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1

Shaidurov, Vladimir N., and Tadeush A. Novogrodski. "Authorities and Polish Exiles in the Siberia of the 19th century (Based on Epistolary Sources)." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 1 (March 3, 2022): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i1.380.

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The Polish movement of national liberation is one of the characteristic features of the history of the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century. Tsarism reacted harshly to the uprising in Poland in 1830–1831 and the January Uprising of 1863–64. Plenty of participants were exiled under police supervision to the inner provinces of European Russia and Siberia. Correspondence became the main channel of communication for the exiles and their loved ones. Additional rules were developed at the end of 1863 in order to strengthen control over the exiled Poles, which included perlustration of postal and telegraphic correspondence by the provincial and county authorities. The purpose of the study is to analyze the extracts and copies of the letters of Polish exiles which are preserved in the State Archive of the Novgorod region and deal with the Siberian theme. The detected documents contain information that makes it possible to reconstruct certain aspects of the daily life of Poles on the way to the exile location and in the new place of their residence, to describe the moods of the exiles and their attitudes towards the events of national and local significance as well as to present individual plots of family history. The article is intended for those interested in genealogy, the history of Polonia in Russia, perlustration in the Russian Empire and the daily life of exiles.
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2

Gadamska-Serafin, Renata. "Norwid and the exiles to Siberia." Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 61–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-4en.

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The exiles to Siberia had a profound influence on Norwid’s consciousness already in his middle school years (i.e. in the 1830s) as the next wave (following the one after the failure of the November Uprising) began at that time. The subject of exile and martyrdom was often discussed by Norwid in conversations and correspondence with his friends. Even among the poet’s close and distant relatives, there were many people who were affected by the deportation to the East (Józef Hornowski, the Kleczkowski family, Konstanty Jarnowski). The list of Norwid’s friends who were deported to Syberia is horribly long: Karol Baliński, Maksymilian Jatowt (pseud. Jakub Gordon), Agaton Giller, Karol Ruprecht, Stefan Dobrycz, Andrzej Deskur, Bronisław Zaleski, Antoni and Michał Zaleski, Anna Modzelewska and her brother, Aleksander Hercen, Piotr Ławrow. There were also some occasional meetings with the exiled or their families (Aniela Witkiewiczówna, Aleksander Czekanowski). Norwid attentively listened to oral accounts of those who returned, he also read publications on Siberian themes published from the early 1950s (among others, by Giller, Gordon, B. Zaleski). In his speeches and letters he repeatedly drew attention to the necessity of commemorating the “Siberian exiles” and providing them with support – both spiritual and material – as well as establishing the Siberian Society, “where all single sufferings and conquest would come to balance”. Providing the exiled with state protection and enabling them to return to their homeland became even one of the points of Norwid’s project for the political and social principles of future Poland.
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3

Ivanov, A. A. "Siberian Diary of Benedict Dybovsky." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 34 (2020): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2020.34.112.

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A review of the collection of memoirs of Benedict Dybovsky, which recreated the events of his stay in Siberian exile after the suppression of the January 1863 uprising in Poland. The author describes in detail his “involuntary journey” from St. Petersburg to Transbaikalia, made as part of the stage party of Polish exiles, recreates paintings of hard labor and everyday life in the settlement. The pages of the diary also tell about the author's scientific research conducted by him in Dauria, the Far East and, of course, on the shores of Lake Baikal in 1864–1877.
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4

Chmielewski, Witold. "W trosce o polskość dzieci i młodzieży z okresu drugiej wojny światowej w Nowej Zelandii." Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny 64, no. 4 (254 (February 13, 2020): 272–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8473.

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The aim of the article is to present the issue of retaining the national identity among the youngest Polish exiles living in New Zealand. To present that issue, methods appropriate for the history of education were applied. The basis of the research were the materials stored in the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum in London. As a result of the archival research, at the invitation of the Prime Minister Peter Fraser, a group of Polish children arrived in the settlement of Pahiatua in New Zealand. They were mainly orphans with their carers. The exiles were provided with good living conditions. School children were prepared to return to free Poland after the war, they attended Polish schools in the settlement and the older ones attended New Zealand schools run mainly by the Catholic Church. The moment Poland found itself under the Soviet influence and the power was taken by the communists, the exiles from Pahiatua did not want to return to the enslaved country. They decided to stay in the friendly New Zealand. In that situation, the issue of retaining their national identity arose, along with the need to provide them with education, profession and work. The concept of resisting the policy of depriving the young generation of their national identity was in the focus of the Polish authority in London. It was also a matter of great concern of the teachers and carers in the settlement of Pahaiatua. Many initiatives were taken which aimed at retaining the Polish identity among children and youth living in New Zealand, who gradually started work in the unknown environment. The conducted activities to retain the Polish identity bore positive results. The Polish identity wasretained not only by the exiles but also by their children and grandchildren, who, not knowing the language of their ancestors, cultivate national traditions and remember their roots. As a result of the presented deliberations, we may draw a conclusion that the conduct of the Polish authority in exile in the analysed issue was appropriate. In such a situation one should act similarly and always consistently.
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5

Shaidurov, Vladimir, and Danila Kosko. "Polish exiles through the eyes of contemporaries (based on memoirs of the second half of the 1860s - 1910s)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-4 (October 1, 2020): 255–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi93.

