To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Extreme right.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Extreme right'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Extreme right.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Copsey, Nigel Scott. "The extreme right in contemporary France and Britain." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241030.
Full text
2
Pitchford, Mark Joseph. "Conservative Party and the extreme right, 1945-1975." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2009. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/54807/.
Full textAbstract:
My thesis examines the Conservative Party's relationship with the extreme right in the period 1945-75 by investigating its actions towards various groups and individuals. It reveals how the Conservative Party adopted some of the extreme-right's themes, whilst at the same time sticking to its long constitutional practice. It also investigates the role of the Conservative Party's bureaucracy and wider Conservatism. I begin by outlining the Conservative Party's connections with the extreme right before the Second World War. I then show that after 1945, the extreme-right re-emerged as difficult issues arose, such as decolonisation, immigration, industrial unrest and Europe. The Conservative Party shunned any groups or individuals that espoused or even exhibited any form of fascism. The Party was also wary of non-fascist groups that occupied political space to the right of the party. I explain why and how the Conservative Party approved or disapproved of these particular groups and individuals, and how it consistently posed dilemmas for them, whether they were inside or outside the party. The thesis concludes that the Conservative Party did indeed help to thwart the extreme right. However, it also argues that this is as much a consequence of the Conservative Party's practical measures against such groups as its attraction of its supporters. Thus, whilst the Conservative Party's critics might be correct in identifying the role the party played in ensuring the extreme-right's failure, the reasons why, and methods by which this occurred, does not confirm their perception of the Conservative Party as 'semi-fascist itself.
3
Passmore, Kevin. "The right and the extreme right in the department of the Rhône, 1928-1939." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1992. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81930/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis begins with some old questions about the French conservatism. Why has the French right failed to create a united party on the British model'? Why have conservatives so regularly turned to authoritarianism? More precisely, how is the emergence the Croix de Feu in the 1930s to be accounted for? Was it fascist? Did it pose a threat to the established order? These questions have been addressed by means of a detailed study of the right and the extreme right in one French department, the Rhone. It is argued that from 1870 until the early 1960s the French right was divided by two fundamental problems: the desirability or otherwise of industrialization and the legacy of the French Revolution, especially the historic quarrel over the place of the Catholic Church in French society. Neither of these issues were primary; what is important is the way in which they were related in the minds of conservatives. In the 1930s these problems became acute. The efforts of conservative governments from 1928 to 1932 to stabilize and modernize the Republic initiated, on the contrary, a process of fragmentation. Instability was exacerbated by the world economic crisis. By 1935 coalition politics had become impossible. Government could be carried on only thanks to the grant of special powers. This was the context in which the Croix de Feu emerged. The league represented a mobilization of the rank and file of the right against leaders who were perceived to have failed in domestic and foreign politics. Hence its combination of radicalism and reaction. It is argued that the Croix de Feu (though not its successor, the PSF) was a fascist movement. It is also suggested that in the period which ended with the "fascist riots" of 6 February, 1934, a crisis had been developing out of which a fascist regime might have emerged. But the formation of the Popular Front and its success in manipulating the French Republican tradition, prevented this crisis from developing beyond its early stages. The electoral victory of the Popular Front, the strikes of June 1936 and the dissolution of the leagues put paid to the fascist threat. But the right remained as unstable as ever. So authoritarianism survived in different ways. In the Rhone this crisis took the form of a breakdown of the liberal tradition which had dominated conservative politics since the 1840s, and which was deeply rooted in the silk industry. In the 1920s this liberal conservative tradition was concretized in the Chamber of Commerce and the Federation republicaine. From the end of the decade it was undermined from two directions. On the one hand th~re was a challenge from a coalition of Catholic integrists, merchant-manufacturers and large landowners who were worried by certain aspects of economic and social change. In the early 1930s this group won control of the Federation republicaine. On the other hand there emerged a reformist challenge to the liberal tradition. In the countryside independent peasant proprietors turned to the Jeunnesse agricole chretienne. In Lyon the bureaucratization and feminization of white collar work coincided with the formation of a Catholic trades union movement. The diversification of the economy led to the emergence of a challenge from engineering employers. In the late 1920s these groups were sympathetic to the parties of the centre right. During the crisis of the 1930s they turned to the Croix de Feu and the PSF.
