Journal articles on the topic 'Extractive capital'
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1
Ezquerro-Cañete, Arturo. "Canadian Capital and Extractive Imperialism." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19829120.
2
López, Emiliano, and Francisco Vértiz. "Extractivism, Transnational Capital, and Subaltern Struggles in Latin America." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 5 (November 5, 2014): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14549538.
Abstract:
Development projects at the national level in Latin American countries are linked with the needs of global transnational extractive-rentier capital accumulation. The concept of unequal geographic development is useful for understanding the articulation between the strategies of transnational capital in the extraction of minerals, hydrocarbons, and agri-foods and the national-scale development projects expressed in the political and economic configurations of the states of the region. This articulation must be approached in terms of the conflictive relations between dominant and subaltern actors and the way in which they are expressed in the structure of the state. Analysis of three concrete cases of subaltern struggles against the strategies of extractive-rentier transnational capital (Peru, Ecuador, and Argentina) reveal the limits and possibilities of transcending local-level disputes to produce a development project that is an alternative to extractivism on the national and continental levels. Los proyectos de desarrollo a escala nacional de los países de América Latina están vinculados con las necesidades de la acumulación global del capital transnacional extractivo-rentista. El concepto de desarrollos geográficos desiguales ayuda a comprender la articulación existente entre las estrategias del capital transnacional que se ubica en la extracción de minerales, hidrocarburos y agro-alimentos y los proyectos de desarrollo a escala nacional que se expresan en las configuraciones políticas y económicas de los estados de la región. Dicha articulación entre escalas debe abordarse a partir de las relaciones conflictivas entre actores dominantes y subalternos y la forma concreta en que estas relaciones se expresan en la estructura estatal. Un análisis de tres casos concretos de luchas subalternas de oposición a las estrategias del capital transnacional extractivo-rentista (Perú, Ecuador y Argentina) revela los límites y las posibilidades de traspasar las disputas en el plano local para posicionar un proyecto de desarrollo alternativo al extractivismo en escala nacional y continental.
3
Sankey, Kyla. "Extractive Capital, Imperialism, and the Colombian State." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 5 (June 15, 2018): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18782982.
Abstract:
Since the turn of the century, Colombia has become increasingly dependent on mining exports to drive economic growth. While the surge in mining investments in Colombia and the problems associated with this form of economic development have received much attention from scholars and policy analysts, the common explanation is that the state has been undermined or eroded by emergent global forces. However, nation-states should be seen not as victims but as authors and enforcers of new processes of capital accumulation. The Colombian state has acted as the principal guarantor of the political and territorial conditions necessary for this form of extractive capitalism by reconstituting property and contract laws, signing free-trade agreements, reconfiguring the internal state apparatus. and expanding military forces. Desde el principio del siglo, Colombia se ha vuelto cada vez más dependiente de las exportaciones mineras para impulsar el crecimiento económico. Si bien el aumento de las inversiones mineras en Colombia y los problemas asociados con esta forma de desarrollo económico han recibido mucha atención por parte de académicos y analistas de políticas, la explicación común es que el estado ha sido socavado o erosionado por las fuerzas globales emergentes. Sin embargo, los Estados-nación deberían ser vistos no como víctimas sino como autores y ejecutores de nuevos procesos de acumulación de capital. El estado colombiano ha actuado como el principal garante de las condiciones políticas y territoriales necesarias para esta forma de capitalismo extractivo mediante la reconstitución de las leyes de propiedad y contratos, la firma de acuerdos de libre comercio, la reconfiguración del aparato estatal interno, y la expansión de fuerzas militares.
4
Voelcker, Becca. "Climate, Capital, and Colonialism: A Congolese Perspective." Journal of Climate Resilience and Justice 1 (2023): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/crcj_a_00010.
Abstract:
Abstract How do global inequities inherited from the past continue to profit some people and devastate the lives and lands of others? How is the contemporary physical environment suffused with traces of colonialism and how do its infrastructures accommodate neocolonial practices of extractive capitalism? What can artists, designers, and architects do to expose injustice and call for structural change? These are some of the questions the Congolese artist Sammy Baloji discusses with Dr. Becca Voelcker in a critical conversation about climate resilience and justice that considers colonial history and our extractive capitalist present.
5
Canterbury, Dennis C. "Capitalismo extractivo, imperialismo extractivo e imperialismo: una aclaración." Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 8, no. 15 (November 29, 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.0815.dcc.
Abstract:
In this article the «extractive capitalism», the «extractive imperialism» and the «imperialism» are analyzed in order to clear out the confusion on the debate about neoextractivism caused by the interchangeable usage of these concepts. Urgent attention is required to reinforce the comprehension about the underlying class struggle in the extractive industries. The strating point is the counterpoint developed by Petras and Veltmeyer about the theorical and political issues of the state role in their review concerning the theory of neoextractivism. In order to understand their arguments is necessary to involve the three concepts. Their analysis about the relation between capitalism and imperialism is crucial to understand the extractive capitalism and the extractive imperialism. The argument is that the extractivism is the incarnation of a particular form of productive activity in the capitalist era that deepens the capitalism in the capitalist periphery. The extraction of natural resources is not a purely capitalist process or imperialist; the human beings have extracted their livelihood from the nature since the primitive communalism until the current capitalism. It is not the specific productive activity of extracting natural resources, that is capitalist or imperialist, since the capitalism, and by extension, the imperialism is associated with a variety of productive activities. The productive activity must have a place inside a capital-work salaried nexus in order to belong to a capitalist kind. Some of the first expositions about the definitions of this concepts are reviewed to help the activists to have a clear comprehension about the debate of the neoextractivism.
6
Faruque, M. Omar. "Nationalist Imaginaries and Political Mobilization Against Global Extractive Capital." Critical Sociology 46, no. 7-8 (May 23, 2020): 1251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520925860.
