To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Experimental Phonetics and Phonology.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Experimental Phonetics and Phonology'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Experimental Phonetics and Phonology.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Andrade, Wallace Costa de. "A nasalização na língua Dâw." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-02102014-180633/.
Full textAbstract:
Consoantes oclusivas sonoras e nasais apresentam similaridades articulatórias. Estes grupos de fones, em algumas línguas indígenas brasileiras, são alofones de um mesmo fonema. Nesses sistemas, há alofones intermediários que apresentam contorno oral-nasal. A língua Dâw, embora descrita com fonemas distintos para as classes oclusivas e nasais, apresenta consoantes de contorno como alofones em situação muito restrita: coda seguindo vogal oral. Este trabalho tem como objetivo descrever e analisar os contextos de nasalização da língua Dâw, através da elicitação de dados originais. Foram realizados três trabalhos de campo, nos quais fizemos gravações de dados com falantes nativos. Obtivemos dados acústicos, através de gravadores digitais, e aerodinâmicos, através do equipamento EVA2 que apresenta transdutores diferenciados para a medição de fluxo de ar oral e nasal. Utilizamos o conceito de distribuição para analisar os dados obtidos, devido à ausência de pares mínimos, pois a língua é tipologicamente isolante-analítica. Corroboramos a descrição anteriormente realizada (Martins, 2004) sobre a categorização de nasais como fonemas distintos, tanto consonantais como vocálicos. Verificamos também a ocorrência de espalhamento de nasalização de aproximantes tautossilábicas a partir de vogais nasais, como descrito, e acrescentamos à descrição o processo de espalhamento para a fricativa glotal surda /h/ quando esta se encontra na mesma sílaba que uma vogal nasal. Conseguimos determinar que o ambiente prosódico de espalhamento de nasalização é a sílaba, já que esse fenômeno não ocorre entre sílabas. Analisamos também se o contorno oral de consoantes nasais poderia ser um processo de longo alcance. Entretanto, os dados demonstraram seu alcance local, também restrito à estrutura da sílaba. As consoantes nasais de contorno oral resgatam, possivelmente, um estado antigo da língua, que pode ser verificado nas línguas-irmãs Hup e Yuhup, de restrição a adjacências mistas oral e nasal. Por ocorrer somente em posição de coda, atribuímos que o contato com o português-brasileiro (PB) manteve esse alofone nesta posição, pois no PB ocorre espalhamento de nasalização regressivo, o que seria indesejável para a língua Dâw, que possui distinção fonêmica entre vogais orais e nasais. Essa dessincronização do gesto velar causa o contorno devido às similaridades articulatórias entre oclusivas sonoras e nasais. Houve, ainda, dados em que a aerodinâmica não correspondeu à percepção acústica, ou seja, escutamos uma nasalização, mas não havia fluxo de ar correspondente. Achamos que essa discrepância deve-se a alguma manobra articulatória não compreendida. Quanto aos processos analisados através do método da Fonologia Prosódica, concluímos que ambos os processos não ocorrem em constituintes prosódicos hierarquicamente superioresStop voiced and nasal consonants have articulatory similarities. In some indigenous Brazilian languages, these groups of phones are allophones of the same phoneme. In such systems, there are intermediary allophones that have an oral-nasal contour. Dâw language, although described with distinct phonemes for the stop and nasal classes, has contour consonants as allophones in a very restricted situation: coda after an oral vowel. This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the contexts of nasalization in Dâw language through elicitation of original data. We undertook three fieldwork studies in which we made recordings of data with native speakers. We obtained acoustic data using a digital recorder and aerodynamic data using EVA2 equipment that has separate sensitive transducers for oral and nasal airflow measurement. We used the distribution concept to analyze the data, due to the absence of minimal pairs, since the language is typologically isolating-analytic. We corroborated the previous description (Martins, 2004) on the categorization of both consonant and vowel nasals as distinct phonemes. We also noticed the occurrence of nasal spreading from approximant tautosyllabic to nasal vowels, as described, and added to the description the spreading process for the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ when it is in the same syllable as a nasal vowel. We were able to determine that the prosodic environment of the nasal spreading is the syllable, because this phenomenon does not occur between syllables. We also analyzed whether the oral contour of nasal consonants could be a long-range process. However, the data proved it to be local range, also restricted to the syllable and not the adjacency. Oral-contour nasal consonants hark back to a former state of the language, which can also be seen in its sister languages Hup and Yuhup, with the restriction of mixed oral and nasal adjacencies. As it occurs only in the coda, we attribute the fact that this allophone has maintained this position due to contact with Brazilian Portuguese (BP), because regressive nasal spreading occurs in BP, which would be undesirable for Dâw language, which has phonemic distinction between oral and nasal vowels. This desynchronization of the velar gesture causes the contour due to articulatory similarities between stop voiced and nasal consonants. There were data where the aerodynamics did not match the acoustics, i.e., we heard nasalization, but there was no corresponding nasal airflow. We believe that this discrepancy is due to some articulatory maneuver that is not understood. As regards processes analyzed by Prosodic Phonology, we concluded that both processes do not occur in hierarchically superior prosodic constituents
2
Wiswall, Wendy Jeanne. "Partial vowel harmonies as evidence for a Height Node." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185697.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation I examine partial vowel assimilations, where more than one but less than all vowel features pattern together in a phonological rule. The result of this dissertation research is the 'Height Node Geometry'. The particular innovation this geometry makes is to group the height features ( (high) and (low)) under a separate Height Node, as opposed to having the height features report to the Dorsal Node or the Place Node. Motivation for the Height Node Geometry comes from analyses of several phonological processes. First, removing the height features from under the Dorsal Node and the Place Node facilitates a more natural explanation for reduplication in the Petit Diboum dialect of Fe?fe?-Bamileke. Second, placing the height features above the Place Node but still directly or indirectly under the Supralaryngeal Node provides an account for Tunica partial translaryngeal harmony. Finally, vowel harmony in Ewe involves spreading of (+high) and (+low) in the same environment, arguing for a simpler rule of node spread; hence, I propose that the height features stem from a separate Height Node, instead of directly to the Supralaryngeal Node.
3
Pinnow, Eleni. "The role of probabilistic phonotactics in the recognition of reduced pseudowords." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
Find full text
4
Dumay, Nicolas. "Rôle des indices acoustico-phonétiques dans la segmentation lexicale: études sur le français." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210753.