4
Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
5
Stroud, Joseph James Iain. "Constructions of identity through music in extreme-right subcultures." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9575.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the musical cultures associated with extreme-right politics, considering not only what this music projects about extreme-right ideology, but also the various ways in which music functions as part of a political subculture. This analysis extends beyond the stereotypical extreme-right music associated with the skinhead subculture, often referred to as Oi!, to incorporate extreme-right engagement with genres such as metal, folk, country and classical music. The chapters explore various aspects of identity—including race, sexuality, gender and class—and their significance to and reflection through extreme-right music, as manifested in genre choices, lyrics, album artwork and the features of the music itself. The thesis also considers the way in which less explicit content is produced and the motivation behind this, the importance of myth and fantasy in extreme-right music, and the way that the conspiracist mindset—which is prevalent, albeit not homogeneous, in extreme-right culture—is articulated both in extreme-right music and in the interpretation of mainstream music as antagonistic to extreme-right goals. Music is significant to extreme-right politics for a number of reasons. It is generally understood to be an effective tool in the indoctrination and recruitment of individuals into extreme-right ideology and politics, which is why music is sometimes freely distributed, particularly to youths. The very existence of this music can act to legitimise extreme-right views through the implication that they are shared by its producers and audience. Music also acts as an important tool for the imagining of an extreme-right community through its creation of a space to meet and create networks, a function consolidated by the media surrounding music, particularly websites, forums and magazines. As well as constructing the spaces for extreme-right communities, this music plays an important role in identifying the characteristics of those communities, in articulating what it is to be “us” as contrasted to “them.” Analysis of this music suggests that it has the ability to resolve the ideological contradictions which define the extreme right, even as this analysis reveals such contradictions.
6
Lubbers, Marcel. "Exclusionistic electorates : extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe /." [Netherlands] : ICS, Interuniversity center for social science theory and methodology, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388640618.
Full text
7
Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
8
Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002."A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
9
Winter, Aaron Zave. "Christian patriotism and the politics of the extreme right in post-civil rights era America." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.431438.
Full text
10
Ahlemeyer, Volker. "The coalition potential of extreme right parties in Western Europe." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614238.
Full text
11
Harrison, Sarah. "Ideological (mis)match? : mapping extreme right ideological discourse and voter preferences." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3028/.
Full textAbstract:
The existing literature has long mused over the questions of who belongs and who does not belong to the extreme right party family, as well as why some extreme right parties seem to be consistently - or occasionally - more successful than others. For decades, scholars have failed to reach a consensus regarding the definition of the extreme right, used a plethora of labels to describe it, and disagreed on the defining characteristics of the party family. In order to progress from this conundrum, this thesis explores the question of whether and how the extreme right can be defined as a multi-dimensional party family based on two strategic-discursive dimensions, and the extent to which the location of each individual member of the extreme right family will affect the number and the nature of the voters whom they will attract. This question is answered - and resulting model tested - in Great Britain, Germany, and France. The thesis combines a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods including text analysis of party manifestoes, face-to-face interviews of extreme right party elites (in two countries), and analysis of survey data. Our model stipulates that extreme right parties emphasise different conceptions of an authoritarian dimension (ranging from a social/reactionary to an institutional/repressive pole) and a negative conception of identity (spanning from a civic/populist to a cultural/xenophobic scale). Based on this bi-dimensional conceptual map, four dominant sub-types of extreme right parties can be identified, all of which are represented in the three party systems, and evidenced by both party manifestoes and elites ' discourse. We also show that the different positions espoused by each party have an impact on the ideological identity of the party, intra-extreme right party competition, the types of voters each party attracts and ultimately, the level of electoral success it obtains.