Abstract:
Contemporary scholarship on neoliberal globalization and countermovement tends to focus on the global dimension of political struggles. The role of nationalist imaginaries in mobilizing grievances against neoliberal globalization receives little attention in this literature. This article probes these ideas using the case of NCBD, known for its political struggles against global extractive capital in Bangladesh. Drawing on critical globalization scholarship vis-à-vis the power of the state and the ability of countermovements to contest neoliberal globalization, the article analyzes how NCBD’s political imaginaries center on nature, nation, and the state to achieve its movement agenda. Based on qualitative data derived from a set of interviews and relevant organizational documents, it demonstrates the relevance of national scale as a movement site in mediating local and global questions for emancipatory political struggles. It explains how NCBD articulates nationalist imaginaries to mobilize a political vision of the “national” in an era of neoliberal globalism.
7
Shipley, Tyler. "Land Seizure, Dispossession, and Canadian Capital in Honduras." Human Geography 8, no. 2 (July 2015): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861500800202.
Abstract:
While there is a growing literature on the phenomenon of land seizure by agribusiness and extractive industries, and their disastrous social and ecological effects around the world, there is often a shroud of vagueness and mystification about the concrete practices by which extractive companies come to gain access to the land itself. This is especially true since these companies increasingly veil their activities in plausible claims of “social responsibility.” This article documents the strategies by which foreign and especially Canadian capital has been grabbing and maintaining its control over land for mega-developments in Honduras, with an eye to the ways in which different tactics are adapted to each particular context in which they are applied. The purpose is to demonstrate the flexibility and complexity of these strategies and to lay the groundwork for future studies of these concrete practices in order to supplement the existing literature on land seizure.
8
Bernauer, Warren. "“Regulatory capture” and “extractive hegemony”: the relevance of Nicos Poulantzas’ theory of the state to contemporary environmental politics in Canada." Human Geography 13, no. 2 (July 2020): 160–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620944573.
Abstract:
This paper considers the relevance of Nicos Poulantzas’ theory of the state to debates about hydrocarbon extraction and environmental assessment in Canada. I begin with a brief summary of Poulanztas’ work, followed by an overview of the politics of hydrocarbon extraction in Canada. Next, I examine recent public policy debates about the assessment and regulation of energy extraction in Canada. These debates, which focus on the concept of “regulatory capture,” fall victim to many of the problems Poulantzas identifies with instrumentalist approaches to the state. Critical accounts of regulatory capture have helped expose the fact that oil companies exercise an incredible degree of control over the Canadian state. However, it offers limited guidance for long-term strategies to confront extractive capital. In the section on “Environmental assessment and extractive hegemony,” I draw on Poulantzas to examine recent academic debates about the role of environmental assessment in the reproduction of extractive capitalism in Canada. Scholars have shown a more nuanced understanding of the power dynamics at play in the assessment and regulation of energy projects in Canada. Nevertheless, engagement with Poulantzas’ work can help deepen and expand these critiques, especially his emphasis on the role of state-organized material concessions in producing consent to capitalism.
9
Veltmeyer, Henry. "Extractive Capital, the State and the Resistance in Latin America." Sociology and Anthropology 4, no. 8 (August 2016): 774–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/sa.2016.040812.
10
Deneva, Aneta, and Jānis Grasis. "Bulgarian Mining Industry between Tradition and Innovation." E3S Web of Conferences 174 (2020): 01026. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017401026.
Abstract:
Extractive activities are traditional for the Bulgarian economy and are part of the economic activity of the population since the establishment of the Bulgarian state. As an autonomous sector of the economy, they are approved after 1878. The initial extractive activities are carried out with the direct participation of foreign capital, mainly French, German and Belgian. The extraction of raw materials has always been among the priority economic areas. Not surprisingly with the first economic laws adopted by the Bulgarian Government is supported its development. A typical example in this respect is the law on the promotion of the local industry since 1909. Among the promotion activities are mining, metal industry, as well as the quarry and that for the processing of soil materials. The mining industry is an indispensable part of the structure of the Bulgarian economy, regardless of its transformations.
11
Chaudhry, Kiren Aziz. "The price of wealth: business and state in labor remittance and oil economies." International Organization 43, no. 1 (1989): 101–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004574.
Abstract:
This article contrasts the effects of state-controlled oil revenues and privately controlled labor remittances on institutional development, state capacity, and businessgovernment relations in Saudi Arabia and the Yemen Arab Republic. These two countries represent extreme cases of dependence on external capital in deeply divided societies presided over by fragile, emerging bureaucracies. By tracing the two cases through a pattern of economic boom (1973-83) and recession (1983-87), the study demonstrates that the type, volume, and control of capital inflows decisively influence the relative development of the bureaucracy's extractive, distributive, and regulatory capacities and affect the ability of the state to respond to economic crisis. In both cases, external capital inflows precipitated the decline of extractive institutions. However, oil revenues and labor remittances had divergent effects on businessgovernment relations, and this circumscribed the state's ability to implement austerity programs during the recession. During the crisis, the Saudi government's efforts to cut subsidies to the private sector and to implement extractive policies were blocked by the state-sponsored merchant class. In contrast, the Yemeni government instituted a thoroughgoing austerity package that targeted the independent merchant class. In both cases, external capital inflows did not augment the efficacy of those that controlled them. These paradoxical outcomes are explained by tracing the different effects of oil revenues and labor remittances on the distribution of economic opportunity in the public and private sectors and the resulting effects on the regional, tribal, and sectarian composition of the bureaucracy and the commercial class.
12
Alton, Christopher, Eric Robsky Huntley, and Zulaikha Ayub. "Conjuring the Planetary Mine: Counter-Mapping the Heart of Extractive Capital." Thresholds, no. 50 (2022): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/thld_a_00765.
13
Anwary, Afroza. "Displacement of the Rohingyas of Myanmar, Land Grabbing, and Extractive Capital." Journal of Social Encounters 7, no. 1 (March 19, 2023): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.69755/2995-2212.1160.
14
Enns, Charis, Brock Bersaglio, and Adam Sneyd. "Fixing extraction through conservation: On crises, fixes and the production of shared value and threat." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 2, no. 4 (August 9, 2019): 967–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848619867615.