Full text
5
Demasi, Rita de Cassia. "Dynamic modeling of the velopharyngeal trajectory in Brazilian Portuguese nasal diphthongs." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PA030024.
Full textAbstract:
L'objectif de cette recherche doctorale est de comprendre, d'in point de qu'expérimental, les caractéristiques de la production de la diphtongue nasale postérieure et de la voyelle antérieure nasale en portugais brésilien à l'aide d'analyses phonétiques et phonologiques. La nasalisation de la voix est affectée par un processus phonetique appelé diphtongaison nasale. Ce processus allophonique est un phénomène qui modifie la qualité des voyelles et des diphtongues nasales. Pour démontrer ce phénomène, nous comparerons la prononciation de la diphtongue « ão » [ãw̃] et de phone équivalent oral « au » [aw]. De même manière, nous comparerons la production de la voyelle nasale diphtonguée / ẽ /, produite comme [ẽj̃], avec la production de la diphtongue orale [ej]. Nous avons créé un corpus de 20 mots répétés trois fois par des locuteurs natifs du dialecte de São Paulo. Pour présenter les caractéristiques générales de la production de la voyelle nasale et de la diphtongue nasale et leurs mécanismes articulatoires, nous avons construit des études aérodynamiques, d'imagerie et articulatoires. Cette étude comprend une étude aérodynamique (pneumotachographe), une étude d'électro-articulographe 2D (articulographe électromagnétique sagittal médian) et une étude de fibroscope nasal. Les résultats généraux suggèrent que la diphtongaison nasale est un phénomène consonantique coarticulatoire d'assimilation gestuelle. Ceci est interprété comme une occurrence des consonnes nasales non spécifiées, appelées de semi-voyelles/semi-consonnes nasales, résultant du contexte de l'émergence d'appendices nasaux. Ce processus altère la qualité de la résonance en raison de l'influence des mouvements de la langue associés à la descente et à la fermeture du vélum. Ainsi, la synchronisation des mouvements de la langue avec celui du voile du palais, se traduisent par des semi-voyelles/semi-consonnes nasales, dont les résonances se propagent, en générant l'appendice nasal et le processus de nasalisation. Selon le degré d'articulation des voyelles nasales, il peut y avoir une constriction vélaire ou palatine. De cela, nous concluons que la diphtongaison nasale modifie la géométrie du tube, la position et lieu l'articulation de la langue. Cette articulation complexe conduit à l'apparition de segments vocaliques. L'élévation des voyelles produit une diffusion d'une semi-voyelle/ semi-consonne, l'émergence d'appendices nasaux homorganiques, rendant le segment sonore plus consonantique. À partir de ces résultats, nous pouvons considérer que la diphtongaison nasale est un phénomène transitionnel qui joue un rôle phonétique pour renforcer la perceptionThe aim of this Ph.D. research consists of using phonetic and phonological analysis to understand the features of the production of nasal diphthong and front nasal vowel production in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) via an experimental methodology. Nasalization of the speech sound, in this specific case, undergoes a phonetic process called nasal diphthongization. This allophonic process is a phenomenon that changes the quality of vowels and nasal diphthongs. To demonstrate this phenomenon, we compare the pronunciation of the diphthong ‘ão’ [ãw̃] and its oral counterpart ‘au’ [aw]. Similarly, we consider the production of the diphthongized nasal vowel /ẽ/, which is produced as [ẽj̃], and the production of the oral diphthong [ej]. This study consists of an aerodynamic study (pneumotachograph), an electro-articulography 2D (electromagnetic midsagittal articulography) study and a nasal fiberscope study. We created a corpus of 20 words repeated three times by native São Paulo dialect speakers. General results suggest that nasal diphthongs are a co-articulatory phenomenon involving gestural assimilation leading to unspecified nasal consonant, called nasal glides. This phenomenon is also associated with the formation of nasal appendix. This articulatory process changes the quality of the resonance under the influence of tongues movements associated with the velum opening and closing.Consequently, synchronization of tongue movement with soft palate movement causes nasal gliding, which propagates its resonance and creates nasal appendix. Depending on the degree of co-articulation of the nasal vowels, a velar or palatal constriction may emerge. From this, we conclude that nasal diphthongization changes the vocal tract’s geometry, not only the shape of the vocal tract, but also the position and type of tongue articulation. This complex articulation leads to the emergence of a narrowed vowel segments that make the sound more consonant-like. From these results, we can consider that nasal diphthongization is a transitional phenomenon that plays a phonetic role to amplify the perception
O objetivo desta pesquisa de doutorado é o uso da análise Fonética e Fonológica para compreender as características de produção dos ditongos nasais e da vogal anterior nasal no português brasileiro, a partir de um viés experimental. No dialeto Paulistano, a nasalização vocálica passa por um processo fonológico denominado ditongação nasal. Esse processo alofônico é um fenômeno que pode alterar a qualidade das vogais e dos ditongos nasais. Para demonstrar esse fenômeno, compararemos a produção do ditongo “ão” [ãw̃] e sua contraparte oral “au” [aw]. Da mesma forma, compararemos a produção da vogal nasal ditongada / ẽ /, produzida como [ẽj̃], com o ditongo oral [ej]. Montamos um corpus com vinte palavras que foram repetidas três vezes, por falantes nativos do dialeto Paulistano. Para apresentarmos as características gerais da produção da vogal nasal e do ditongo nasal, bem como seus mecanismos articulatórios, estabelecemos um estudo aerodinâmico, um estudo de imagem e um estudo articulatório. Esta pesquisa contém um estudo aerodinâmico (pneumatógrafo), um estudo eletro-articulógrafo 2D (articulógrafo eletromagnético mediano sagital) e um estudo com um naso-fibroscópio. Os resultados gerais sugerem que a ditongação nasal é um fenômeno co-articulatório de assimilação gestual resultante do surgimento de uma consoante nasal não especificada, chamada de glide nasal, associada ao contexto e ao surgimento do apêndice nasal. Esse processo altera a qualidade das ressonâncias, devido à influência do movimento da língua associado ao abaixamento e fechamento do velum. Consequentemente, o movimento da língua e sua sincronização com o movimento do véu palatino resultam no surgimento da glide nasal que espalha suas ressonâncias gerando o apêndice nasal. Dependendo do grau de coarticulação da vogal nasal, uma constrição velar ou palatina pode surgir. Assim, concluímos que a ditongação nasal altera a geometria do trato, o ponto e o modo de articulação da língua. Essa articulação complexa resulta no surgimento de um segmento vocálico constrito e o alçamento vocálico produz a propagação da glide, bem como o surgimento do apêndice nasal homorgânico, tornando o som mais consonantal. A partir desses resultados, podemos considerar que a ditongação nasal é um fenômeno de transição que desempenha um papel fonético para intensificar a percepção
6
Rosenthall, Samuel. "The phonology of nasal-obstruent sequences /." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59291.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis presents an analysis of the phonological processes that affect contiguous nasal and obstruent segments. These phonological processes include voice, manner and place assimilation as well as deletion and coalescence. The goal of this thesis is to account for these seemingly disparate processes by introducing universal constraints on the representation of segments in non-linear phonology. Deriving these processes from the principles of a theory of representation is beneficial because such an analysis is not possible in a theory that appeals only to rules. The result is a theory of phonology with greater explanatory adequacy than a theory that relies on rules.Chapter 1 contains a review of the history of the representation of segments and the representation of assimilation as well as a discussion of the theoretical assumptions used throughout the thesis. Chapter 2 contains a discussion of the phonological processes as they occur during the formation of prenasalized consonants. These processes are shown to be triggered by the representation of prenasalized consonants and a theory of underspecification. Chapter 3 proposes an analysis of the universal characteristics of nasal-obstruent place assimilation which is then extended to explain some universal properties of consonantal assimilation in general.
