Academic literature on the topic 'Expositions internationales – France – 1800-'

À ce jour, les normes internationales de radioprotection sont essentiellement basées sur les connaissances des effets sanitaires des rayonnements ionisants issues des études de cohortes de survivants des bombardements atomiques d’Hiroshima et de Nagasaki, qui ont subi des irradiations par voie externe à forts débits de doses. Or, les expositions aux rayonnements ionisants survenant en population générale et chez certains travailleurs correspondent généralement à de faibles doses, cumulées de manière prolongée dans le temps. Ces expositions peuvent avoir lieu par irradiation externe mais aussi par contamination interne. Les études épidémiologiques chez les travailleurs du nucléaire permettent notamment de mieux caractériser les effets de ces conditions d’expositions. Elles permettent ainsi d’évaluer l’adéquation des normes de radioprotection pour protéger les travailleurs, mais également la population générale adulte, contre les risques de cancer. Par ailleurs, elles permettent d’aborder de nouveaux questionnements de recherche en radioprotection, comme les potentiels effets non cancéreux. Enfin, ces études fournissent un bilan de santé général des populations de travailleurs du nucléaire. Cet article propose une vue d’ensemble des recherches épidémiologiques menées par l’Institut de Radioprotection et de Sûreté Nucléaire (IRSN) chez les travailleurs du cycle électronucléaire en France. Il dresse également quelques perspectives de développements possibles de ces recherches.

Deyrolle est le nom d’une grande famille de naturalistes du xixe siècle qui nous est familier, mais n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une étude sur ses activités et ses apports aux sciences de la nature. Et pourtant, sur trois générations, les membres de cette famille nous donnent une large vision du milieu des naturalistes au xixe siècle. En premier lieu nous parlerons de Jean-Baptiste Deyrolle et de trois de ses fils : Achille, Narcisse et Henri, puis des trois enfants d’Achille : Hortense, Émile et Théophile. Il est parfois difficile de distinguer les activités de chacun tant ils sont complémentaires. Tour à tour explorateurs, marchands naturalistes, collectionneurs, savants, éditeurs, illustrateurs, vulgarisateurs, ils ont été des acteurs influents du milieu naturaliste à Paris au xixe siècle. Quatre d’entre eux sont partis explorer des régions lointaines (Brésil méridional, Gabon, Caucase et Anatolie orientale) encore très mal connues des européens, dans le but d’inventorier le monde vivant et d’en rapporter des spécimens de la faune et de la flore. Ils ont été actifs dans diverses sociétés savantes naturalistes et ont contribué aux tentatives d’acclimatation en France de nouvelles espèces végétales et animales. Par leurs activités de taxidermie et de préparation d’animaux exotiques, ils ont fait découvrir la faune du monde entier au grand public des musées européens. Ils ont été des entomologistes reconnus, certains ont chassé, d’autres ont collectionné, vendu, échangé, expertisé, étudié, illustré, colorisé des milliers d’Insectes. Ils ont joué un rôle majeur dans la constitution de collections entomologiques patrimoniales et ont laissé une empreinte forte dans la taxonomie entomologique. Ils se sont aussi intéressés à l’entomologie appliquée et se sont impliqués dans de grandes causes nationales comme la lutte contre la destruction des cultures par le Doryphore et l’introduction de nouvelles espèces de vers à soie pour sauver la sériciculture. Ils ont dominé le marché parisien pour tout ce qui concernait l’Histoire naturelle, ils ont œuvré pour fournir les établissements scientifiques en spécimens divers et rares, élaborer des outils et des produits afin de répondre aux besoins des collectionneurs amateurs et professionnels. Ils se sont même investis dans la mode de leur temps en confectionnant des parures en plumes pour chapeaux et des bijoux en Insectes. Ils ont été lauréats de grandes manifestations internationales, notamment des Expositions universelles qui ont marqué leur siècle. En éditant des revues et des ouvrages de vulgarisation, en créant des tableaux pédagogiques pour les établissements scolaires, ils ont initié des générations d’écoliers à la connaissance de la nature. Au service de la science et de l’enseignement de la nature, ils ont occupé une place centrale dans l’édition naturaliste et la diffusion des connaissances.