Abstract:
We are currently witnessing a global trend of intensifying and deepening relationships between extractive companies and biodiversity conservation organisations that warrants closer scrutiny. Although existing literature has established that these two sectors often share the same space and rely on similar logics, it is increasingly common to find biodiversity conservation being carried out through partnerships between extractive and conservation actors. In this article, we explore what this cooperation achieves for both sectors. Using illustrative examples of extractive-conservation collaboration across sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that new entanglements between extractive and conservation actors are motivated by multiple purposes. First, partnering with conservation actors serves as a spatial and socio-ecological fix for extractive companies in response to multiple crises that threaten the sector's productivity. Second, new forms of collaboration between extractive and conservation actors create pathways for both sectors to produce new value from nature. For the extractive sector, creating new value from nature works as a further fix to capitalist crises whereas, for the conservation sector, producing value through nature amounts to new opportunities for capital accumulation. Importantly, working together to produce shared value from nature within and beyond extractive concessions secures both sectors' control over the means of production. Theoretically, our analysis links literature on value in capitalist nature with that on spatial and socio-ecological fixes.
15
Bresnihan, Patrick, and Patrick Brodie. "Data sinks, carbon services: Waste, storage and energy cultures on Ireland’s peat bogs." New Media & Society 25, no. 2 (February 2023): 361–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448221149948.
Abstract:
This article examines strategies by the Irish state to phase out the extraction and burning of peat as a carbon fuel source in relation to the growing energy demands of data centres. One of the major proposals within the ‘just transition’ for post-extractive peat boglands is to incentivise the construction of data centres and associated energy infrastructures alongside bog reclamation projects to encourage carbon sequestration. These entangled plans for data, energy and carbon ‘storage’, driven by large-scale and transformative relations to boglands, inherit colonial ways of valuing bogs as ‘wastelands’ that must be put to work for industrial capital. We argue that through paired digital and green industrial strategies, the transformative energy cultures and frontiers of capital continue to expand beyond the apparent sites of data and energy infrastructural development, penetrating deeper into the earth and its atmosphere.
16
Veltmeyer, Henry. "Algunos problemas del marxismo." Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 8, no. 15 (November 29, 2018): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.0815.hv.
Abstract:
This article examines three key concepts in the analysis of the problems of capitalist development in the first two decades of the 21st Century. First, extractivist capitalism or capitalist development in its extractivist form, which refers to the advance of capital invested in the acquisition of land and the extraction of natural resources for export in primary commodity form. Second, the debate around the theory of value-labor that has assumed renewed strength in the context of the advances of extractive capital as part of the development of productive forces. Third, the concept of superexploitation advanced by Ruy Marini, with reference to mechanisms that allow for the remuneration of labor on the periphery of the world system at a level below the value (the value of labor power, the commodity that workers seek to exchange against capital for a living wage). Fourth, the formation of a global reserve army of intellectual labor, qualified to participate in the construction of scientific knowledge concentrated in centers of technological innovation. Finally, the article addresses the dynamics of productive and social transformation that accompanies each advance of capital in the development process.
17
Daneau, Marcel. "L'économie de la Côte-Nord du golfe Saint-Laurent." Articles 11, no. 1-2 (April 12, 2005): 17–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/055479ar.
Abstract:
L'économie de la Côte-Nord du golfe Saint-Laurent présente toutes les caractéristiques d'une région économiquement faible. Une proportion relativement élevée de la population œuvre dans l'industrie de la pêche, soit 53%; le chômage déguisé est considérable et les possibilités d'emploi hors de la pêche sont limitées; il y a peu de capital par tète et les revenus per capita sont faibles; les facilités de crédit et de mise en marché des produits de la pêche sont limitées; le développement technique dans la phase extractive de l'industrie de la pêche est insuffisant, les moyens de communication et de transport sont inadéquats.
18
Dressler, Wolfram H. "Contesting Moral Capital in the Economy of Expectations of an Extractive Frontier." Annals of the American Association of Geographers 107, no. 3 (February 10, 2017): 647–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24694452.2016.1261684.
19
Fridell, Caleb. "The Extractive Logic of Fossil Capital in H. G. Wells's Scientific Prophecy." MFS Modern Fiction Studies 66, no. 1 (2020): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mfs.2020.0007.
20
Le Billon, Philippe, and Melanie Sommerville. "Landing capital and assembling ‘investable land’ in the extractive and agricultural sectors." Geoforum 82 (June 2017): 212–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2016.08.011.
21
Brodie, Patrick. "Climate extraction and supply chains of data." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 7-8 (March 4, 2020): 1095–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720904601.
Abstract:
The global data center industry relies on what this article defines as ‘climate extraction’. Through this peculiar but critical infrastructure for global Internet operations, a focus on Ireland reveals the entanglements of state, corporate, and environmental actors within the extractive calculations of transnational companies. Ireland has been advertised to and by data center developers because of its ‘cool’ climate while downplaying the importance of its low corporate tax rate and the government and planning system’s favorable treatment of big tech companies. Public discourses around big tech ‘greenwash’ power and contribute to a material climate (both atmospheric and infrastructural) from which value can be extracted. This is achieved by extracting for and from data circulation through the built and ‘natural’ environment. This article articulates the ways in which the spatial development of data centers as ‘strategic infrastructure’ contributes to the ongoing naturalization of capital and state power’s entanglements with the so-called natural world through technological systems.
22
Enns, Charis, Nathan Andrews, and J. Andrew Grant. "Security for whom? Analysing hybrid security governance in Africa's extractive sectors." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 995–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa090.
Abstract:
Abstract In this article, we analyse the factors underpinning the shift towards hybrid security governance in Africa. Extant scholarship largely attributes this shift to broader global processes, such as histories of colonialism, neoliberalism and transformations in global governance, which have served to legitimize the role of private authority in security provision around sites of resource extraction. Our analysis seeks to understand the relative and relational influence of power and rules in international politics by offering empirical insights about what hybrid security arrangements look like ‘on the ground’. Drawing upon recently conducted fieldwork in Kenya, Uganda and Ghana, we examine how hybrid security arrangements affect the lives of those living near sites of natural resource extraction. Our analyses suggest that although hybrid security has emerged as the leading approach to security governance, this approach to security does not uniformly involve or serve the interests of all stakeholders. Rather, we find that hybrid security arrangements aid the security of extractive operations—securing investments in both physical and human capital—while sometimes undermining the security of nearby communities.
23
Sellwood, Scott A., and Gabriela Valdivia. "Interrupting Green Capital on the Frontiers of Wind Power in Southern Mexico." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 5 (July 10, 2017): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17719040.