12
Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.
Full textAbstract:
This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.
13
Eriksson, Robin, and Linus Sandkvist. "Ideas of Gender in the Swedish Radical Right. : An Ideological comparative Study Between the Sweden Democrats, the Party of the Swedes and the Swedish Resistance Movement." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-6382.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses ideas of gender in the Swedish radical right. The aim of the study is to see if there are any differences or similarities in the way gender is being formulated by a populist radical right party as the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna), the extreme right party, Party of the Swedes (Svenskarnas Parti) and the extreme right movement Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska Motståndsrörelsen). Ideas of gender are presented in the theory chapter which is used later on in the analysis to compare with the radical right organisations of Sweden. To fulfil the aim we have performed a comparative ideological analysis between the three organisations and the base for our analysis is texts from each organisation’s webpage. The study shows that the ideological differences concerning gender between populism and extremism in the Swedish radical right are relatively small
14
Shurts, Sarah E. Reid Donald M. "Redefining the engagé intellectual identity and the French extreme right, 1898-1968 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1183.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
15
Engelmark, Maria. "Extreme Right-Wing Voting Behavior; A Case Study on Swedish Immigrant Voters." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-46140.
Full textAbstract:
Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study. The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’. Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’. Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.
16
Kerr, Robert McNab. "The territorial imperative of xenophobia : putting the Extreme-Right in its place /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072592.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
17
SOUZA, Jamerson Murillo Anunciação de. "Tendências ideológicas do conservadorismo." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18011.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-10-18T19:08:05Z
No. of bitstreams: 2
license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5)
TESE JAMERSON.pdf: 1848784 bytes, checksum: d02f0ff1d49ad629769324ad482e5236 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T19:08:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) TESE JAMERSON.pdf: 1848784 bytes, checksum: d02f0ff1d49ad629769324ad482e5236 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-12
CNPQ
A presente tese de doutorado aborda o conservadorismo como tradição de pensamento e ação fundada na modernidade. O objetivo da tese consiste em apresentar o conservadorismo como ideologia da crise, expondo suas bases históricas fundantes, a ampliação por que passa no decorrer do século XX e como algumas de suas características centrais se expressam no cenário ideológico e político brasileiro nos anos 2010. A tese foi construída com base na revisão bibliográfica e no método crítico-dialético. Aborda-se a ontologia do ser social, em suas principais categorias, para subsidiar a crítica ao conservadorismo. Procuramos expor a gênese e a consolidação do modo de produção capitalista como fundamento sobre o qual se elevam as ideologias conservadoras em geral e o conservadorismo em particular. O pensamento de Edmund Burke é debatido na qualidade de fundante da tradição conservadora. Convergências entre a ideologia do conservadorismo e as formas políticas bonapartistas são expostos como constitutivas de uma das tendências ideológicas do conservadorismo. São abordadas as vertentes conservadoras norte-americana e inglesa, as mais influentes no Brasil. Debatemos o "conservadorismo à brasileira" como expressão particular e nacional dessa ideologia, apresentando os momentos de incorporação, mutação e diferenças específicas em relação ao conservadorismo clássico, europeu e norte-americano. Recuperamos o debate sobre a estrutura sincrética do Serviço Social, por entender que o sincretismo e o ecletismo são os atuais condutores específicos da reprodução do conservadorismo no Serviço Social, uma vez que os resultados de ambos contribuem, contraditoriamente, para a apologia direta ou indireta do capitalismo. Movimentos políticos de extrema-direita, no mundo e no Brasil, são discutidos na qualidade de portadores materiais das tendências ideológicas do conservadorismo na contemporaneidade.