7
Foday-Ngongou, Tamba Septimus. "The phonetics and phonology of Kono." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407563.
Full text
8
Ao, Benjamin Xiaoping. "Phonetics and phonology of Nantong Chinese." Connect to this title online, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1105384417.
Full text
9
Dilley, Laura Christine 1974. "The phonetics and phonology of tonal systems." Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/22392.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)—Harvard University-MIT Division of Health Sciences and Technology, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148).
This electronic version was scanned from a copy of the thesis on file at the Speech Communication Group. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
10
Asu, Eva Liina. "The phonetics and phonology of Estonian intonation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284035.
Full text
11
Jun, Sun-Ah. "The Phonetics and Phonology of Korean Prosody." Connect to resource, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220465077.
Full text
12
Sarvestani, Karl Reza. "Aspects of Sgaw Karen Phonology and Phonetics." Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10930871.
Full textAbstract:
The Sgaw Karen language remains underdocumented and underdescribed; this dissertation attempts to contribute to the understanding of Sgaw Karen phonetics and phonology by examining a variety spoken within a refugee community n Buffalo, New York. It includes an anlysis of the segmental and tonal inventories and relates these findings to previously published analyses of other Sgaw Karen varieties. Special attention is paid to the acoustic phonetics of the tone system, with particular regard to the role played by voice quality.
13
Tang, Katrina Elizabeth. "The phonology and phonetics of consonant-tone interaction." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1666396531&sid=13&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
14
Muller, Jennifer S. "The Phonology and Phonetics of Word-Initial Geminates." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364226371.
Full text
15
Pennington, Mark. "The phonetics and phonology of glottal manner features." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3202900.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Linguistics, 2005.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 10, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0167. Adviser: Robert F. Port.
16
Taff, Alice. "Phonetics and phonology of Unangan (Eastern Aleut) intonation /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8367.
Full text
17
Gooden, Shelome A. "The phonology and phonetics of Jamaican Creole reduplication." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1070485686.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xxiv, 297 p. ; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-297).
18
Bird, Sonya F. "The phonetics and phonology of Lheidli intervocalic consonants." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280137.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the phonetics and phonology of intervocalic consonants in Lheidli, a dialect of Dakelh (Carrier) Athapaskan spoken in the interior of British Columbia. Through a series of studies on Lheidli, I show quantitatively what has previously been noted impressionistically in the Athapaskan literature: intervocalic consonants are remarkably long. The implication of these consonants for the structure of Lheidli is approached from two perspectives. First, I investigate their role from a purely phonetic approach, focusing on their effect on the perceived rhythmic structure of Lheidli. I propose a new model of rhythm, the Enhancement/Inhibition model, in which the perception of rhythm is created by the interplay between primary and secondary correlates of rhythm. Within the proposed model, the Lheidli data show that one of the important secondary correlates is inherent segmental duration, an element that has not yet been considered in the literature. Second, I investigate the role of intervocalic consonants from a phonological approach, focusing on their effect on syllabification. I present the results of a series of studies on the distribution of vowel duration and quality, the distribution of consonant duration, native speaker syllabification intuitions, and the interaction between stress placement and intervocalic consonant duration. Together these studies lead me to analyze Lheidli intervocalic consonants as non-contrastive, moraic geminates. I conclude by discussing the implications of the Lheidli data for phonetic and phonological theory. I argue the duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the Lheidli grammar as part of the language-specific phonetics. Furthermore, because this duration interacts with syllabification, it is encoded in the phonology as weight. Although in Lheidli the phonetic duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the phonology as well as the grammar, I propose that not all language-specific phonetic properties are specified in the grammar. This is the case for rhythm, for example, which is an effect of other phonetic and phonological factors of the language rather than being a linguistic primitive itself.
19
Azzabou-Kacem, Soundess. "Stress shift in English rhythm rule environments : effects of prosodic boundary strength and stress clash types." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33200.