Abstract:
Harnessing the power of wind is commonly understood as a “green”—cleaner and more sustainable—alternative to conventional extractive practices. An examination of the unfolding of wind energy projects and their contestation in southern Mexico shows that, despite the seeming immateriality of wind farming, wind energy requires epistemological and material enclosures to capture its value. The unreflexive push for these energy frontiers ignores this requirement and, in doing so, sidesteps the processes of dispossession that follow the widening and deepening of capitalist relations, green or otherwise. La energía eólica normalmente se considera una opción “verde” o “ecológica”: una alternativa más limpia y sustentable a las usuales prácticas extractivas. Un análisis de un proyecto de energía eólica y sus contestaciones en el sur de México muestra que, a pesar de la aparente inmaterialidad del proceso, esta energía requiere de espacios delimitados, tanto epistemológicos como materiales, para que se pueda sacar provecho de su valor. El ímpetu por expandir estas fronteras de manera poco reflexiva ignora dicho requisito, haciendo a un lado los procesos de desposesión que surgen a partir del incremento y profundización de las relaciones capitalistas, sean ecológicas o no.
24
Osuoka, Isaac “Asume”, and Anna Zalik. "The Dilemmas of Global Resistance against Extractive Capital: The Oilwatch Network in Africa." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 30, no. 1-2 (January 2010): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2010.9669290.
25
Zamaraev, B. A., and T. N. Marshova. "The effectiveness of the investment process of reproduction." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 5 (May 13, 2020): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2020-5-45-68.
Abstract:
The article analyzes the effectiveness of the investment process in Russian economy, which is assessed using indicators of specific capital investments for introduction of production capacities. The dynamics and characteristics of changes in specific capital investments for various types of economic activity of Russian industry are analyzed. The main groups of factors that determine the change in specific capital investments are identified. It is concluded that, in the medium term, the state of the economy with a significant share of extractive industries will continue to have a decisive influence on the dynamics of specific capital investments, and objective processes of depletion of the mineral resource base and worsening production conditions will increase specific capital investments. The continuation of the noted trends will determine the requirements for the volume and structure of investments to ensure the reproduction of the industrial potential and increase its technical and technological level.
26
PERYSHKIN, MIKHAIL O. "IMPACT OF HUMAN CAPITAL ON THE INNOVATIVE ACTIVITY OF THE REGION." Scientific Works of the Free Economic Society of Russia 236, no. 4 (2022): 260–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.38197/2072-2060-2022-236-4-260-278.
Abstract:
The article researchs the influence of human capital in the regions of the Northwestern Federal District of Russia on their level of innovation activity. In the course of the study, it was found that in a region with a predominant share of the extractive industry in the GVA structure, the factor of young qualified personnel has a high influence on innovation activity. In regions with a developed manufacturing industry, innovation activity is more dependent on already formed specialists. Also, a general trend was revealed about the importance of graduates of secondary vocational education for the innovative activity of the region.
27
Sadowski, Jathan, and Kaitlin Beegle. "Expansive and extractive networks of Web3." Big Data & Society 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205395172311596. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517231159629.
Abstract:
The self-proclaimed usurper of Web 2.0, Web3 quickly became the center of attention. Not long ago, the public discourse was saturated with projects, promises, and peculiarities of Web3. Now the spotlight has swung around to focus on the many faults, failures, and frauds of Web3. The cycles of technological trends and investment bubbles seem to be accelerating in such a way as to escape any attempt at observing them in motion before they crash, and then everybody moves on to the next thing. Importantly, Web3 was not an anomaly or curiosity in the broader tech industry. It articulates patterns that existed before Web3 and will exist after. Web3 should be understood as a case study of innovation within the dominant model of Silicon Valley venture capitalism. Our focus in this article is on understanding how the movement around Web3 formed through an interplay between (1) normative concepts and contestations related to ideas of “decentralization” and (2) political economic interests and operations related to the dynamics of fictitious capital. By offering a critical analysis of Web3, our goal is also to show how any even potentially progressive (or as we call them “expansive”) forms of Web3 development struggle for success, recognition, and attention due to the wild excesses of hype and investment devoted to “extractive” forms of Web3. In the process, they provide us a better view of how different arrangements of technopolitics can exist at the same time, side-by-side, in complicated ways.
28
Arteaga-Cruz, Erika, Baijayanta Mukhopadhyay, Sarah Shannon, Amulya Nidhi, and Todd Jailer. "Connecting the right to health and anti-extractivism globally." Saúde em Debate 44, spe1 (2020): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-11042020s108.
Abstract:
ABSTRACT Natural resources are essential to health and are global commons. Recognizing the devastating damage posed by extraction to health and the environment, as well as the erosion of the sovereignty of our governments that have increasingly conceded people’s health in the interest of profit and development, is important in framing our resistance. Our communities experience growing displacement, the loss of social services, of land, water and livelihood, heightened militarization, violence and repression, and increased incidence of communicable diseases and health problems resulting from exposure to toxics. All of these are linked to an extractivist project driven by global financial capital promoting an unsustainable and inequitable development model that threatens people’s health and the health of the planet. Is it compatible with the right to health to finance national health systems with revenues of activities that intrinsically destroy life? The essay portrays the inconsistency of development policies that fund health/right to health with extractivism and depicts examples of resistance to extractive industries tied to the People’s Health Movement (Canada,Turkey, India and Ecuador) in different types of governments. The need to strengthen the link between the right to health struggles and anti-extractive resistance is highlighted.
29
Lindberg, Darcy. "Imaginary passports or the wealth of obligations: seeking the limits of adoption into indigenous societies." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 14, no. 4 (October 18, 2018): 326–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1177180118806382.
Abstract:
Adoption into an Indigenous society can be thick with obligations and relations if the adoptee understands they are entering into a legal order that organizes and regulates their new kinship relations. Implicit within these kinship orders are limits to what inclusion into an Indigenous society provides. Conversely, adoption can be used as a thin line of extraction, aiming at social capital within Indigenous communities. Adoptions void of an understanding of the legal order they should be accountable to, may be used in a way that circumvents obligations towards Indigenous stories, knowledge systems, and law, and to continue to prop up the modes of extraction of Indigenous cultural knowledge. A turn towards Indigenous laws and legal orders provide an accountability against those who may use adoption into an Indigenous society as a means for extractive, unreciprocated, personal gain.