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. A truly comprehensive account of wine authenticity remains to be written.ReferencesAnderson, Kym, David Norman, and Glyn Wittwer. “Globalization and the World’s Wine Markets: Overview.” Discussion Paper No. 0143, Centre for International Economic Studies. Adelaide: U of Adelaide, 2001.Barham, Elizabeth. “Translating Terroir: The Global Challenge of French AOC Labelling.” Journal of Rural Studies 19 (2003): 127–38.Beverland, Michael B. “Crafting Brand Authenticity: The Case of Luxury Wines.” Journal of Management Studies 42.5 (2005): 1003–29.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London: Routledge, 1992.Brabazon, Tara. “Colonial Control or Terroir Tourism? The Case of Houghton’s White Burgundy.” Human Geographies 8.2 (2014): 17–33.Cohen, Erik. “Authenticity and Commoditization in Tourism.” Annals of Tourism Research 15.3 (1988): 371–86.DeSoucey, Michaela. “Gastronationalism: Food Traditions and Authenticity Politics in the European Union.” American Sociological Review 75.3 (2010): 432–55.Duguid, Paul. “Developing the Brand: The Case of Alcohol, 1800–1880.” Enterprise and Society 4.3 (2003): 405–41.Fine, Gary A. “Crafting Authenticity: The Validation of Identity in Self-Taught Art.” Theory and Society 32.2 (2003): 153–80.Grahm, Randall. “The Soul of Wine: Digging for Meaning.” Wine and Philosophy: A Symposium on Thinking and Drinking. Ed. Fritz Allhoff. Oxford: Blackwell, 2008. 219–24.Guy, Kolleen M. When Champagne Became French: Wine and the Making of a National Identity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2003.Hennion, Antoine. “The Things That Bind Us Together.”Cultural Sociology 1.1 (2007): 65–85.Kopytoff, Igor. “The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as a Process." The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Ed. Arjun Appadurai. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1986. 64–91.Laferté, Gilles. “End or Invention of Terroirs? Regionalism in the Marketing of French Luxury Goods: The Example of Burgundy Wines in the Inter-War Years.” Working Paper, Centre d’Economie et Sociologie Appliquées a l’Agriculture et aux Espaces Ruraux, Dijon.Latour, Bruno. We Have Never Been Modern. Harvard: Harvard UP, 1993.Lu, Shun and Gary A. Fine. “The Presentation of Ethnic Authenticity: Chinese Food as a Social Accomplishment.” The Sociological Quarterly 36.3 (1995): 535–53.Marks, Denton. “Competitiveness and the Market for Central and Eastern European Wines: A Cultural Good in the Global Wine Market.” Journal of Wine Research 22.3 (2011): 245–63.Murray, Warwick E. and John Overton. “Defining Regions: The Making of Places in the New Zealand Wine Industry.” Australian Geographer 42.4 (2011): 419–33.Overton, John. “The Consumption of Space: Land, Capital and Place in the New Zealand Wine Industry.” Geoforum 41.5 (2010): 752–62.Paxson, Heather. “Locating Value in Artisan Cheese: Reverse Engineering Terroir for New-World Landscapes.” American Anthropologist 112.3 (2010): 444–57.Peterson, Richard A. Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2000.———. “In Search of Authenticity.” Journal of Management Studies 42.5 (2005): 1083–98.Polanyi, Karl. The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press, 1957.Robertson, Roland, and David Inglis. “The Global Animus: In the Tracks of World Consciousness.” Globalizations 1.1 (2006): 72–92.Smith Maguire, Jennifer. “Provenance and the Liminality of Production and Consumption: The Case of Wine Promoters.” Marketing Theory 10.3 (2010): 269–82.Trubek, Amy. The Taste of Place: A Cultural Journey into Terroir. Los Angeles: U of California P, 2008.Ulin, Robert C. “Invention and Representation as Cultural Capital.” American Anthropologist 97.3 (1995): 519–27.Vannini, Phillip, and Patrick J. Williams. Authenticity in Culture, Self and Society. Farnham: Ashgate, 2009.Wengrow, David. “Prehistories of Commodity Branding.” Current Anthropology 49.1 (2008): 7–34.Zolberg, Vera and Joni Maya Cherbo. Outsider Art: Contesting Boundaries in Contemporary Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.