Full textAbstract:
It is well-known that the early assignment of prominence in sequences like THIRteen MEN vs. thirTEEN, (defined as the Rhythm Rule, or post-lexical stress shift), is an optional phenomenon. This dissertation examines some of the factors that encourage the application of stress shift in English and how it is phonetically realised. The aim is to answer two sets of questions related to why and how stress shift occurs in English: 1a) Does prosodic boundary strength influence stress shift? 1b) Does the adjacency of prominences above the level of the segmental string encourage stress shift? 2) How is stress shift realized? a) Is stress shift only a perceptual phenomenon? and b) Which syllables, if any, change acoustically when stress shift is perceived? To answer these questions, four experiments were designed. The first three experiments test whether the strength of the prosodic boundaries before and after the target word (e.g., canteen) influence stress shift. The effect of the strength of the left-edge prosodic boundary was investigated by comparing perceived stress patterns of the target (e.g., canteen) as produced in isolation where it is preceded by an utterance- and a phrase- initial prosodic boundary (the Isolated condition) with its rendition when embedded in a frame sentence (e.g., Say canteen again) where the left prosodic boundary before canteen is weaker (the Embedded condition). Results show a very clear tendency towards late phrasal prominence on the final accentable syllable (e.g., -teen in canteen) in the Embedded condition while in the Isolated condition this pattern appeared in less than half of the targets, showing that the stronger left boundary increased the incidence of stress shift. Two more experiments manipulated the strength of the boundary to the right of the target (#) respectively by changing the syntactic parse of the critical phrase (e.g. canteen cook) in sequences like (1) and by manipulating constituent length as in (2). Results showed that the syntactic manipulation significantly affected the strength of the prosodic boundary between the clashing words which was stronger in (1b) relative to (1a), and affected the incidence of stress shift, which was higher in (1a) relative to (1b). The length manipulation also affected the rate of stress shift, which was significantly higher in the phrase with the shorter word, e.g., soups (2a) relative to phrase with the longer word, e.g., supervisors (2b). (1) Example from the Syntax Experiment a. Who is the canteen (#) cook these days? (Pre-modifier + Noun) b. How do the canteen (#) cook these days? (NP + VP) (2) Example from the Length Experiment a. It should include the canteen (#) soups again. (Shorter constituent) b. It should include the canteen (#) supervisors again. (Longer constituent) Whilst we knew from the literature that the grouping of the clashing words within one Intonational Phrase (IP) encourages stress shift, results from the Syntax and Length experiments indicate that this (i.e., the phrasing of the clashing words within same IP) is not sufficient condition for the occurrence of stress shift, and that fine-grained degrees of boundary strength below the Intonational Phrase can drive changes in prominence pattern. The fact that higher rates of stress shift (and associated significant acoustic changes) were driven by manipulations of constituent length --for sequences with the same syntactic structure-- provides support for the idea that prosodic (rather than syntactic) boundaries directly influence stress shift. The fourth experiment tests the definition of stress clash in English in cases like fourteen candles where the two main lexical prominences are strictly adjacent along the time dimension, in fourteen canoes where the prominences are not adjacent in time, but adjacent at the higher levels of the metrical hierarchy, and in fourteen canteens where the main lexical prominences are not adjacent, and do not clash. This experiment highlighted and resolved an unacknowledged disagreement about what clash status sequences with one weak intervening syllable (e.g., fourTEEN caNOES). The fourTEEN caNOES type were shown to behave like metrically clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANdles) in attracting stress shift, and differently from the non-metrically-clashing sequences (e.g., fourteen CANTEENS) in discouraging it. These results provide empirical support for the Standard Metrical Theory (e.g. Selkirk, 1984; Nespor & Vogel, 1989) claim that 1) stress clash matters in triggering stress shift and that 2) stress clash in English is defined at the higher prosodic levels and not restricted to the level of the segmental string as indirectly assumed in a growing body of research (e.g., Vogel, Bunnel & Hoskins, 1995; Tomlinson, Liu & Fox Tree, 2014). Along with the establishment of prosodic boundary strength as one of the predictors influencing stress shift, another important contribution of the thesis is providing empirical evidence that the English Rhythm Rule is not solely a perceptual phenomenon and that it is associated with acoustic correlates. The main correlates of perceived stress shift consistently appearing across experiments is the decrease in the duration of the main lexical prominence of the target (e.g., -teen in canteen) and the increase of fundamental frequency and Sound Pressure Level peaks and on the initial syllable (e.g., canin canteen), when followed by a main clashing phrasal prominence. The acoustic analysis shows that the first accentable syllable also contributes in the perception of stress shift. This latter result does not lend support to the deletion formulation of the Rhythm Rule (Gussenhoven, 1991) which stipulates that the impressions of stress shift are solely associated with changes of prominence in the last accentable syllable of the target (e.g. -teen in canteen). Along with the determination of the acoustic correlates of perceived stress shift in English, the present research 1) indicates that fine-grained gradations of prosodic boundary strength can influence stress shift, 2) shows that while stress clash can increase the incidence of stress shift, stress shift can take place even in environments completely free of stress clash, and 3) provides evidence that stress clash should not be construed simply as the concatenation of two main lexical prominences along the time dimension.
20
Watson, Kevin. "The phonetics and phonology of plosive leniton in Liverpool." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490864.
Full text
21
Kang, Yoonjung. "The phonetics and phonology of coronal markedness and unmarkedness." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8844.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-202).
This thesis investigates place feature restrictions in oral and nasal stop consonants with a special focus on the asymmetrical behavior of coronal and noncoronal stops. Two conflicting patterns of place restriction in outputs are attested: coronal unmarkedness and coronal markedness. This thesis shows that coronal unmarkedness is truly a default pattern of place restriction. Coronal unmarkedness is not confined to specific segmental contexts or to languages with a particular inventory structure. In addition, the coronal unmarked pattern is attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis, vowel syncope and morpheme structure constraints. This follows from the context-free place markedness hierarchy proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993). These constraints can conjoin freely with any context-specific constraints. Such conjunction predicts neutralization to coronal place to be attested in any position where place contrast reduction is found. On the other hand, although coronal markedness is also attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis and morpheme structure constraints, it is found only in nonprevocalic positions and only in languages without a sub-coronal place contrast. I propose that unlike the default markedness constraint hierarchy, the reversed markedness hierarchy is projected from a perceptibility scale of place features and is therefore context-specific. I argue that a coronal stop in nonprevocalic position in a single-coronal language is perceptually less salient than noncoronal stops in corresponding positions due to a preferential weakening of tongue body articulation for coronal stops in these positions. Also discussed in this thesis is the effect of nasality of stops on the degree of place restrictions. A nasal stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than an oral stop and a stop followed by an oral stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than one followed by a nasal stop. Finally, previous approaches to coronal versus noncoronal asymmetry-Coronal Underspecification, Underspecification by Constraints and Perceptually Grounded Faithfulness Constraints are discussed and their inadequacy is demonstrated.
by Yoonjung Kang.
Ph.D.
22
Berns, Janine. "Friction between phonetics and phonology : the status of affricates." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100223.