30
Jenkins, Jeffrey. "Contested terrain of extractive development in the American West: using a regional political ecology framework to understand scalar governance, biocentric values, and anthropocentric values." Journal of Political Ecology 23, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v23i1.20189.
Abstract:
The American West has seen a resurgence of capital investment in extractive mineral development on federal lands, emanating from the recent global financial crisis. For these extractive projects, as in energy development more broadly, struggles over knowledge persist in the pre-operational phases of exploratory access and environmental review when political-legal rights and scientific facts are coordinated, codified, and contested. Contested knowledge about extractive mineral development beyond the 100th meridian, once more narrowly limited to proximate environmental impacts like water quality, now more broadly encompasses themes of scalar governance, landscape-level conservation, and local resource access. The case studies covered here demonstrate that a regional scale approach to political ecology provides utility as a heuristic to conceptually frame the concepts of governance, resource access, and ecological degradation between larger processes of economic restructuring and more localized micro politics. A case study approach is used to empirically support the claim that region provides a meso-scale of analysis in terms of: scalar resource control – state versus federal (southeast Utah); biocentric values – preserving nature for nature's sake (southern Arizona); and anthropocentric values – newly touted, but grounded in age-old utilitarianism (northeast Wyoming).Keywords: extractive industries, American West, federal lands, biocentric, anthropocentric
31
Gago, Verónica, and Sandro Mezzadra. "A Critique of the Extractive Operations of Capital: Toward an Expanded Concept of Extractivism." Rethinking Marxism 29, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2017.1417087.
32
Faruque, M. Omar. "Articulation of Movement Demands and the Politics of Solidarity against Extractive Capital in Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Social Science 47, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 224–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04702004.
Abstract:
Abstract How do disparate grievances join to form an agenda for collective action? This article analyses the articulation of movement demands and solidarity building during the formative phase of a popular mobilisation against a multinational mining company in Bangladesh. Drawing on a conceptual framework derived from Laclauian discourse theory, I explain how local community resistance inspired various social groups to support an anti-corporate social movement, ultimately defeating the mining company. I explain how the construction of an empty signifier had the capacity to connect disparate groups to oppose a common enemy. This analysis is based on a set of interviews with activists and a close reading of organisational documents. The examination of how movement demands are articulated emphasises the role of movement intellectuals and enriches the theorising of social movements in the Global South.
33
Gago, V. "Financialization of Popular Life and the Extractive Operations of Capital: A Perspective from Argentina." South Atlantic Quarterly 114, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-2831257.
34
Labban, Mazen. "Contradiction of space, centralization of capital, and the hybrid state oil company: The case of Russia." Human Geography 1, no. 2 (July 2008): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277860800100210.
Abstract:
A new species of capital has emerged from the development of inter-capitalist competition in the oil industry. Oil-producing states have fused with financial and productive/extractive capital, foreign and domestic, into hybrid state oil companies. These are centralized monopolies that transcend the historical geographical opposition between private transnational oil companies and national oil companies. As partially nationalized state monopolies, they allow oil-producing states access to global capital markets, while retaining the control of the state over the flow of foreign capital into the domestic oil industry. They thus mediate the contradiction between the integration of capital at the transnational level and its territorial fragmentation at the national scale, only to internalize it in the process. I examine this process in the case of the ongoing consolidation of the Russian oil industry under state control, focusing on two inter-related contradictions: an attempt by the Russian state to liberalize the oil industry, yet shield it against the expansion and control of foreign oil companies; and the dependence of the state on foreign financial capital in the very process of consolidating control over the oil industry.
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Ben-Hasan, Abdulrahman, Santiago De La Puente, Diana Flores, Michael C. Melnychuk, Emily Tivoli, Villy Christensen, Wei Cui, and Carl J. Walters. "Constrained public benefits from global catch share fisheries." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 39 (September 20, 2021): e2021580118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2021580118.
Abstract:
Across publicly owned natural resources, the practice of recovering financial compensation, commonly known as resource rent, from extractive industries influences wealth distribution and general welfare of society. Catch shares are the primary approach adopted to diminish the economically wasteful race to fish by allocating shares of fish quotas—public assets—to selected fishing firms. It is perceived that resource rent is concentrated within catch share fisheries, but there has been no systematic comparison of rent-charging practices with other extractive industries. Here, we estimate the global prevalence of catch share fisheries and compare rent recovery mechanisms (RRM) in the fishing industry with other extractive industries. We show that while catch share fisheries harvest 17.4 million tons (19% of global fisheries landings), with a value of 17.7 billion USD (17% of global fisheries landed value), rent charges occurred in only 5 of 18 countries with shares of fish quotas primarily allocated free of charge. When compared with other extractive industries, fishing is the only industry that consistently lacks RRM. While recovering resource rent for harvesting well-governed fishery resources represents a source of revenue to coastal states, which could be sustained indefinitely, overcharging the industry might impact fish supply. Different RRM occurred in extractive industries, though generally, rent-based charges can help avoid affecting deployment of capital and labor to harvest fish since they depend on the profitability of the operations. Our study could be a starting point for coastal states to consider adapting policies to the enhanced economic condition of the fishing industry under catch shares.
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Husna TR, Cut Asmaul. "Pengakuan Hak Konstitusional Pengelolaan Sumber Daya Industri Ekstraktif dalam Mewujudkan Kesejahteraan Rakyat." Jurnal Konstitusi 11, no. 1 (May 20, 2016): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1113.
Abstract:
Resource management, extractive industries have a significant role to state revenues. Extractive industries sector in Indonesia is a very closed industry sectors primarily on revenues derived from state income Cooperation Contract (KKS). Resource management paradigm for the extractive industries exploited only to pursue exchange of reliance State Budget (Budget) by denying the maximum prosperity for the people. Globalization can not be avoided has affected the existence of Law No. 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas value-laden liberal-capitalistic. Consequently, there has been a paradigm shift in both the PSC and the people of the country to the tyranny of capital resulted in the country and people can not renegotiate the contract. Therefore, reform of the legal arrangements in the extractive industries absolutely must be done in order to realize the people’s welfare. Urgency juridical formation of the Draft Law on Amendments of Law No. 22 of 2001, based on the decision of the Constitutional Court Case No. 002/PUU-I/2003 and Decision No. 36/PUU-X/2012. Just and prosperous society, as a goal, requires the struggle to create the basics, which is referred to as the national interests of the Indonesian people. All efforts and actions to ensure the implementation of state remains fixed on the terminus ad quem, just and prosperous society.
