernity. Because it was shelf stable and could be made from a variety of different cuts of meat, it proved an ideal product for the socialist production lines where supplies and the pace of production were infinitely variable. Unusual in a socialist system of supply, this product shaped production and distribution lines, and even influenced the layout of meatpacking factories and the genetic stocks of the animals that were to be eaten. Tushonka’s initial ubiquity in the postwar Soviet Union had little to do with the USSR’s own hog industry. Pig populations as well as their processing facilities had been decimated in the war, and pigs that did survive the Axis invasion had been evacuated East with human populations. Instead, the early presence of tushonka in the pig-scarce postwar Soviet Union had everything to do with Harry Truman’s unexpected September 1945 decision to end all “economically useful” Lend-Lease shipments to the Soviet Union (Martel). By the end of September, canned meat was practically the only product still being shipped as part of Lend-Lease (NARA RG 59). Although the United Nations was supposed to distribute these supplies to needy civilians free of cost, travelers to the Soviet Union in 1946 spotted cans of American tushonka for sale in state shops (Skeoch 231). After American tushonka “donations” disappeared from store shelves, the Soviet Union’s meat syndicates decided to continue producing the product. Between its first appearance during the war in 1943, and the 1957 announcement by Nikita Khrushchev that Soviet policy would restructure all state animal farms to support the mass production of one or several processed meat products, tushonka helped to drive the evolution of the Soviet Union’s meat packing industry. Its popularity with both planners and the public gave it the power to reach into food commodity chains. It is this backward reach and the longer-term impacts of these policies that make tushonka an unusual byproduct of the Cold War era. State planners loved tushonka: it was cheap to make, the logistics of preparing it were not complicated, it was easy to transport, and most importantly, it served as tangible evidence that the state was accomplishing a long-standing goal to get more meat to its citizenry and improving the diet of the average Soviet worker. Tushonka became a highly visible product in the Soviet Union’s much vaunted push to establish a modern food regime intended to rival that of the United States. Because it was shelf-stable, wartime tushonka had served as a practical food for soldiers, but after the war tushonka became an ideal food for workers who had neither the time nor the space to prepare a home-cooked meal with fresh meat. The Soviet state started to produce its own tushonka because it was such an excellent fit for the needs and abilities of the Soviet state—consumer demand was rarely considered by planners in this era. Not only did tushonka fit the look and taste of a modern processed meat product (that is, it was standard in texture and flavor from can to can, and was an obviously industrially processed product), it was also an excellent way to make the most of the predominant kind of meat the Soviet Union had the in the 1950s: small scraps low-grade pork and beef, trimmings leftover from butchering practices that focused on harvesting as much animal fat, rather than muscle, from the carcass in question. Just like tushonka, pork sausages and frozen pelmeny, a meat-filled pasta dumpling, also became winning postwar foods thanks to a happy synergy of increased animal production, better butchering and new food processing machines. As postwar pigs recovered their populations, the Soviet processed meat industry followed suit. One official source listed twenty-six different kinds of meat products being issued in 1964, although not all of these were pork (Danilov). An instructional manual distributed by the meat and milk syndicate demonstrated how meat shops should wrap and display sausages, and listed 24 different kinds of sausages that all needed a special style of tying up. Because of packaging shortages, the string that bound the sausage was wrapped in a different way for every type of sausage, and shop assistants were expected to be able to identify sausages based on the pattern of their binding. Pelmeny were produced at every meat factory that processed pork. These were “made from start to finish in a special, automated machine, human hands do not touch them. Which makes them a higher quality and better (prevoskhodnogo) product” (Book of Healthy and Delicious Food). These were foods that became possible to produce economically because of a co-occurring increase in pigs, the new standardized practice of equipping meatpacking plants with large-capacity grinders, and freezers or coolers and the enforcement of a system of grading meat. As the state began to rebuild Soviet agriculture from its near-collapse during the war, the Soviet Union looked to the United States for inspiration. Surprisingly, Soviet planners found some of the United States’ more outdated techniques to be quite valuable for new Soviet hog operations. The most striking of these was the adoption of competing phenotypes in the Soviet hog industry. Most major swine varieties had been developed and described in the 19th century in Germany and Great Britain. Breeds had a tendency to split into two phenotypically distinct groups, and in early 20th Century American pig farms, there was strong disagreement as to which style of pig was better suited to industrial conditions of production. Some pigs were “hot-blooded” (in other words, fast maturing and prolific reproducers) while others were a slower “big type” pig (a