Full textAbstract:
Les affriquées qu’on rencontre par exemple au début du substantif anglais chip, constituent un des mystères de la phonologie. Les linguistes ne savent toujours pas comment ce son, qui commence comme une plosive et termine comme une fricative, doit être décrit au niveau phonologique. C’est-a-dire, est-ce que les langues, ou plutôt les locuteurs d’une langue, considèrent ces unités comme une sorte de plosive, ou plutôt comme une combinaison d’une plosive et d’une fricative ?Cette thèse présente un aperçu des principales analyses proposées dans l’histoire de la phonologie, et vise à trouver une solution en considérant des sources complémentaires, variant d’un échantillon représentatif des langues du monde aux développements diachroniques et synchroniques en français. Nous verrons que les affriquées ne sont pas si complexe que l’on ne l’a longtemps cruAffricates, which we find for instance at the beginning of English chip, constitute one of the mysteries of phonological science. Linguists have been quarrelling for quite some time how this articulatory complex sound, consisting of a plosive released into a fricative, has to be described phonologically. That is, do languages, or rather speakers of a language, treat these units as a kind of plosive or as a balanced plosive-fricative combination?This thesis presents an overview of the different analyses put forward in the history of phonological theory, and aims to break the current deadlock by addressing data from complementary sources; ranging from a genetically-balanced sample of the world’s languages to diachronic and synchronic French. It is shown that affricates are not as complex as we had once thought
23
Gerfen, Henry James 1962. "Topics in the phonology and phonetics of Coatzospan Mixtec." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282111.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the phonology and phonetics/phonology interface in Coatzospan Mixtec (CM). I focus on two major prosodies, glottalization and nasalization, in CM. First, I provide detailed phonological analyses of both within the context of Optimality Theory, OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993). This is important because often the treatment of a subset of data obscures more problematic aspects of a system. For example, the analysis of nasalization extends our understanding of how constraints can combine in a grammar. I motivate the conditional union of two Alignment (McCarthy and Prince 1993a) constraints to characterize attested patterns of root nasality, while ruling out impossible forms. The treatment of glottalization explores the implications of freedom of input in OT. I show that we cannot equate input with underlying; encoding the traditional sense of underlying representation requires viewing UR's as sets of optimal inputs lexical items. Regarding the phonetics/phonology interface, I pursue dual goals. Chapter 3 extends Grounding (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994a) to the opportunistically grounded relation between glottalization and stress. Although not inherently sympathetic to stress, glottalization is optimally realized under stress in the phonology of CM. Chapter 4 extends grounding by using sequential grounding (Smolensky 1993) to characterize the behavior of opaque consonants. Second, building on research in phonetic implementation (Pierrehumbert 1980, Keating 1990b), I show that a phonologically specified (+constricted glottis) must be implemented for only a part of the duration of the specified vowel. Similarly, orality targets in CM fricatives are also implemented at segment edges. The data support a view where targets are temporally located within segments (Huffman 1989). However, the location of targets may vary from edge to edge. Voiced fricatives implement orality upon release; voiceless fricatives do so at the onset of closure. The data also argue for a more complex notion of the relationship between phonetic data and phonological information than that of Cohn (1990). Partial implementation of a feature in a segment does not entail the phonetic rather than phonological presence of that feature. Phonetic data must be interpreted in the context of the phonological system from which they derive.
24
Narasimhan, Kidambi Rama. "Coronals, velars and front vowels." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23728.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, we investigate several processes affecting coronals and velars in Tamil and Malayalam, two Dravidian languages spoken in southern India. We begin by discussing two assimilation processes which apply adjacent to front vowels, Palatalization, where anterior coronals become palatoalveolar, and Coronalization, where velars are fronted to palatoalveolar. We compare and contrast the feature geometries proposed by Sagey (1986) and Hume (1992) in their ability to adequately express these processes. In Sagey's model, front vowels are argued to be Dorsal. It is thus impossible to express either Palatalization or Coronalization as spreading. In Hume's model, where front vowels are Coronal, both processes involve spreading. However, the model does not formally distinguish between these two processes across languages; thus, it fails to capture the fact that Palatalization is widely attested but Coronalization seems to be restricted to diachronic alternations. In order to express this asymmetry, we adopt the model advanced by Goad & Narasimhan (1994), a revision of Goad (1993), where Palatalization involves spreading but Coronalization is a two-step process, spreading followed by reanalysis. In this model, a single feature (front), defined as "front of articulator", is doubly dependent on both Dorsal and Coronal nodes. Its interpretation is thus partly determined by the node to which it links; it marks apicality in coronals and front of tongue body in dorsals. In Chapter 3, we demonstrate how this model allows us to capture the fact that in Malayalam, only a subset of the anterior coronal consonants, the apicals, form a natural class with front vowels. In Chapter 4, we provide support for the model from languages other than Tamil and Malayalam, both Dravidian and non-Dravidian.
25
Watson, Kevin. "The phonetics and phonology of plosive lenition in Liverpool English." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493258.
Full text
26
Cheek, Davina Adrianne. "The phonetics and phonology of handshape in American Sign Language /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008299.
Full text
27
Ashby, Michael. "Experimental phonetics in Britain, 1890-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8bbffae-8a4e-478e-ba65-0f5a5bbd66e1.
Full textAbstract:
This study provides the first critical history of British developments in phonetic science from 1890 to the beginning of the Second World War. It draws on both published and unpublished documentary evidence, and on original digital analyses of contemporary images, experimental data, and sound recordings. Experimental phonetics had diverse origins embracing medicine, physics and philology. A survey of the nineteenth century background shows that by 1890 significant British contributions in all three fields could have furnished the makings of a native approach to phonetics as an experimental science, but they failed to come together for a variety of bureaucratic, professional and personal reasons. Experimental phonetics-an academic fashion as much as a scientific specialism-was instead imported from Germany and France, and it had little continuity with British antecedents. The study details the earliest British phonetics laboratories, their personnel, equipment, and research programmes, providing the first extensive account of the UCL laboratory, and bringing to light a forgotten 1930s laboratory in Newcastle. The major methods of empirical investigation of the period are scrutinised, rehabilitating long-neglected British origins. The early work of Daniel Jones is extensively re-evaluated, establishing his scientific credentials, and the career of Stephen Jones, the first academic in Britain to earn a salary as an experimental phonetician, receives detailed treatment. New light is thrown on many neglected figures, including W. A. Aikin, E. R. Edwards, John G. McKendrick, and Wilfred Perrett, while a detailed investigation of the work of Sir Richard Paget reveals the astonishing accuracy of his auditory analyses. The study concludes with an account of the career of Robert Curry, the first recognisably modern and professional speech scientist to emerge in Britain.