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Soares Pinheiro, Paula. "The Role of Social Capital in Fostering Collective Action for Small-Scale Fishery Co-Management in the Baixo Juruá Extractive Reserve, Central-West Brazilian Amazon." Biodiversidade Brasileira - BioBrasil 12, no. 5 (November 1, 2022): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.37002/biobrasil.v12i5.1900.
Abstract:
Social capital is pointed out as a key factor for community social organization and the collective management of natural resources. In this study, I investigated the role of community social capital in facilitating collective action for arapaima (Arapaima sp.) management and the underlying motivations for engagement on collective action, in the six arapaima management systems of the Baixo Juruá Extractive Reserve (Amazonas). Through semi-structured interviews with 62% of the 95 households of communities that participate on management, I compared household participation in arapaima management in relation to demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, social and political engagement, and social capital. In four out of the six management systems, 70% to 86% of households participated on management, compared to only 31% and 33% in the other systems. Participation in collective action for arapaima management varied in a similar fashion with social capital in the community. Both bonding and bridging social capital come into play in fostering collective action. Although human relations are important components in community collective action, people also reveal utilitarian motivations for engagement. Thus, when incentives are provided, they might find it relevant to participate on resource management. This study highlights the role of social capital in natural resource management and may serve both communities and decision makers.
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Mueller, J. Tom. "The Dual Dependency of Natural-Resource-Rich Labor Markets in Contemporary Society." Sociological Theory 39, no. 2 (April 9, 2021): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07352751211001920.
Abstract:
This article presents an integrative theoretical framework of subnational natural resource dependence. I argue that rural natural resource dependence represents a special case of the core-periphery relationship, where rural, resource-rich labor markets form a dual dependency on both the global capitalist economy and the local natural environment. This occurs because the contradiction between spatially fixed natural resources and the mobility of capital prompts both external interests and local power elites to use their power to pressure rural labor markets in directions outside their best interest and to exploit rural labor. I argue that both extractive (e.g., mining, timber, agriculture) and nonextractive (e.g., tourism, real estate) forms of natural resource development share this contradiction. Although pushing different uses of the resource base, extractive and nonextractive development do not fundamentally vary in their exploitative relationship with rural labor markets.
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Sablin, Kirill, Elena Kagan, and Ekaterina Chernova. "Clustering of the Russian coal mining regions: Investment and innovation activity." Journal of New Economy 21, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.29141/2658-5081-2020-21-1-5.
Abstract:
On a global scale, Russia’s competitive advantages remain linked with extractive and low value-added industries despite numerous attempts of the government to make the national economy more innovative. The paper focuses on the problem of the Russian economy’s transi tion to innovative development and overcoming its resource dependency. Methodologically, the paper relies on the concepts of an enclave dual economy and fragmented (dual) innovation sys tems. The object of the study is coal mining regions, which are clustered based on the analysis of investment and innovation activity. Statistical methods of data analysis (calculation of descrip tive statistics) as well as cluster analysis methods (hierarchical method and k-means method) are used for processing the initial information. The researchers form the indicators characteris ing investment and innovative activity in the selected regions. Investment indicators include the ones reflecting the total share of investment in fixed capital by economic activities related to extractive and manufacturing industries. To assess innovation activity the authors calculated the total share of expenses of the organisations of extractive and manufacturing industries on technological innovations. The results of hierarchical analysis in a group of investment activity indicators allow identifying four clusters of regions. Based on the innovation activity indica tors, regions form three clusters. The research findings demonstrate that most of coal mining regions feature low or medium level of investment activity in the extractive and manufacturing industries; medium level of innovation activity in extractive industries and medium or low level of innovation activity in manufacturing industries. The results of the study can be one of the foundations for the regional policy targeting the transition to innovation economy.
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NIKOLIĆ, GORAN, and SLADJANA ZDRAVKOVIĆ. "THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE YUGOSLAV AND TURKISH ECONOMIES’ GROWTH IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD (1918-1941)." Kultura polisa, no. 45 (July 3, 2021): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.2r.3.01.
Abstract:
In the interwar period, Turkey and Yugoslavia, despite all their differences, have approximately similar economic performance. Namely, during the 1930s, the two countries recorded very similar levels of the most important indicator of the state of an economy, which implicitly indicates the level of living standards, GDP per capita (at purchasing power parity). Yugoslavia, like Turkey, was a predominantly agrarian country with underdeveloped industry, where the main aggravating factors for more intensive economic development was, in addition to the lack of capital, the insufficiency of skilled labor, and rapid population growth. Despite the significant progress made in industry and mining, both countries have retained the characteristics of industrially underdeveloped or agrarian-extractive economies, with only about 11% of employees in industry and crafts activities. Despite the above-average GDP growth per capita of Turkey of 1.8% in the period 1913-1939, and the average one for Yugoslavia (1.1%), at the end of the observed period they remained at a very low relative level looking at GDP per capita, and consequently among the most underdeveloped countries in Europe.
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Mendoza, Ronald U., Harold J. MacArthur, and Anne Beline Ong Lopez. "Devil’s excrement or manna from heaven?" International Journal of Development Issues 14, no. 1 (April 7, 2015): 2–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-01-2014-0005.
Abstract:
Purpose – This paper aims to provide an updated review of policy literature and evidence on the development implications of extractive industries. Design/methodology/approach – It synthesizes the main lessons drawn from an extensive review of policy and academic literature on this topic. It outlines the risks attached to the natural resource curse as well as the associated solutions, as demonstrated by empirical evidence and policy experience. Findings – Based on the authors’ review of case studies and multi-country empirical analyses, there is a mixed picture on the link between extractive industries and inclusive growth. The authors find that, on the one hand, significant risks are commonly associated with the natural resource curse faced by countries that wish to tap this wealth for development. On the other hand, the mixed results also suggest that the many challenges related to expanding extractive industries are not necessarily unavoidable. Practical implications – For policymakers, the main message is that some countries that have taken important steps to improve the governance of their wealth as well as channel these toward productive investments – notably human capital – appear to have transformed the natural resource curse into a boon for development. Originality/value – The main contribution of this paper is that it provides the most comprehensive review to date on this body of the policy and academic literature. It will serve as a guide for policymakers, civil society and other stakeholders working on issues linked to extractive industries.