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The article is devoted to the attitude of Russian society towards the participants in the uprising in the Kingdom of Poland of 1863-1864 in the territory of Western Siberia. Based on a wide range of sources, the author concludes that most of the representatives of Russian society in Siberia were positive about exiled Poles. Local residents gladly took them to the service, the administration also proceeded loyal to the participants in the January uprising. Separately, it is worth noting the representatives of Russian society who were in exile with the Poles. For the most part, these were participants in the populist movement, and, as a result, the intellectual part of Russian society. The Narodniks supported the Polish liberation movement, opposing the policy of tsarism in Poland.
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6

Yolkin, Anatolii. "Russian Women in Emigration in Poland during the 1920s – 1940s." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 61 (June 27, 2022): 202–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2022-61-09.

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The article examines the situation of Russian women-emigrants who found themselves on the territory of Poland in the 1920s – 1930s. Almost all categories of the population of the former Russian Empire were represented among the refugees in Poland. Among the ranks of the exiles there were also women who had to adapt to the difficult social conditions of their stay in the country. During the 1920s – 1930s, of the total number of emigrants (50-60 thousand people who stayed in the country) about 30 % were women and children. In 1919–1920, Poland was one of the centers of the anti-Bolshevik struggle. Therefore, the Russian emigrants gave their support to the Poles. For instance, Z. Gippius took part in the publication of the newspaper and the formation of Russian military units. After the end of the Soviet-Polish War, the soldiers and officers of these units were interned in camps. Among them were nurses, as well as women and children. The families of the internees were housed in common barracks, often women and children had to sleep on the floor. The Russian Red Cross Society, headed by L. I. Lyubimova, tried to provide the internees with food, clothing, medical care, and find work. By the mid-1920s, it became clear that the stay of exiles abroad could lasted for many years. Therefore, the main attention of the emigrant organizations were paid to cultural and educational activities. It was carried out through the Russian houses that appeared in Warsaw, Vilna and other cities. There women took an active part in the work of various circles, libraries, theater studios. In families, wives and mothers tried to maintain not only the home comfort, but also to educate children in the spirit of national traditions. So far as women in exile often had to support unemployed husbands or disabled people, they tried to find a job. But most of them could only hope for odd jobs in sewing workshops or trade.
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7

Leonczyk, Sergiusz. "ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES OF THE PEOPLES OF SIBERIA BY POLISH EXILES IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY." Ural Historical Journal 71, no. 2 (2021): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-2(71)-154-160.

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The article provides information on ethnographic studies of Siberian peoples published by Poles in the form of descriptions, notes and diaries in the second half of the 19th century. The ethnographic sketches of the exiled participants of the January Uprising in Poland (1863–1864), P. Argant, A. J. Kon, M. Hruszecki, and J. Koton, published in European languages are still little-studied. The author notes the special contribution of L. Nemojewski, who, while in exile, wrote dozens of essays and the book “Siberian Pictures”, which was published in Polish and English. L. Nemojewski was one of the first to present to the European reader the life of the Siberian peoples — and not only the indigenous, but also the Russian Siberians. Not all his descriptions are accurate, sometimes they are somewhat naive. Of particular value is one of the first detailed descriptions of the Khakasses. Nemojewski paid considerable attention to them, analysing not only their traditions, but also their psychology, folklore and religious beliefs. The paper concludes by emphasizing the importance of the study of published ethnographic observations of the exiled participants of the January Uprising in Poland in 1863–1864. All these essays, articles and books certainly fit into the trend of “ethnographic fiction” or “ludoznawstwa” popular in Poland in the second half of the 19th century.
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8

Kamaljanova, T. A., and B. N. Zhunussova. "THE HISTORICAL ASPECT OF THE POLISH DIASPORA FORMATION IN KAZAKHSTAN." History of the Homeland 93, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 118–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_1_118.