28
Yigezu, Moges. "A comparative study of the phonetics and phonology of Surmic languages." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211520.
Full text
29
Di, Napoli Jessica [Verfasser]. "The Phonetics and Phonology of Glottalization in Italian / Jessica Di Napoli." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1181488435/34.
Full text
30
Misnadin, Misnadin. "Phonetics and phonology of the three-way laryngeal contrast in Madurese." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23614.
Full textAbstract:
Madurese, a Western Malayo-Polynesian language spoken on the Indonesian island of Madura, exhibits a three-way laryngeal contrast distinguishing between voiced, voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops and an unusual consonant-vowel (CV) co-occurrence restriction. The CV co-occurrence restriction is of phonological interest given the patterning of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops rather than with voiceless unaspirated stops, raising the question of what phonological feature they may share. Two features have been linked with the CV co-occurrence restriction: Advanced Tongue Root [ATR] and Lowered Larynx [LL]. However, as no evidence of voicing during closure for aspirated stops is observed and no other acoustic measures except voice onset time (VOT), fundamental frequency (F0), frequencies of the first (F1) and the second (F2) formants and closure duration relating to the proposed features have been conducted, it remains an open question which acoustic properties are shared by voiced and aspirated stops. Three main questions are addressed in the thesis. The first question is what acoustic properties voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share to the exclusion of voiceless unaspirated stops. The second question is whether [ATR] or [LL] accounts for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops. The third question is what the implications of the results are for a transparent phonetics-phonology mapping that expects phonological features to have phonetic correlates associated with them. In order to answer the questions, we looked into VOT, closure duration, F0, F1, F2 and a number of spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. We recorded fifteen speakers of Madurese (8 females, 7 males) reading 188 disyllabic Madurese words embedded in a sentence frame. The results show that the three-way voicing categories in Madurese have different VOT values. The difference in VOT is robust between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. Albeit statistically significant, the difference in VOT values between voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops is relatively small. With regard to closure duration, we found that there is a difference between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and aspirated stops on the other. We also found that female speakers distinguish F0 for the three categories while male speakers distinguish between F0 for voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. The results for spectral measures show that there are no significant differences in H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless aspirated stops. In contrast, there are significant differences in these measures between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops and between vowels adjacent to voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated stops. Regarding the question whether voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share certain acoustic properties, our findings show that they do. The acoustic properties they share are H1*-A1* for both genders, H1*-H2* for females, H1*-A3* and H2*-H4* for males, and CPP for females at vowel onset and for males at vowel midpoint. However, they do not share such acoustic properties as VOT, closure duration and F0. Voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops can be distinguished by VOT, F0 and spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. However, these two voiceless stop categories have similar closure durations. As regards the question if [+ATR] or [+LL] might be responsible for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops, our findings suggest that either feature appears to be plausible. Acoustic evidence that lends support to the feature [+ATR] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. Acoustic evidence that supports the feature [+LL] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. However, the fact that voiceless aspirated stops are voiceless during closure raises a problem for the feature [+ATR] and the fact that F0 for voiceless aspirated stops is higher than for voiced stops also presents a problem for the feature [+LL]. The fact that not all acoustic measures fit in well with either feature is problematic to the idea that the relationship between phonetics and phonology is transparent in the sense that phonological features can be directly transformed into their phonetic correlates. Following the view that not all phonological features may not be expected to be phonetically grounded, for example, when they are related to historical sound change, we hold the idea of a phonetics-phonology mapping which allows for other non-phonetic factors to account for a phonological phenomenon. We also provide historical and loanword evidence which could support that voiceless aspirated stops in Madurese may have derived from earlier voiced stops, which probably retain their historical laryngeal contrast through phonologisation.
31
Giavazzi, Maria. "The phonetics of metrical prominence and its consequences on segmental phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62408.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-199).
Only very few phonological processes are reported to be conditioned by stress. There are two major patterns of stress-sensitive processes: segments are lengthened under stress, and vowels become louder. Two other phonological patterns are reported in the presence of stress, although they don't seem to enhance prominence of the stressed position: the preservation of segmental contrast and the enhancement of acoustic properties of the releases in stress-adjacent consonants. The main question of this dissertation is why there are so few segmental processes that show sensitivity to stress. Why are the major segmental processes affecting consonants (e.g. place assimilation, nasalization and voice neutralization) not sensitive about whether their trigger or target is in a stressed position? The analysis of prosodic conditioning presented here has three components: First every stress-conditioned process is enforced by a markedness constraint requiring the perceptual prominence of a metrically strong position. Languages use two strategies to implement this prominence: increasing the duration of the stressed position, or increasing the perceptual energy of the stressed vowel. Second, increasing the loudness of the stressed vowel has side-effects on the realization of stress adjacent stop releases, which result from the subglottal mechanisms used to produce the increase in loudness. These side-effects constitute the small class of stress-conditioned segmental alternations which are not directly enhancing the prominence of the stressed position. Third, both the effects of prominence requirements and the side-effects of prominence enhancement on the phonetic realization of segments in stressed positions may affect the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds in stressed positions: if the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is decreased in a stressed position, contrast neutralization might arise. If the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is increased in a stressed position, stress-conditioned contrast preservation might arise. Contrast preservation in stressed positions is therefore not an effect of Positional faithfulness; it emerges as the indirect consequence of prominence enhancement. The set of segmental features which may be targeted by stress-sensitive processes is extremely limited since it is restricted to those features which can be affected by one of three processes: duration, loudness and effects of raised subglottal pressure on stop releases.
by Maria Giavazzi.
Ph.D.
32
Purnell, Thomas Clark. "Principles and parameters of phonological rules evidence from tone languages /." access full-text online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9831516.
Full text
33
Lowry, Orla Mary. "Belfast intonation : testing the ToBI framework of intonational analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370089.
Full text
34
Rose, Yvan. "Headedness and prosodic licensing in the L1 acquisition of phonology." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37824.
Full textAbstract:
With the emergence of Optimality Theory, where the burden of explanation is placed almost entirely on constraints, we have observed in the phonological literature a de-emphasis on the role of structural relationships that hold within and across segments. In this thesis, counter to the current trend, I argue that the most explanatory approach to phonological processes requires reference to highly-articulated representations. I explore a number of phenomena found in the first language acquisition of Quebec French and argue that these phenomena are best captured in an analysis based on structurally-defined markedness, headedness in constituent structure, and relationships between segmental features and their prosodic licensors.I demonstrate that headedness in constituent structure must be assigned to both input and output forms. In order to encode the dependency relations between input and output representations, I appeal to faithfulness constraints referring specifically to constituent heads. Output representations are regulated by markedness constraints governing complexity within constituents, as well as by licensing relationships that hold between segmental features and different levels of prosodic representation.