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Perkins, Harold A. "Capital, Subsistence, and Lakeside Violence." Human Geography 3, no. 1 (March 2010): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861000300107.
Abstract:
The tranquil setting in the North Woods of Wisconsin and Minnesota obscures a centuries-old history of resource conflict between indigenous Ojibwe people and whites. The subsistence activities of the Ojibwe, including hunting and fishing, have been restricted by whites to ever-smaller geographies in part to bolster capitalist extractive industries and tourist economies. Only recently have the Ojibwe successfully reasserted their treaty rights to hunt and fish off their reservations through litigation with the States of Wisconsin and Minnesota. White business owners- in what became known as the walleye wars- subsequently spurred violent protests at lakes where the Ojibwe exercised their reclaimed right to spear valuable sport fish. Other Ojibwe legal victories during the course of the walleye wars forced state fish and game authorities to better cooperate with the tribes to regulate fish and game outside the reservation system. One example is the killing of thousands of fish-eating birds called cormorants on an Ojibwe-controlled island in Leech Lake, Minnesota. Ojibwe authorities and state fish and game managers touted their work together to exempt the cormorants nesting there from protection because they both claimed the waterfowl destroyed the local walleye fishery. I argue this killing of cormorants is actually an extension of the original walleye war aimed at the Ojibwe because both events criminalized subsistence in order to protect fish as capitalist commodities. Violence is necessary in the criminalization process to replace the labor of subsistence with labor that produces surplus and exchange value from walleyes. Thus I argue this constitutes a fundamental contradiction for the Ojibwe who must manage walleyes simultaneously as a means of subsistence and as commodities for the market. The real danger here is that Ojibwe authorities- in the act of shooting cormorants- inadvertently support the same violent logic used against their people in the past that could be deployed against them again in the future.
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Gstraunthaler, Thomas. "Corporate governance in the extractive industry – comparing Russian oil and gas companies and South African gold producers." Corporate Ownership and Control 11, no. 1 (2013): 917–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv11i1c11p3.
Abstract:
The influence of local culture on the way business is conducted has been recognized by a whole array of literature (e.g. Hofstede, 2001). Due to the focus on the financial industry throughout the last several years, other vital sectors such as the extractive industry have been neglected by academic research. This is even more surprising given the fact that the extractive industry is a particularly exciting subject of study. Its main capital is mining rights to explore and exploit the natural resources in a specific geographic area. Once a corporation decides to start exploitation, the venture is most likely to employ lots of workers from the communities around the plant. This unavoidably entangles the companies closely with local and national politics. This paper inquires into the reporting of corporate governance in the extractive industry. For the purpose of this study, four Russian companies in the Oil and Gas sector and four South African gold producers were chosen. Despite obvious differences in the mining process, both sectors are vital to the economies of both nations and both are under strong influence of regulations and politics. Both groups report about their corporate governance on a very high level. The paper concludes that the notion of closed and opaque Russian companies does not hold any longer.
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Gstraunthaler, Thomas, and Maria Ulyanova. "Corporate governance in the extractive industry – comparing Russian oil and gas companies and South African gold producers." Corporate Ownership and Control 7, no. 4 (2010): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv7i4p5.
Abstract:
The influence of local culture on the way business is conducted has been recognized by a whole array of literature (e.g. Hofstede, 2001). Due to the focus on the financial industry throughout the last years, other vital sectors like the extractive industry have been neglected by academic research. This is even more surprising given the fact that the extractive industry is a particularly exciting study object. Its main capital is mining rights to explore and exploit the natural resources in a specific geographic area. Once a corporation decides to start exploitation, the venture is most likely to employ lots of workers out of the communities around the plant. This entangles the companies unavoidably closely with local and national politics. This paper inquires into the reporting of corporate governance in the extractive industry. For the purpose of this study, four Russian companies in the Oil and Gas sector and four South African gold producers were chosen. Besides obvious differences in the mining process, both sectors are vital to the economies of both nations and both are under strong influence of regulations and politics. Both groups report about their corporate governance on a very high level. The paper concludes that the notion of closed and opaque Russian companies does not hold any longer.
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Henok, Winfried, and Teresia Kaulihowa. "The impact of FDI on human capital development in SACU countries." International Journal of Social Economics 49, no. 2 (November 22, 2021): 268–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-02-2021-0123.
Abstract:
PurposeThis paper aims to examine how FDI trickle down to human capital development in SACU member states.Design/methodology/approachA longitudinal research design and feasible general least squares was used over the periods 1990 and 2018.FindingsThere is supporting evidence that FDI enhances human capital when primary school enrolment rate is used. However, the reverse holds for the secondary level of education. It can be argued that although FDI exhibits a positive effect on primary education, optimal spillovers to human capital development has not been realized. An indication that certain level of human capital may be required to ensure the optimal benefit of FDI or the types of current FDI does not enhance FDI-led-human capital hypothesis.Practical implicationsThe negative effect of FDI toward secondary level of education could be an indication of a weak absorptive capacity. SACU's current dominance of FDI activities toward extractive industries could limit potential benefit of FDI due to capacity constraints. Practical policy implications indicate that SACU member states need to ensure that it attracts FDI toward smart investment that enhances human capital development.Social implicationsThere is need to a gear FDI firms toward corporate social responsibilities that will stimulate secondary education.Originality/valueThe novelty of this paper is twofold. First, it focuses on SACU countries where majority of the people are trapped with poverty and inequality issues. Second, SACU member states have used greenfield FDI as a policy instrument to enhance human capital. However, human capital link remains weak. This creates a need to search for smart FDIs that are committed toward community transformation through human capital development.