This doctoral thesis deals with conservatism as a tradition of thought and action based on modernity. The aim of the thesis is to present conservatism as an ideology of the crisis, exposing its founding historical basis, the expansion by passing during the twentieth century and how some of its central features are expressed in the ideological scene and Brazilian politician in the years 2010. The thesis was built on the literature review and critical-dialectical method. It deals with the ontology of social being in its main categories, to support the critique of conservatism. We seek to expose the genesis and consolidation of the capitalist mode of production as the foundation on which rise conservative ideologies in general and the particular conservatism. The thought of Edmund Burke is debated as founding the conservative tradition. Convergences between the ideology of conservatism and the Bonapartist political forms are exposed as constituting one of the ideological tendencies of conservatism. The US and British conservative aspects are addressed, the most influential in Brazil. We discussed the "conservatism of Brazilian" as private and national expression of this ideology, with moments of incorporation, mutation and specific differences from the classical, European and American conservatism. We recovered the debate on the syncretic structure of Social Work, understanding that syncretism and eclecticism are the current specific drivers reproduction of conservatism in social work, since the results of both contribute, contradictorily, to the direct or indirect apology for capitalism. Political movements of the extreme right in the world and in Brazil, are discussed as material carriers of ideological trends in contemporary conservatism.
18
Turner, C. J. "The discourse of the extreme right in France in the inter-war years." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373148.
Full text
19
Black, Tyler. "Interpreting the relation between immigrant hostility and the extreme far right in england." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/826.
Full textAbstract:
The study of race relations in England developed in the modern era amongst conflict between races, political parties and local communities. England, consisting of a predominantly white population, is an interesting case of race relations in that immigrants of color seem to be in the center of many of the most controversial conflicts of the past century. Existing research on race relations in England suggests that the region is largely racist due to the conflicts of the past and the current political success of the anti-immigrant extreme right-wing parties (ERPs). But the times at which these parties have been successful compared with high levels of animosity towards non-white immigrant groups have not been thoroughly studied in the past decade. This research will attempt to answer questions regarding racial hostility and ERP success. Do ERPs receive support from purely racist groups during times of high levels of immigration? Or is their racist rhetoric cloaked by logical justification for anti-immigrant policies? ERPs such as the British National Party and The National Front have risen, fallen, evolved and dissolved since the 1960s. They have, in some cases, worked together to gain votes, but eventually break apart to form small, non-political factions that concentrate on social protests. Most recently, England has seen the decline of these particular ERPs, although anti-immigrant social groups still remain strong. Those that were associated with recently dissolved ERPs may turn their attention United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party that has a message similar to the BNP, but has a more consistent and attractive political platform. UKIP is an anti-immigrant party and its current success is an interesting case study in this thesis.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
20
Carter, Elisabeth L. "The extreme right in Western Europe, 1979-1999 : accounting for varying electoral fortunes." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488305.
Full text
21
Allen, Joseph B. "Where the Extreme Right Took Root: A Comparison of Midwestern Counties in the 1980s." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5053.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.
22
Medellin, Gabriela. "The rise of the extreme right in France and Germany and the problem of immigration." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ34207.pdf.
Full text
23
Alafaci, Francesco History & Philosophy Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The extreme right in Australia with particular reference to protestant Christianity 1945 to 2001." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. History & Philosophy, 2010. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/44915.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to provide a detailed analysis of the postwar movements active on the far right fringes of Australian society between 1945 and 2001. It traces the distinctive features of ultra rightist groups and organizations and discusses the similarities and differences between these forms of non conventional, sectarian behaviour. The study emphasizes the longevity of right wing extremist discourses linked mainly to ideologies that drew upon fundamentalist Christian conceptions of history and politics. My task is to demonstrate that most ultra-rightist types of activities appealed to the historical background of militant conservative mobilization around the issues of Protestantism, white racial ethnicity and Anglo-Saxon national identity. The analysis examines the programs, interrelationships and modus operandi of such groups and organizations and the liberal-democratic reaction to their activities. It concludes with some generalizations about the extreme right as well as offering some insights into the phenomenon's prospects in the early twenty-first century.