At all stages in the development of syllable structure and complex segments, when more than one option is available for the representation of a target string, children select the unmarked option, consistent with the long-held view that early grammars reflect what is unmarked. When input complex structures are reduced in children's outputs, reduction operates in order to ensure faithfulness to the content of prosodic and segmental heads. Finally, in the discussion of consonant harmony, where the French data are supplemented by examples from English, I propose that consonant harmony results from a licensing relation between segmental features and the head of the foot. The differences in foot structure between French and English enable us to account for the contrasts observed between learners of the two languages.
35
Li, Zhiqiang 1969. "The phonetics and phonology of tone mapping in a constraint-based approach." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17651.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-295).
This dissertation concerns both phonetic and phonological aspects of tone mapping in various Chinese languages. The central issue addressed is the role of contrast and positional prominence and neutralization in the realization of tone. The inventory of tonal contrasts constrains the outputs of contextual neutralization as well as the location of pitch targets in phonetic implementation. Two prominent phonological positions in the tone sandhi domain are distinguished: peripheral (initial and final) positions and metrically strong positions. Input tones occupying different prominent positions in the input are preserved in the output; their realization in the output can be determined by the location of stress. A typology of diverse patterns of tone preservation and realization emerge from the interaction of positional faithfulness and positional markedness constraints. The research findings reported here have implications for both phonetics and phonoloy.
by Zhiqiang Li.
Ph.D.
36
Jones, Mark Jonathon. "The phonetics and phonology of definite article reduction in northern English dialects." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615045.
Full text
37
Barnes, Jonathan. "Strength and weakness at the interface : positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology /." Berlin : Mouton de Gruyter, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41440316b.
Full text
38
Campos-Astorkiza, Rebeka. "The role and representation of minimal contrast and the phonetics-phonology interaction." München LINCOM Europa, 2007. http://d-nb.info/997109998/04.
Full text
39
Ogasawara, Naomi. "Processing of Speech Variability: Vowel Reduction in Japanese." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194217.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the processing of speech variability, allophonic and indexical variation in Japanese. A series of speech perception experiments were conducted with reduced and fully voiced vowels in Japanese as a test case. Reduced vowels should be difficult for listeners to hear because they are acoustically less salient than fully voiced vowels, due to the lack of relevant physiological properties. On the other hand, reduced vowels between voiceless consonants represent more common phonological patterns than fully voiced vowels. Furthermore, previous studies found that Japanese listeners were capable of hearing completely deleted vowels. Listeners intuitively maintain CV syllables in perception, hearing a vowel after each consonant in order to avoid obstruent clusters (a violation of Japanese phonotactics).It was found that listeners made good use of acoustic, phonological, and phonotactic knowledge of their native language for processing allophonic variants. In word recognition, listeners performed better when reduced vowels were in the environment where vowel reduction was expected. The phonological appropriateness of an allophone was judged in relation to adjacent consonants on both sides, and the facilitatory effect of appropriateness of reduced vowels surpassed the inhibitory effect of their acoustic weakness. However, in terms of sound detection, listeners found reduced and fully voiced vowels equally easy to hear in an environment where vowel reduction was expected. Although reduced vowels were phonologically appropriate between voiceless consonants, the phonological appropriateness merely balanced out acoustic weakness; it was not strong enough to surpass it. In addition, the phonological appropriateness of an allophone was judged based only on the preceding consonant, which suggests that listeners processed sounds linearly. Furthermore, the study found that phonological appropriateness of the allophone was affected by dialectal differences and speech rates. Listeners' preference for a certain allophone was influenced by the phonology of a listeners' native dialect and expectation was skewed by fast speech rates.This study suggests that current speech perception models need modification to account for the processing of speech variability taking language-specific phonological knowledge into consideration. The study demonstrated that it is important to investigate at which stage phonological inference takes place during processing.
40
Al-Hashmi, Shadiya. "The phonetics and phonology of Arabic loanwords in Turkish : residual effects of gutturals." Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20807/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis takes the adaptation of Arabic loanwords into Turkish as a case to reflect on and contribute to the ongoing debate of loanword phonology of the Perceptual approach (Boersma, 2009; Peperkamp & Dupoux, 2003; Peperkamp et al., 2008; Silverman, 1992), Phonological approach (LaCharité & Paradis, 2005; Paradis, 1995; Paradis & LaCharité, 1997, 2001, 2008; Peperkamp et al., 2008; Silverman, 1992) and a medial hybrid model of both phonetics and phonology (Kenstowicz & Suchato, 2006; Shinohara, 2004; Smith, 2006; Chang, 2008 and Dolus, 2013). The thesis includes two types of data: corpus-based and experimental. The corpus of the Arabic loanwords into Turkish comprises 1118 words from which vowel mappings and residual effects of gutturals on neighbouring vowels were identified. Based on the concept of uniformitarianism (Murray, 2013) present-day sound changes must have been governed by the same principles or laws which operated in the past. Thus, one of the goals of this work is to model the grammar of Osmanlica speakers in the perception of modern day Turkish speakers of the residual effects of vowels neighbouring gutturals. In these effects the Arabic vowels /a/ and /u/ are adapted as /a/ and /u/ in Turkish vowels neighbouring guttural sounds (emphatics, uvulars and pharyngeals); however, the vowel /i/ is borrowed as the Turkish high back unrounded vowel only surrounding emphatics and the uvular q and as /i/ elsewhere. It was concluded that the corpus data patterns can be best accounted for by using a hybrid model of phonetics, phonology (of both source and native language) and with the effects of orthography. In addition, the role of bilinguals as the active borrowers in the adaptation process is especially corroborated.
41
Graham, Calbert Rechardo. "The phonetics and phonology of late bilingual prosodic acquisition : a cross-linguistic investigation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708188.
Full text
42
Tsay, Suhchuan Jane, and Suhchuan Jane Tsay. "Phonological pitch." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186900.