À leur apogée, les Expositions universelles ou internationales, marques des processus de mondialisation et de modernisation, ne manquaient pas une participation chinoise de multi-forme et multi-niveau dans le principal pays organisateur, la France. L’étude de la présence chinoise suit chronologiquement ces grandes manifestations déroulées à Paris, cas par cas, durant près d’un siècle. Les représentations traitées évoluaient avec le temps, selon le contexte international, la relation franco-chinoise et le régime politique. La question d’éclairer les faits et de préciser les limites de la place de ce pays aux Expositions universelles françaises se situe à l’origine de la présente étude. À la fin de la dynastie, des Douanes maritimes impériales sous la direction des étrangers influençaient fortement les procédures d’organisation. Témoins de la mutation de la vie économique, des pavillons nationaux à Paris dévoilaient tant le déséquilibre de la répartition géographique de commerce que la disparité de la structure industrielle dans ce pays. De manière parallèle, des manifestations culturelles et artistiques présentaient une continuité survivant aux changements. De plus, l’analyse de ces participations permet d’examiner l’éventuelle capacité de se présenter sur l’échiquier international, ainsi que d’évaluer de premiers efforts d’industrialisation chinoise. Cette thèse a pour ambition de dresser un bilan des participations chinoises en France, afin de contribuer à l’un des aspects de l’histoire des expositions de la Chine moderne
In their heyday, the World’s fairs, landmarks of the processes of globalization and modernization, did not lack a Chinese participation of multiform and multi-level in the main organizing country, France. The study of the Chinese presence follows chronologically these great events held in Paris, case by case, for nearly a century. The representations treated evolved with time, according to the international context, the Franco-Chinese relationship and the political regime. The question of clarifying the facts and specifying the limits of the place of this country in the French World’s fairs is the origin of the present study. At the end of the dynasty, imperial maritime customs under the direction of foreigners strongly influenced the organizational procedures. Witnessing the mutation of economic life, national pavilions in Paris revealed both the imbalance of the geographical distribution of trade and the disparity of the industrial structure in this country. At the same time, cultural and artistic events presented a continuity that survived the changes. Moreover, the analysis of these participations allows us to examine the possible capacity to present itself on the international scene, as well as to evaluate the first efforts of Chinese industrialization. This thesis aims to draw up an assessment of Chinese participations in France, in order to contribute to one aspect of the history of exhibitions in modern China

Les Mellerio sont des joailliers français originaires d’Italie. Leurs ancêtres ont bénéficié du privilège de "porter et vendre du cristal taillé, de la quincaillerie et autres menues marchandises" dans tout le royaume de France, en vertu d’un décret royal octroyé en 1613 par la Régente Marie de Médicis. Bien que leur commerce de petite bijouterie prospère vers la fin du XVIIIe siècle c’est au début du XIXe siècle que les Mellerio se fixent définitivement à Paris. Leur maison connaît son apogée, entre la Monarchie de Juillet et le Second Empire, tant d’un point de vue économique qu’artistique. Elle réussit non seulement à s’adapter aux tendances du jour, mais aussi à les devancer. Par l’étude de cette maison familiale, nous abordons toutes les questions relatives à l’histoire, aux catégories, techniques et modes d’élaboration des bijoux, ainsi qu’à l’évolution stylistique et aux influences artistiques des Mellerio durant la période 1830-1870 qui fut la plus révélatrice et féconde pour leur maison
The Mellerios are French jewellers originally from Italy. Thanks to the grant of a royal decree by the Regent Marie de Medici in 1613, the Mellerios ancestors benefited from the following privilege to ‘wear and sell cut crystal, ironmongery and other trinkets’ throughout the French Kingdom. Even though their small jewellery business prospered around the end of the 18th Century, it was at the start of the 19th Century that the Mellerios were fully settled in Paris. Their business reached its peak, from an economic and artistic view point, between the July Monarchy and the Second Empire. Their business succeeded not only in adapting to the fashions of the day but in setting the trends. Studying this family business leads us to touch upon all questions relative to the history, the types, techniques and methods of designing jewellery, as well as the stylistic evolution and the artistic influences of the Mellerios throughout 1830 – 1870, the most revealing and productive period for their firm