24
Sonkoly, Tibor K. "Aggressive neighborhood watch or unconventional threat? the Hungarian extreme right-wing self-defense movements." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44674.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedIn the past decade there has been a growing political and popular right-wing extremist movement in Hungary. According to the Athena Institute, an independent human-rights group based in Budapest, at least 20 extreme right-wing organizations are active at present. Additionally, based on their rhetoric, some of these groups openly seek the overthrow of the existing social order of Hungary and perform activities that have paramilitary features. The role of these right-wing groups has been noted in the crisis on the Crimean Peninsula. This project explores a specific phenomenon among the extremist right-wing movements, the self-defense groups, and the threats they pose to Hungarian national security. Combining online data from communication platforms (blogs) and open-source data, the goal is to visualize this right-wing Hungarian social network and identify alternative strategies to deal with it.
25
Goodwin, Matthew J. "Examining the role of party actors in extreme right party development: The British case." Thesis, University of Bath, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668161.
Full text
26
Morrow, John. "Exploring the extreme right in the UK : a study of the British National Party." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501382.
Full text
27
Dague, Jennifer Lee. "Europeanization and the Rise of Extremist Parties." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103305/.
Full textAbstract:
The research question addressed by this study is: what is the relationship between Europeanization and the rise of extremist parties? In particular I examine the impact of Europeanization on the rise of extreme right parties in Europe from 1984 to 2006. Europeanization in this paper is defined as a process whereby the transformation of governance at the European level and European integration as a whole has caused distinctive changes in domestic politics. This process of Europeanization is one part of a structure of opportunities for extremist parties (which also include social, economic, and electoral factors). Although this study finds that Europeanization does not have a statistically significant effect it is still an important factor when examining domestic political phenomenon in Europe.
28
Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.
Full textAbstract:
Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
29
Usta, Utku. "The Political Discourse Of Extreme Right In Western Europe In The Light Of "." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609223/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.
30
Martins, Nathalia. "Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric in Western Europe: The Role of Integration Policies in Extreme Right Populism." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5425.
Full textAbstract:
The recent rise of Western Europe's extreme populist Right (EPR) parties has been attributed to the EPR's mobilization of grievances over the issue of immigration (Ignazi 1991; Taggart 1996; Fennema 1997; Schain, 1998; Mudde 1999; Brubaker 2001; Ivarsflaten 2007). This study contributes to the literature on EPR's anti-immigrant rhetoric by examining whether different integration policies play a role in conditioning anti-immigrant rhetoric, and if so, what their role is in the formulation of such rhetoric. This thesis is comprised of two case studies: the French assimilation approach to immigrant integration and the rhetoric of Front National's leaders Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen; and the Dutch multicultural approach to integration and the rhetoric of Dutch Party for Freedom's leader Geert Wilders. The main hypothesis is that each leader's anti-immigrant rhetoric incorporates the shortcomings of the integration approach adopted by their respective governments. Elements of the rejection of both assimilationism and multiculturalism are detected in the FN's and PVV's rhetoric, respectively, through a careful review of secondary and primary sources of language usage in Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen's and Wilders' speeches, interviews, and media appearances.ID: 031001405; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Barbara Kinsey.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 10, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 145-160).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies
31
Saleam, James. "The Other Radicalism: an Inquiry into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right Ideology, Politics and Organisation 1975-1995." University of Sydney. Government, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.
Full textAbstract:
This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".
32
Saleam, James. "The Other Radicalism: an Inquiry into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right Ideology, Politics and Organisation 1975-1995." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.
Full textAbstract:
This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".
33
Gibson, Tanya Melissa. "Political extremism in Australia : social and political responses to parties of the extreme left and right /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg451.pdf.