self-explanatory descriptor). Breeds rarely excelled at both traits and it was a matter of opinion whether speed or size was the most desirable trait to augment. The over-emphasis of either set of qualities damaged survival rates. At their largest, big type pigs resembled small hippopotamuses, and sows were so corpulent they unwittingly crushed their tiny piglets. But the sleeker hot-blooded pigs had a similarly lethal relationship with their young. Sows often produced litters of upwards of a dozen piglets and the stress of tending such a large brood led overwhelmed sows to devour their own offspring (Long). American pig breeders had been forced to navigate between these two undesirable extremes, but by the 1930s, big type pigs were fading in popularity mainly because butter and newly developed plant oils were replacing lard as the cooking fat of preference in American kitchens. The remarkable propensity of the big type to pack on pounds of extra fat was more of a liability than a benefit in this period, as the price that lard and salt pork plummeted in this decade. By the time U.S. meat packers were shipping cans of tushonka to their Soviet allies across the seas, US hog operations had already developed a strong preference for hot-blooded breeds and research had shifted to building and maintaining lean muscle on these swiftly maturing animals. When Soviet industrial planners hoping to learn how to make more tushonka entered the scene however, their interpretation of american efficiency was hardly predictable: scientifically nourished big type pigs may have been advantageous to the United States at midcentury, but the Soviet Union’s farms and hungry citizens had a very different list of needs and wants. At midcentury, Soviet pigs were still handicapped by old-fashioned variables such as cold weather, long winters, poor farm organisation and impoverished feed regimens. The look of the average Soviet hog operation was hardly industrial. In 1955 the typical Soviet pig was petite, shaggy, and slow to reproduce. In the absence of robust dairy or vegetable oil industries, Soviet pigs had always been valued for their fat rather than their meat, and tushonka had been a byproduct of an industry focused mainly on supplying the country with fat and lard. Until the mid 1950s, the most valuable pig on many Soviet state and collective farms was the nondescript but very rotund “lard and bacon” pig, an inefficient eater that could take upwards of two years to reach full maturity. In searching for a way to serve up more tushonka, Soviet planners became aware that their entire industry needed to be revamped. When the Soviet Union looked to the United States, planners were inspired by the earlier competition between hot-blooded and big type pigs, which Soviet planners thought, ambitiously, they could combine into one splendid pig. The Soviet Union imported new pigs from Poland, Lithuania, East Germany and Denmark, trying valiantly to create hybrid pigs that would exhibit both hot blood and big type. Soviet planners were especially interested in inspiring the Poland-China, an especially rotund specimen, to speed up its life cycle during them mid 1950s. Hybrdizing and cross breeding a Soviet super-pig, no matter how closely laid out on paper, was probably always a socialist pipe dream. However, when the Soviets decided to try to outbreed American hog breeders, they created an infrastructure for pigs and pig breeding that had a dramatic positive impact of hog populations across the country, and the 1950s were marked by a large increase in the number of pigs in the Soviet union, as well as dramatic increases in the numbers of purebred and scientific hybrids the country developed, all in the name of tushonka. It was not just the genetic stock that received a makeover in the postwar drive to can more tushonka; a revolution in the barnyard also took place and in less than 10 years, pigs were living in new housing stock and eating new feed sources. The most obvious postwar change was in farm layout and the use of building space. In the early 1950s, many collective farms had been consolidated. In 1940 there were a quarter of a million kolkhozii, by 1951 fewer than half that many remained (NARA RG166). Farm consolidation movements most often combined two, three or four collective farms into one economic unit, thus scaling up the average size and productivity of each collective farm and simplifying their administration. While there were originally ambitious plans to re-center farms around new “agro-city” bases with new, modern farm buildings, these projects were ultimately abandoned. Instead, existing buildings were repurposed and the several clusters of farm buildings that had once been the heart of separate villages acquired different uses. For animals this meant new barns and new daily routines. Barns were redesigned and compartmentalized around ideas of gender and age segregation—weaned baby pigs in one area, farrowing sows in another—as well as maximising growth and health. Pigs spent less outside time and more time at the trough. Pigs that were wanted for different purposes (breeding, meat and lard) were kept in different areas, isolated from each other to minimize the spread of disease as well as improve the efficiency of production. Much like postwar housing for humans, the new and improved pig barn was a crowded and often chaotic place where the electricity, heat and water functioned only sporadically. New barns were supposed to be mechanised. In some places, mechanisation had helped speed things along, but as one American official viewing a new mechanised pig farm in 1955 noted, “it did not appear to be a highly efficient organisation. The mechanised or