L’année 1900 marque la fin théorique du XIXe siècle, dont les dernières années se caractérisent encore trop souvent dans les esprits par l’opposition irréversible entre académisme et avant-garde. Si le premier est parfois synonyme de sclérose artistique et de peintres vieillissants, la seconde est toujours considérée de nos jours comme victime du système officiel des Beaux-Arts, ne trouvant de salut que dans les réseaux parallèles constitués par les galeries et marchands d’art. L’étude des expositions de peintures ayant eu lieu à Paris au cours de l’année 1900 tend à revenir sur ce présupposé. Les manifestations organisées relèvent de différentes structures, qu’il s’agisse de l’Exposition universelle, du Salon de la Société des Artistes français ou des marchands d’art indépendants néanmoins, toutefois l’analyse approfondie du mode de fonctionnement et du contenu des expositions permet de mettre en lumière les différentes passerelles qui existent à la fin du siècle entre la sphère officielle et la sphère mercantile. C’est donc en confrontant l’intégralité des expositions ayant eu lieu dans la capitale au cours de l’année 1900 que cette thèse propose de rendre compte de la complexité du monde artistique parisien à cette époque, des multiples facettes de l’école picturale française, et surtout de la perméabilité entre académisme, modernité et avant-garde
The year 1900 marks the theoretical end of the 19th century, the last years of which still too often translate in people’s mind to irreversibly opposing Academism and Avant-garde. While the first one is sometimes synonymous of artistic sclerosis and ageing painters, the latter is still considered nowadays as a victim of the Fine Arts official system, finding its salvation only in parallel networks operated by galleries and art dealers. The study of painting exhibitions which took place in Paris during the year 1900 tends to go back on this presupposition. The shows are put together by different structures such as the Universal Exposition, the Salon of the Société des Artistes français or independent art dealers, yet a thorough analysis of their organization and content brings to light the various footbridges that exist between the official and the mercantile spheres at the turn of the century. It is thus by confronting the entirety of the Parisian painting exhibitions in the year 1900 that this thesis offers to render the complexity of the Parisian artistic world of the time, the multiple faces taken on by the pictorial French school, and above all the permeability between Academism, modernity and Avant-garde

Le XIXe siècle voit la marbrerie se mécaniser et le transfert des techniques se réaliser dans ces métiers grâce aux expositions nationales des produits de l’industrie et aux expositions universelles. L’objectif de cette thèse est de montrer par l’étude de deux registres d’archives originaux et inédits que les réseaux commerciaux mis en place au XVIIIe siècle par une famille de marbriers de Rance, en Hainaut belge, perdurent au XIXe siècle à travers une production marbrière spécialisée dans la cheminée monumentale, qui s’est développée grâce à l’évolution des techniques et des transports. Nous proposons également une ébauche de dictionnaire prosopographique des marbriers relevés dans les rapports des expositions nationales et universelles, ainsi que des hommes clé ayant fait évoluer les techniques dans la marbrerie du XIXe siècle.Mots-clés : marbrerie, techniques, expositions, archives, cheminée, dictionnaire, hommes clé
During the XIXth century, marble-working became increasingly mechanised and technical transfers took place in the various crafts, thanks to national industrial exhibitions and to international expositions. This thesis aims to demonstrate, by the examination of two registers of original records, hitherto unpublished, that the trade networks established in the XVIIIth century by a family of marble-workers from Rance, in the Belgian province of Hainault, continued into the XIXth century with specialisation in producing monumental marble chimney-pieces, thanks to the development of techniques and methods of transport. We also propose an outline of a prosopographic dictionary of marble-workers, derived from reports of national and universal expositions, and of the key figures who influenced the development of marble-working techniques in the XIXth century.Key-words : marble-working, techniques, expositions, records, chimney-piece, dictionary, key figures