Full text
34
Horta, Gabrielle. "The potential of the Eurozone crisis to mobilize extreme right support in Spain, Portugal, and Italy." Thesis, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1538114.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1980's, Europe has experienced a resurgence in the extreme right. In this paper, attention will be directed on the successes and failures of the extreme right in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Additionally, this paper will analyze whether the current Eurozone crisis has benefitted the extreme right in these countries, as it has done in Greece. However, it will be argued that the benefits of the Eurozone crisis for the extreme right have been limited to increased media attention and less on electoral success. This is evidenced by the vast array of news articles contributing to the idea that the extreme right is strengthening in light of the Eurozone crisis; yet the extreme right has experienced limited electoral success in Spain and Portugal due to its inability to shed its fascist links, and the extreme right has had decreased electoral success in Italy's recent elections.
35
Saleam, Jim. "The other radicalism an inquiry into contemporary Australian extreme right ideology, politics and organization, 1975-1995 /." Connect to full text, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/807.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2001.Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 22, 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Government and Public Administration, Faculty of Economics & Business. Degree awarded 2001; thesis submitted 1999. Includes bibliography. Also available in print form.
36
Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.
Full text
37
von, Brömssen Kerstin. "2083 – A European Declaration of Independence - An Analysis of Discourses from the Extreme." Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27400.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses three of the dominating discourses Anders Behring Breivik used in his compendium, the official title of which is 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, also known as Breivik's Manifesto. It is believed Breivik posted his Manifesto on the Internet shortly before the attacks in Norway in July, 2011. The number 2083 stands for the year when the "Western European Civil War" was expected to be completed, all traitors executed, and all Muslims deported from Europe. This article will discuss dominating discourses in the Manifesto, seen from a background of a European multicultural backlash, in which the political far-right movement is increasing. Furthermore, this article will end with a discussion of education and the importance of analysis of such phenomena within different subjects.
38
Blatt, David. "The resurgence of the extreme-right in France : political protest and the party system in the 1980's." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61980.
Full text
39
Thomson, Karen Joanna. "All change on the British 'extreme right'? : Nick Griffin and the 'modernisation' of the British National Party (BNP)." Thesis, University of Bath, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402101.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis assesses the 'modernisation' of the British National Party (BNP) primarily between October 1999 and May 2003 under the leadership of Nick Griffin. During the 1980s and 1990s while Extreme Right Parties (ERPs) in many Western European countries achieved notable electoral support, British ERPs were languishing on the fringes of British politics. In October 1999, the BNP (the largest of the groups on the British Extreme Right) underwent a change of leadership which has had a quite dramatic impact on the party, as new leader Nick Griffin has sought to make the BNP 'modem' and 'electable'. Between 2001 and 2003 the BNP experienced a dramatic upturn in electoral fortunes, and by May 2003 could boast 16 local councillors. Existing literature tends to stress voter demand when explaining support for ERPs; such an approach ignores the nature of the party itself. In contrast, this thesis adopts a supply-side perspective, noting the significance of party leadership and discourse in accounting for the varied electoral performance of British ERPs. The thesis does not seek to analyse the increase in support for the BNP between 2001 and 2003, but rather, seeks to identify and examine a major reason why the party has been more successful during this period; namely the party's 'modernisation' under the leadership of Nick Griffin. The thesis notes that Griffin's leadership has been crucial in facilitating vital changes to the BNP's overt discourse. These have enabled the party to portray itself as a relevant political force and the defender of the British "silent majority", and have made the 'modernised' party far more able than the 'old' BNP to exploit any political opportunities presented to them. The thesis concludes that the modernisation process has been significant; however, doubts remain as to the veracity of the party's new, 'moderate' position.
40
Brejchová, Pavla. "Textová a obsahová analýza jazyka současné krajně pravicové a krajně levicové mládeže." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114442.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is dealing with a textual content analysis of extreme right and extreme left youth organizations. A methodological framework for the analysis is described in chapter one. A special attention is devoting to the content analysis method. Ideological and theoretical placement of extreme right and extreme left are discussed in chapter two. This chapter is also dealing with the particular associations (KSM, SMKČ, DM). The content analysis ant its results are presented in chapter three.
41
Kietis, Matas. "Naujos fašizmo formos Europoje: kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai Europos Sąjungoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2005~D_20060321_092908-51899.