Full textAbstract:
The theory proposed in this thesis, Phonological Pitch, concerns the representation and behavior of the tone feature. It is a formally simple phonological theory constrained by a set of explicit extragrammatical principles. Phonological Pitch contains two major grammatical mechanisms. First, tone is represented with a single multivalued feature (Pitch) whose value can range from 1 to n, where n is a language-specific number with no universal upper limit. Second, the Contiguity Hypothesis states that tone groups in rules must always form contiguous sets, though these groups can vary from rule to rule. Phonological Pitch can be so simple because the power of the grammatical theory is constrained with independently necessary extragrammatical factors. Specifically, limits on the number of tone levels arise from learnability and perceptual constraints, which can be precisely formalized, that also play a role in nonlinguistic domains. Similarly, the Contiguity Hypothesis is derived from psychoacoustic constraints on discriminating between acoustically similar pitches. Other perceptual and physiological constraints explain patterns in the typology of contour tones and in the interactions of tone with other features. The empirical support for Phonological Pitch includes the following. First, languages are attested with as many as five distinct tone levels, and the number of languages with n tone levels gradually decreases as n increases, rather than dropping off abruptly at some point. An analysis using learnability and perceptual constraints can explain this gradual drop better than a universal grammatical upper limit. Second, tone rules can transpose sets of tones up or down by a fixed interval, a fact which is easier to formalize with a single multivalued feature than with a set of binary features. Third, tone groups do not form universal natural classes nor groups with noncontiguous tones, as other tone theories predict. Fourth, tone interacts not only with laryngeal features like voicing, but also with nonlaryngeal features like vowel height, and both the existence and relative rarity of tone-vowel height interactions imply that understanding tone interactions requires reference to extragrammatical physiological factors.
43
Chalfont, Carl R. "Automatic speech recognition : a government phonology perspective on the extraction of subsegmental primes from speech data." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285843.
Full text
44
Samokhina, Natalya. "Phonetics and Phonology of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Russian Native and Non-native Speech." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194543.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, a great deal of research on second language (L2) acquisition has been concerned with non-target production of L2 learners, addressing issues such as native language (L1) transfer into L2 and the nature and source of developmental errors. Previous studies have mostly focused on the analysis of discrete L2 segments (Flege 1987, 1999; Major & Kim 1996), rather than on L2 phonological patterns. This study, however, examines the production of sequences of sounds in Russian L1 and L2 from both the phonetic and phonological perspectives.This dissertation investigates native and non-native production of real and nonsense words containing obstruent clusters in which a phonological phenomenon known as regressive voicing assimilation is required. In Russian, forms like lodka `boat' are rendered orthographically with a voiced obstruent which is pronounced as a voiceless one when followed by a voiceless obstruent. The results of the experiments reveal several production patterns in L1 and L2 speech as well as gradiency in devoicing which are further analyzed within the stochastic Optimality Theory framework. Categorical production is accounted for by the re-ranking of L1 and L2 constraints; whereas, gradiency in production is viewed as a result of the re-ranking of constraints within phonetically detailed constraint families.
45
Prunet, Jean-François. "Spreading and locality domains in phonology." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74017.
Full text
46
Tourville, José. "Licensing and the representation of floating nasals." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39274.
Full textAbstract:
It is commonly agreed that phonological elements must be prosodically licensed in order to be interpreted phonetically (cf. Ito, 1986). The licensing of segments is generally assumed to follow from the Universal Association Conventions. The licensing of phonological units smaller than the segment, however, has not been fully addressed. There is no agreement on the exact licensing mechanisms at play and on what constitutes a proper anchor for the initial association of floating subsegmentals. This thesis proposes a principled account of subsegmental licensing within the theory of segmental structure known as feature geometry, as modified by Piggott (to appear). It is shown that the manifestation of nasality in Maukaka, Koyaga, Jula, and Terena result from the way licensing operates. It is argued that, universally, floating subsegmental units are licensed through mapping, which associates a unit to an available position. It is also proposed that whenever there is no proper position for the mapping of a subsegmental element, this element may be licensed by Chomsky-adjunction. This type of adjunction has played a role in syllabification but not in the organization of feature.
47
Jennings, Patricia Joan. "A comparison of the phonological skills of late talking and normal toddlers." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4082.
Full textAbstract:
In the present study, the speech of twenty-four normally speaking toddlers and twenty-eight late talking toddlers was analyzed with respect to the syllable structures produced during a speech sample. The groups were matched with regard to age, sex, and socio-economic status, all passed a hearing screening, and all scored at least 85 on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development.
48
Feizollahi, Zhaleh. "Two case studies in the phonetics-phonology interface evidence from Turkish voicing and Norwegian coalescence /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/649820617/viewonline.
Full text
49
Pearce, Mary Dorothy. "The interaction of tone with voicing and foot structure : evidence from Kera phonetics and phonology." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1445070/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis uses acoustic measurements as a basis for the phonological analysis of the interaction of tone with voicing and foot structure in Kera (a Chadic language). In both tone spreading and vowel harmony, the iambic foot acts as a domain for spreading. Further evidence for the foot comes from measurements of duration, intensity and vowel quality. Kera is unusual in combining a tone system with a partially independent metrical system based on iambs. In words containing more than one foot, the foot is the tone bearing unit (TBU), but in shorter words, the TBU is the syllable. In perception and production experiments, results show that Kera speakers, unlike English and French, use the fundamental frequency as the principle cue to 'Voicing" contrast. Voice onset time (VOT) has only a minor role. Historically, tones probably developed from voicing through a process of tonogenesis, but synchronically, the feature voice is no longer contrastive and VOT is used in an enhancing role. Some linguists have claimed that Kera is a key example for their controversial theory of long-distance voicing spread. But as voice is not part of Kera phonology, this thesis gives counter-evidence to the voice spreading claim. An important finding from the experiments is that the phonological grammars are different between village women, men moving to town and town men. These differences are attributed to French contact. The interaction between Kera tone and voicing and contact with French have produced changes from a 2-way voicing contrast, through a 3-way tonal contrast, to a 2-way voicing contrast plus another contrast with short VOT. These diachronic and synchronic tone/voicing facts are analysed using laryngeal features and Optimality Theory. This thesis provides a body of new data, detailed acoustic measurements, and an analysis incorporating current theoretical issues in phonology, which make it of interest to Africanists and theoreticians alike.
50
Kumashiro, Fumiko. "Phonotactic interactions : a non-reductionist approach to phonology /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9963655.
Full text