Au cours des quarante premieres annees du xxʿ siecle, differents espaces sceniques francais (theatres, music-halls, expositions universelles et coloniales) ont accueilli des danseurs venus d'asie, d'afrique, d'orient ou d'amerique et ont permis a un vaste public de decouvrir des formes choregraphiques et gestuelles nouvelles, resolument differentes des codes de la danse academique occidentale. Dans un contexte d'apogee coloniale et de progres industriel, ces danses exotiques constituerent une veritable curiosite et susciterent un formidable engouement, tant chez les spectateurs que chez les danseurs qui s'investirent de maniere plus ou moins approfondie dans leur pratique. A partir des itineraires de chacun des artistes exotiques, cette etude se propose de retracer l'histoire de la decouverte sur le sol francais des danses exotiques, qu'elles soient theatrales ou sociales. Elle en exposera les modalites, degagera les problematiques liees au processus de delocalisation/ relocalisation de formes choregraphico-culturelles, analysera les discours produits a l'occasion de cette rencontre et mesurera enfin son impact sur les pratiques sociales et artistiques de danse
During the first forty years of the xx0 century, various french show halls (theatre, variety, universal and colonial exhibitions) welcomed asian, african, oriental and american dancers and allowed a large audience to discover new choregraphic and gestural forms, resolutly different from the codes of the western academic dance. In a context of colonial apogee and industrial progress, these exotic dances became a real source of interest and a lot of passion resulted from this new trend, both for the public and for the dancers who were involved more or less deeply in their practice. Starting from each exotic artist's itinerary, the purpose of this study is to show the history of the discovery of exotic dances, social or theatrical, in france. It will look at the various stages of this discovery, will high light the issue about the process of transfer / adaptation of cultural and choregraphic forms. I will also analyse the speechs made at that time and will assess the impact of this new current on social and artistic dance practices

Le but principal de cette thèse est d’analyser la façon dont le japonisme s’est construit en France durant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle et quelle trace il a laissé dans l’histoire de l’art occidental, sous l’hypothèse selon laquelle ce n’était pas une contingence, mais plutôt une nécessité dans la causalité historique et artistique, autrement dit, ce que la France cherchait dans l'art japonais et ce qu’elle possédait déjà. II y a très longtemps que l’Occidental rêvait de l’Orient. Nous ne pensons pas nous tromper en affirmant que le japonisme était un phénomène exotique ayant démontré que l’Orient et l’Occident s’attiraient mutuellement bien qu’ils soient opposées sur beaucoup de plans. Le japonisme s’est construit grâce à une diffusion officielle de l’image du pays lors des Expositions Universelles. Nous verrons donc par quelle stratégie politique le Japon s’est attaché à cette diffusion et ce qu’il a exposé. "L’art populaire" et "la relation à la vie quotidienne" de ce pays ont amené un grand enthousiasme chez les Français. Ainsi, nous nous concentrerons sur la façon dont ceux-ci ont réagi face à l’art japonais en suivant fidèlement l’écriture des critiques d’art, particuilièrement celles d’Ernest Chesneau et des frères Goncourt, personnages à l’esprit moderne et révolutionnaire. De plus, nous analyserons la façon dont l’art français fut influencé par l’art japonais pour se transformer à travers trois grands artistes, à savoir, Toulouse-Lautrec, Paul Gauguin et Henri Matisse