Full textAbstract:
Šio darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti, kokio pobūdžio yra šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai, nustatyti jų vietą šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje bei Europos Sąjungos šalių valdymo sistemose. Nustatyta, kad sudėtinga šiuolaikinę kraštutinę dešinę griežtai apibūdinti kaip vienalytį judėjimą ar įtalpinti ją į aiškiai apibrėžiamus rėmus. Dažniausiai šios pakraipos judėjimai įvardijami kaip fašizmo atgimimas, šiuolaikinės visuomenės socialinių-ekonominių problemų išdava, protesto forma prieš esamą politinę situaciją, ksenofobinių nuotaikų šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje išraiška. Šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai akcentuoja tradicinių partijų nuošalyje paliktų postindustrinei visuomenei būdingų problemų sprendimo būtinumą. Tai pagrindinė jų pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais augančio populiarumo priežastis. Dėl įvairių priežasčių kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai ne visose Europos Sąjungos šalyse susilaukia ryškaus palaikymo, tačiau jų įtaka sprendžiant šių dienų socialines, ekonomines ir politines problemas aiškiai juntama, tad jų analizė yra būtina norint susidaryti išsamų vaizdą apie Europos Sąjungoje vykstančius procesus.The paper is aimed at highlighting the character of the present extreme right political movements and defining their place in modern society as well as in the governing system of the European Union countries. It has been determined in the paper that it is rather difficult to categorize the present extreme right wing as a homogenious movement or to fit it into a certain frame. The movements of this trend are mostly identified either as the revival of fascism, the outcome of the current social and economic problems, a protest form against the present political situation or as the expression of the xenophobic feelings in modern society.
42
Falabella, Leonardo Jamel Edim. "Who gets the anti-establishment vote? Crisis, elections, and populism in Western Europe." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-09112017-150834/.
Full textAbstract:
Why does the extreme right grow in some parts of Europe while the radical left rises in others? In studies about both party groups, the hypothesis that economic distress provides them with opportunity is frequently tested. Yet, little effort has been employed in comparing their performances under different economic conditions. This article fills this gap through panel data analysis, with disaggregated data from eight countries in election years between 2002 and 2011. It finds that voting for extreme right parties increases significantly after the financial crisis outbreak of 2008, with no corresponding evidence for radical left parties. Also, extreme right support has a positive link to regional GDP per capita and a negative link to unemployment rates. In contrast, radical left parties perform better where unemployment is higher. The results suggest that economic downturns are mostly beneficial to extreme right parties, but this effect is increasingly neutralized in regions of high unemployment.Por que a extrema direita cresce em alguns países europeus, ao passo que a esquerda radical cresce em outros? Em estudos sobre ambas as categorias de partido, testa-se frequentemente a hipótese segundo a qual eles têm janelas de oportunidade em crises. Ainda assim, pouco esforço vem sendo feito para comparar como eles se saem sob diferentes contextos econômicos. Este artigo preenche tal lacuna através de análise de dados em painel, com dados desagregados de oito países, em eleições entre 2002 e 2011. O artigo aponta que a votação da extrema direita aumenta significativamente com o desenrolar da crise de 2008, ao passo que não se encontram evidências correspondentes para a esquerda radical. Ademais, o apoio eleitoral à extrema direita é positivamente ligado a índices regionais de PIB per capita, e negativamente ligado a taxas de desemprego. Por contraste, partidos de esquerda radical se saem melhores onde o desemprego é alto. Os resultados sugerem que quedas na atividade econômica são majoritariamente benéficas à extrema direta, mas que tal efeito é crescentemente neutralizado em regiões de alto desemprego.
43
Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /." Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.