automated operations, such as the preparation of hog feed, were eclipsed by the amount of hand labor which both preceded and followed the mechanised portion” (NARA RG166 1961). The American official estimated that by mechanizing, Soviet farms had actually increased the amount of human labor needed for farming operations. The other major environmental change took place away from the barnyard, in new crops the Soviet Union began to grow for fodder. The heart and soul of this project was establishing field corn as a major new fodder crop. Originally intended as a feed for cows that would replace hay, corn quickly became the feed of choice for raising pigs. After a visit by a United States delegation to Iowa and other U.S. farms over the summer of 1955, corn became the centerpiece of Khrushchev’s efforts to raise meat and milk productivity. These efforts were what earned Khrushchev his nickname of kukuruznik, or “corn fanatic.” Since so little of the Soviet Union looks or feels much like the plains and hills of Iowa, adopting corn might seem quixotic, but raising corn was a potentially practical move for a cold country. Unlike the other major fodder crops of turnips and potatoes, corn could be harvested early, while still green but already possessing a high level of protein. Corn provided a “gap month” of green feed during July and August, when grazing animals had eaten the first spring green growth but these same plants had not recovered their biomass. What corn remained in the fields in late summer was harvested and made into silage, and corn made the best silage that had been historically available in the Soviet Union. The high protein content of even silage made from green mass and unripe corn ears prevented them from losing weight in the winter. Thus the desire to put more meat on Soviet tables—a desire first prompted by American food donations of surplus pork from Iowa farmers adapting to agro-industrial reordering in their own country—pushed back into the commodity supply network of the Soviet Union. World War II rations that were well adapted to the uncertainty and poor infrastructure not just of war but also of peacetime were a source of inspiration for Soviet planners striving to improve the diets of citizens. To do this, they purchased and bred more and better animals, inventing breeds and paying attention, for the first time, to the efficiency and speed with which these animals were ready to become meat. Reinventing Soviet pigs pushed even back farther, and inspired agricultural economists and state planners to embrace new farm organizational structures. Pigs meant for the tushonka can spent more time inside eating, and led their lives in a rigid compartmentalization that mimicked emerging trends in human urban society. Beyond the barnyard, a new concern with feed-to weight conversions led agriculturalists to seek new crops; crops like corn that were costly to grow but were a perfect food for a pig destined for a tushonka tin. Thus in Soviet industrialization, pigs evolved. No longer simply recyclers of human waste, socialist pigs were consumers in their own right, their newly crafted genetic compositions demanded ever more technical feed sources in order to maximize their own productivity. Food is transformative, and in this case study the prosaic substance of canned meat proved to be unusually transformative for the history of the Soviet Union. In its early history it kept soldiers alive long enough to win an important war, later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritized muscle tissue over fat tissue in the disassembly of carcasses. This transformative influence reached backwards into the supply lines and farms of the Soviet Union, revolutionizing the scale and goals of farming and meat packing for the Soviet food industry, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer. References Bentley, Amy. Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity. Where: University of Illinois Press, 1998. The Book of Healthy and Delicious Food, Kniga O Vkusnoi I Zdorovoi Pishche. Moscow: AMN Izd., 1952. 161. Danilov, M. M. Tovaravedenie Prodovol’stvennykh Tovarov: Miaso I Miasnye Tovarye. Moscow: Iz. Ekonomika, 1964. Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers. New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1970. 178. Long, James. The Book of the Pig. London: Upcott Gill, 1886. 102. Lush, Jay & A.L. Anderson, “A Genetic History of Poland-China Swine: I—Early Breed History: The ‘Hot Blood’ versus the ‘Big Type’” Journal of Heredity 30.4 (1939): 149-56. Martel, Leon. Lend-Lease, Loans, and the Coming of the Cold War: A Study of the Implementation of Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1979. 35. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 59, General Records of the Department of State. Office of Soviet Union affairs, Box 6. “Records relating to Lend Lease with the USSR 1941-1952”. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative reports 1940-1954. USSR Cotton-USSR Foreign trade. Box 64, Folder “farm management”. Report written by David V Kelly, 6 Apr. 1951. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative Reports 1955-1961. Folder: “Agriculture” “Visits to Soviet agricultural installations,” 15 Nov. 1961. Skeoch, L.A. Food Prices and Ration Scale in the Ukraine, 1946 The Review of Economics and Statistics 35.3 (Aug. 1953), 229-35. State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). Fond R-7021. The Report of Extraordinary Special State Commission on Wartime Losses Resulting from the German-Fascist Occupation cites the following losses in the German takeover. 1948. Stettinus, Edward R. Jr. Lend-Lease: Weapon for Victory. Penguin Books, 1944.