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The article is devoted to one of the key topics of modern historiography - the history of the Polish diaspora formation in Kazakhstan. The process of formation of the multinational population of Kazakhstan was mainly associated with the socio-political events of the 19th-20th centuries, primarily with the resettlement and deportation of peoples. The territory of Kazakhstan, due to its sparsely population, was, according to many researchers, a “favorite” place of exile for “unwanted” peoples, among whom were representatives of ethnic Poles. Polish settlements on the territory of Kazakhstan began to appear in the middle of the 19th century. These were political exiles, participants in the national liberation movements in Poland in the middle of the 19th century, exiled to Kazakhstan (Siberia). Basically, they were all educated and wealthy people. In the context of a shortage of specialists in different directions in the republic, they made a great contribution to the development of science and education in pre-revolutionary Kazakhstan and continue to participate in the public life of modern Kazakhstan. The purpose of the article is to show the stages of formation and the factors that influenced the formation of the Polish diaspora in Kazakhstan.
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9

Semenov, E. V., and V. A. Pokatsky. "Polish Exiled Artist Jozef Berkman in Baikal Region in 60—70s of XIX Century." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 7 (October 1, 2022): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-7-449-466.

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The issue of the life and creative activity of the Polish exiled artist — a participant in the Polish uprising of 1863—1864 Jozef Berkman is considered. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that, despite the significant number of drawings and paintings by Y. Berkman, today the facts of his life are practically unknown both in hard labor in the Nerchinsk mining district and in a settlement in the Irkutsk province. It is noted that the information found in a number of sources regarding the life of the artist in hard labor and settlement is often unreliable. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that a reconstruction of the period of the artist’s life in 1864—1877 in the Baikal region is presented in the article. The authors have identified and introduced into scientific circulation materials from domestic and foreign archives, portraits of Polish exiles, painted by the artist in Transbaikalia and currently stored in museums in Poland. The authors reviewed the scientific literature on the topic of the study, analyzed the memoirs of Polish political exiles who served hard labor together with Y. Berkman and described his artistic activities.
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10

Gmerek, Katarzyna. "Celtic Countries from the Perspective of Polish Romantics and Exiles." Studia Celto-Slavica 5 (2010): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/zlxx7422.

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In this piece on the Polish Romantic travellers confronted with Celtic cultures and countries, I have tried to show the way they reacted and how their imaginations worked. Probably some of their reactions were not different to those of all other Celtophiles. The special role of the Czartoryskis’ cultural patronage needs to be highlighted. In the nineteenth century Poland, nobody ever attempted to gather so many books about Celtic history and culture again, even after the emergence of Celtic Studies as an academic discipline later in the nineteenth century. The predictable result was that, with time, knowledge of Celtic cultures diminished among the Polish writers. The literary revival in early twentieth century Ireland, associated with Yeats and his contemporaries, did not elicit widespread reaction from Polish librarians and academics. This failure to respond to new developments in Ireland is probably to be explained in terms of the economic and socio-political conditions in the divided Poland of that time. One of the many negative results of the partitions at the end of the eighteenth century was that a large number of important Polish writers moved abroad, as well as that their relations and impressions were affected by this emigration. Being a political émigré was not always helpful in so far as the exploration of new cultures was concerned, both from the point of view of the psychological trauma of being away from home and of various everyday constraints. Generally, it was personal interests and earlier studies, and not finances or place of living that influenced some Polish authors’ choice to write on Celtic themes.
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11

Lenaghan, James. ""The Sweetness of Polish Liberty:" Sixteenth-Century British Jesuit Exiles to Poland-Lithuania." Reformation 15, no. 1 (November 13, 2010): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v15.133.

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12

Bush, Jonathan. "Lay Catholic Support for Exiled Polish Intellectuals in Britain, 1942–1962." Downside Review 135, no. 4 (October 2017): 199–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580617735778.

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This article examines the hitherto unexplored role of lay Catholics in the tertiary education of Polish exiles in Britain, from the early 1940s to the beginning of the Second Vatican Council in 1962. It will examine the work of the Newman Association, a predominantly lay Catholic graduate society, as a case study to reveal how lay activism towards European exiles was influenced by a range of social, theological and political factors. It will highlight the ways in which support for Polish Catholic education could be manifested, including the establishment of a cultural hub in London, a scholarship programme to assist Polish students in British and Irish universities, and the development of cultural links with individuals and organisations within Poland. Ultimately, this article demonstrates the growing confidence of educated lay Catholics in breaking out of their historically subordinate role within the English Catholic Church in the years prior to Vatican II.
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13

Jakubec, Pavol. "London 1940-1945, A Europe in Miniature? The Case of Norwegian, Polish and Czechoslovak Exiles." Debater a Europa, no. 13 (July 1, 2015): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6.

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This paper discusses experience of representatives of three European small powers assembled in the London during WWII - Norway, Czechoslovakia and Poland. A common cause, comparable setting and frequent contacts created a promising framework for a new quality of their mutual relations that could, eventually, endorse the European idea. This proved to be at best a partial success: The exiles acted by-and-large as guardians of national interests and identities. As such, and owing to their strained position, they paid considerable attention to status as a principal asset. They subscribed of internalization of their foreign policies and learned or refined their experience with its practices. Yet their visions remained rather regional, with only occasional reference to the idea of European Integration. Albeit the exiles failed to integrate the nations they spoke for, they established closer and better informed transnational ties bound to affect European politics in the years to come. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6
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Falkovich, Svetlana M. "On some aspects of Russian-Polish bilingualism in the Russian Empire in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." Central-European Studies 2019, no. 2 (11) (2020): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2019.2.15.