Full text
44
Moufahim, Mona. "Interpreting discourse : a critical discourse analysis of the marketing of an extreme right party : the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11781/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis develops an in-depth understanding of a specific case at the intersection of extreme right politics, marketing and language. More specifically, the research focuses on a Flemish extreme right party, the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang which provides a rich site of enquiry for the analysis of political communications, marketing strategies and discursive processes. Critical discourse analysis of the verbal and visual elements of Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang publications reveals, on three levels, the strategic use of lexical, rhetorical and other linguistic devices to brand and differentiate the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang from other political parties. The thesis demonstrates that the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang manages to legitimate its political product by dismissing unfavourable features (such as racism and xenophobia), and repackaging them (as nationalist) for a wider audience as a ready-to-consume product that achieves electoral success. The main contributions of the thesis are fourfold. First, the research provides a marketing-related explanation of the success of the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang. The pervasiveness of the Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang's discourse in Belgian politics makes the analysis of the party interesting in its own right. The critical discursive analysis reveals the underlying market-orientation of the party and the methods and techniques that the party uses to communicate and persuade. Second, this research demonstrates that marketing can be used to advance an ideological discourse that places consumption in a central position in people's lives. The application of critical discourse analysis thus provides a novel and valuable contribution to the understanding of political marketing. Third, the thesis sets the stage for furthering understanding of how marketing is deployed with increasing sophistication outside its traditional, commercial domain, and, more specifically, in politics. Finally, critical discourse analysis has an emancipatory goal in uncovering ideologies, and providing a voice to the silenced and the oppressed. This thesis is located firmly within that tradition with political reflexivity implicit throughout.
45
Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners : the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland 1918-1944." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 1993. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-128441.
Full text
46
Waltå, Göran O:sson. "Poet under black banners : the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland 1918-1944 /." Stockholm : Almqvist och Wiksell, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35614494j.
Full text
47
Garpvall, Jessica. ""I’m tired of being sh-t on for being white” : Collective identity construction in the Alt-Right movement." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6830.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new information and communications technology facilitated the construction, in allowing participants to create virtual communities online where the collective identity was constructed and reified.
48
Kříhová, Dominika. "Iniciativa D.O.S.T. jako radikálně konzervativní výzva současnosti." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114448.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on the analysis of initiative D.O.S.T., currently one of the most important Czech extreme-right groups. D.O.S.T. comes with a radically conservative critique of current concepts and direction of democracy, yet she managed to reach support among political parties accepted as legitimate and also influential public figures. The work is based on the assumption, that the main reason for this is that the initiative despite being extremely right-wing organization, highlights also real deficits of democracy. Therefore it can be seen as a challenge of present. The aim of this paper is to analyze critically this challenge by mentionning the initiative in all relevant contexts. The paper therefore deals firstly with the intellectual and political roots of its founders in the extreme right-organization called Právo a Spravedlnost. After it analyzes the initiative itself, its manifesto, activities, the main problematised issues and linkages with other political forces. In conclusion, the papers considers the perspective of eventual genesis of a new political party established by the initiative D.O.S.T.
49
Carvalho, Joao. "Bringing politics back in : the impact of extreme-right parties on immigration policy in the UK, France and Italy during the 2000s." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2317/.
Full textAbstract:
This comparative study examines the impact of extreme-right parties on immigration policy in the UK, France and Italy between 2001 and 2009. The thesis develops a synthesis of two different strands of work in political science: the extreme-right parties' literature alongside immigration studies. Immigration studies often refer to extreme-right parties as a factor behind restrictive developments on immigration policy whilst ERP literature refers often to immigration but tell us very little about its complexity. Past comparative research throughout the 1990s suggested that members of the extreme-right party family exhibit similar significant levels of impact across different countries. This thesis compares whether the British National Party, the French Front National and the Italian Lega Nord had a significant impact on the three dimensions of immigration politics and policy: inter-party competition; public attitudes; and immigration policy development in the UK, France and Italy. The thesis shows substantial variations in the intensity and contents of extreme-right parties' impact across the selected dimensions in each country and at cross-national level.
50
Triantafillou, George. "Golden Dawn and Front National: A Comparison of Ideological Discourse." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34868.
Full textAbstract:
The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.