The principal objective of this thesis is to analyse the way in which Japonisme constructs itself in France from 1850s to 1900. The thesis also examines the traces that Japonisme has left in the history of Occidental art, with the hypothesis that such a phenomenon is not contingent: rather, Japonisine is a necessity in historical and artistic development. In other words, it is a product of what the French sought in the Japanese art : the traits that French art itself had already possessed. It bas been a long time since the Occident dreamt of the Oriental. One cannot be deceived by the affirmation that Japonisme was merely an exotic occurrence, having demonstrated that the Oriental and the Occident were mutually attracted even though they were conflicting in several respects. The officiai propagation of the country's image during the Universal Expositions had made possible the fabrication of Japonisine. One will thus understand the political strategy that Japan had attached to such circulation, and how it had exhibited an image of itself. Japanese traditional art and its relation to the quotidian brought forth much French enthusiasm. As such, the thesis will study the way in which such enthusiasm responded to Japanese art, expounding on the writings of art critics, in particular Ernest Chesneau and the Goncourt brothers. Furthermore, the thesis analyses the way in which French art was influenced and transformed by Japanese art in the works of three prominent artists. Namely Toulouse-Lautrec, Paul Gauguin and Henri Matisse

L'exposition universelle de 1867 à Paris permet d'examiner l'engouement français pour les expositions. Plusieurs groupes encouragent leur multiplication: les industriels, pour raison de stratégie commerciale; le gouvernement, après le traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1860, pour promouvoir sa politique économique; les élites, pour améliorer l'esthétique industrielle et renforcer la formation professionnelle. Frédéric Le Play, à la tête de la Commission impériale, met son expérience au service de l'organisation et fait apparaître des évolutions majeures: pavillons; ouverture à la question sociale; plus grande autonomie des exposants; développement du gigantisme et du spectacle. L'organisation est un succès; les résultats en sont plus ambigus. L'industrie française se modernise et domine toujours le secteur des arts industriels. Mais les progrès américains et allemands sont réels. Les idées sociales (patronage) rencontrent peu d'écho auprès des ouvriers
The 1867 world fair of Paris permitted to study a certain French craze towards industrial exhibitions. The following groups contributed to the event: industrials - for commercial and strategic reasons, the Government - promoting its economic policy subsequently to the free trade agreement of 1860 between Great Britain and France, the elite -intending to improve product designs and reinforce professional training. The organisation benefited from the experience of Frederic Le Play, head of the Imperial Commission, who contributed to major evolutions. These included pavilions, greater autonomy for exhibitors, working class concerns and the advent of large scale entertainment. The exhibition was an organisational success with mixed results. The French industry had been modernised and France was always the leading nation in arts and crafts. Nevertheless the USA and German states had shown to make rapid progress; Socil concerns of the paternalists had sadely little impact on workers

Incorporating over 250 illustrations, this is the first comprehensive study in English of French artist and caricaturist George Ferdinand Bigot (1860-1927) who, during the last two decades of the nineteenth century, was renowned in Japan but barely known in his own country. Even today, examples of his cartoons appear in Japanese school textbooks. Inspired by what he saw of Japanese culture and way of life at the Paris Exposition Universelle in 1878, Bigot managed to find his way to Japan in 1882 and immediately set about developing his career as an artist working in pen and ink, watercolours and oils. He also quickly exploited his talent as a highly skilled sketch artist and cartoonist. His output was prodigious and included regular commissions from <i>The Graphic</i> and various Japanese as well as French journals. He left Japan in 1899, never to return. The volume includes a full introduction of the life, work and artistry of Bigot by Christian Polak, together with an essay by Hugh Cortazzi on Charles Wirgman, publisher of Japan <i>Punch</i>. Wirgman was Bigot’s ‘predecessor’ and friend (he launched his own satirical magazine in 1887, the year Japan <i>Punch</i> closed). <br><br><i>Georges Bigot and Japan</i> also makes a valuable contribution to Meiji studies and the history of both Franco- and Anglo-Japanese relations, as well as the role of art in modern international relations.