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Sempértegui, Andrea. "Weaving the Spiderweb: Mujeres Amazónicas and the Design of Anti-Extractive Politics in Ecuador." Studies in Social Justice 17, no. 2 (March 30, 2023): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v17i2.3400.
Abstract:
This article examines the strategic politics of an Indigenous network called las Mujeres Amazónicas (the Amazonian Women) that is resisting the expansion of extractive projects in Ecuador’s Amazon rainforest. It asks, what are the Mujeres Amazónicas’ political strategies to resist extractive occupation and how do they develop and deploy these strategies in their territorial struggle? To answer this question, I analyze how their organizing is characterized by a political design that merges public expressions of resistance – such as mobilizations, protest marches, and other public actions – with communitarian practices that reproduce human and more-than-human life in the Amazon. To illustrate this strategic fusion, the article turns to an image that the Kichwa leader Elvia Dagua wove into an artesanía (handicraft) called la Araña Tejedora (the Weaving Spider). By analyzing Dagua’s artesanía and other self-descriptions of the Mujeres Amazónicas, the article shows how practices of communitarian reproduction are used and transformed by the Amazonian Women, thus enabling their political work and sustaining their lives at the same time. The strategic deployment of reproductive practices reveals how Indigenous women’s cultural and social identities are neither static nor unchangeable. It also illustrates that the Mujeres Amazónicas’ organizing should not be interpreted as a simple example of local politics responding to extractive occupation. By contrast, the article shows how the Mujeres Amazónicas are historical and political subjects with the power to shape the lines of political confrontation vis-à-vis the state and extractive capital, and to build global connections between Indigenous and non-Indigenous ways of living.
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Vibert, Elizabeth, Bikrum Singh Gill, Matt Murphy, Astrid Pérez Piñán, and Claudia Puera Silva. "Transformation or the next meal?" Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 9, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 226–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v9i2.531.
Abstract:
This article presents conversations across difference that took place among community partners and researchers at a week-long workshop in T’Sou-ke First Nation territory in 2019. The workshop launched the Four Stories About Food Sovereignty research network and project, which brings together food producers, activists, and researchers representing T’Sou-ke Nation in British Columbia, Wayuu Indigenous communities in Colombia, refugee communities in Jordan, and small-scale farmers in South Africa. We focus here on conversations that highlight global-local tensions in food justice work, the pressures of extractive economy, and pressures arising from climate crisis – challenges that some participants framed at the level of global extractivism and colonial-capitalism, others at the level of the soil. As the conversations reveal, there was more common ground than conflict in shared histories of dispossession, shared predicaments of extractive capital and its government allies, and shared concern to renew and reinvigorate ancestral practices of care for territory.
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Dressler, Wolfram H., Robert Fletcher, and Michael Fabinyi. "Value from Ruin? Governing Speculative Conservation in Ruptured Landscapes." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 6, no. 1 (January 2018): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2017.17.
Abstract:
AbstractThis paper examines how state and non-state actors govern through pursuing speculative conservation among resource-dependent people who must renegotiate altered livelihoods amidst extractivism in ruptured landscapes. As donor aid declines and changes form, bilaterals, state agencies, and civil society now pursue advocacy in overlapping spaces of intensifying extractivism and speculative governance in the ruptured frontiers of Southeast Asia. In these spaces, bilaterals and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) struggle to work with upland farmers who negotiate the contrasting expectations of the abstract, speculative nature of conservation initiatives and the lucrative nature of extractive labour in the face of dramatic transformations of agrarian livelihoods and landscapes. Through a case study of the Philippine uplands, we demonstrate that as speculative conservation unfolds and manifests within and beyond these landscapes, it endeavours to revalue nature monetarily in ways that help reorganise labour and capital in an effort to overcome the exhaustion of capital wrought by rupture. We propose that during moments of rupture speculative conservation coproduces value from ruin by renewing and preserving capital flows.
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Bowman, Andrew. "Financialization and the extractive industries: The case of South African platinum mining." Competition & Change 22, no. 4 (July 12, 2018): 388–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024529418785611.
Abstract:
This paper examines the impacts of financialization on corporate strategy in the extractive industries with a case study of South African platinum mining during the first two decades after apartheid. Drawing on insights from literature on financialization of the firm, the paper examines how intensified shareholder value pressures shaped strategy at major platinum mining companies during the long commodities boom of the 2000s and subsequent slump from 2009. The paper argues that financialization exacerbates the already intense cyclical volatility of the extractive industries. Efforts to fulfil narratives of shareholder value delivery during the boom manifested in large dividend distribution, gearing of balance sheets and aggressive outlays on capacity expansion and mergers and acquisition activity to demonstrate to the market an ambitious pipeline of growth projects. The result was financial fragility and excess capacity which has exacerbated the impact of the slump in subsequent years with severe social consequences. Distributional contest between management and organized labour has intensified as management has sought to restore internationally competitive rates of return on capital. The paper argues financialization of the firm in mining creates particularly acute distributional contestation and instability, due to the contradictions between the powerful abstractive tendencies of financialized capitalism and the social embeddedness of mining as a landed industry. The analysis has broader implications for the study of the extractive industries and development, and the political economy of post-apartheid South Africa.
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Алпатова, Э. С. "IS THERE ECONOMIC GROWTH IN RUSSIA?" Vestnik of Russian New University. Series "Man and society", no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18137/rnu.v9276.22.01.p.003.
Abstract:
Рассматривается вопрос о наличии и качестве экономического роста в России. Показано, что за прошедшее десятилетие экономика уменьшилась в абсолютном выражении. Сформирована тупиковая сырьевая модель преимущественно экстенсивного типа, нацеленная на извлечение природной ренты в интересах узкого круга властных элит. Доказывается, что для перехода к инновационно-конкурентной модели, основанной на человеческом капитале и высокотехнологичном бизнесе, необходимо наличие политической воли для замены экстрактивных политических и экономических институтов на инклюзивные. The article examines the availability and quality of economic growth in Russia. It shows that the economy has shrunk in absolute terms over the past decade. A dead-end raw material model of predominantly extensive type, aimed at extracting naturalrents in the interests of a narrow circle of powerelites, has been formed. It is argued that the political will to replace extractive political and economic institutions with inclusive ones is necessary for the transition to an innovative and competitive model based on human capital and high-tech business.