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This article deals with the issues of Russian-Polish bilingualism in the Russian Empire in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Within the framework of the empire, the area of settlement of Poles was not limited to the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. Their presence in various Russian regions is shown by the example of the activities of “Polonies” in the Kharkov province, the North Caucasus, and Siberia. The migration of the Poles occurred both voluntarily, as was the case in the Kharkov province, or was forced, as a result of the repressions of the tsarist authorities and the exile of members of the Polish national movement, as in the North Caucasus and Siberia. It was not unusual that after the expiration of the term of exile, Poles voluntarily remained in the place they had been exiled to. Their occupation depended largely on the nature of the region and their social status. In the Kharkov province, representatives of the Polish intelligentsia carried out professional and cultural-educational activities, served as provincial officials, and were engaged in the improvement of urban infrastructure. In Siberia, Polish exiles became teachers as well as taking part in scientific expeditions that conducted research in the fields of geography, hydrography, geology, flora and fauna, meteorology, and ethnography of the region. To obtain better opportunities and adapt to the surrounding reality, the Poles needed, to one degree or another, knowledge of the Russian language. They acquired the language in various ways in addition to self-education: they were in constant contact with the local population and some even married those of the Orthodox faith. The participation of Poles in the social and cultural life of the regions under consideration contributed to a certain rapprochement and greater assimilation of the culture of both peoples.
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15

Stelmasiak, Izabela. "Polityczna i pedagogiczna aktywność Janusza Jędrzejewicza na emigracji (1939–1951)." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 25 (March 6, 2019): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2009.25.3.

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The exile years of Janusz Jędrzejewicz (1939-1951), a prominent and reputed educator of the inter-war Poland, deserve much of our attention. After the outbreak of the war, Jędrzejewicz initially took some effort to return to active military duty but these attempts failed to be successful. Along with the evacuation of the government, the Jędrzejewiczs had to leave Poland for Romania and had to remain there as exiles. Dull, everyday routine in exile in Romania was interspersed with Jędrzejewicz’s involvement in teaching maths and in meetings with fellow exiles, the followers of Józef Piłsudzki. The years from July 1940 until the end of the year, Jędrzejewicz and his family spent in Turkey. In the dire straits he was in at the time, to minimize stress and inconvenience in housing, he managed to find some balance and relief in his political and social activity. Jędrzejewicz managed to establish contacts with other exiles, notably Tatar, Caucasian and Ukrainian exiles. As a result of the meetings with the non-Polish émigrés, the concept of the so-called “Międzymorze – Intermarum”, a proposed federation of countries stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, emerged. The years between 1940 and 1942 Jędzerzejowicz and his family spent in Tel-Aviv in Palestine. The local Polish political and military circles were closely associated with former “colonels” and Gen. Sławoj-Składkowski’s supporters and were labelled as “steadfast” or “unyielding”. In a straightforward way, the leadership of this group fell to Jędrzejewicz as the one who was the highest ranking Pilsudski-ite among them. The group became the core of the political movement founded upon a concept that underlined the ideas of the late marshal and represented their supporters in the Near East. Jędrzejewicz was very active in writing articles on social and political subjects and in giving lectures, including notably the one delivered on March 19, 1941 and entitled “On the occasion of the anniversary of the name day of First Marshal of Poland” He was also involved in talks with leaders of local Jewish and Arabic population. The presented concept of “Intermarum” was received with interest by politicians in exile from the Baltics, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary. It also formed an alternative to the realpolitik exercised by the government in exile.An important initiative of the group of the Pilsudski-ites was to publish Biuletyn Informacyjny (News Bulletin), and then to transform it into the official monthly Na Straży (On guard). The editor-in-chief of the periodical was Jędrzejewicz himself (from issue 18th onwards). In the course of time, still in Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem, the Piłsudski-ite groups grew more and more members. These circles, physically far from the government in exile in London and its influence, were thus more independent and formed a sort of a mutation and an alternative to the London-based Związek Pracy Państwowej (State Labour Union). Under the leadership of Janusz Jędrzejewicz, the Piłsudzki-ites in Palestine organized themselves in Związek Pracy dla Państwa (Union of Work for the State). The Polish political scene in exile was going through many dramatic changes and transformations. Political tension was aggravated further by Prof. Kot’s action who had returned from the Soviet Union in mid-1942. He perceived the activity of some of Polish exiles in the Near East as politically detrimental and anti-government. As for Prof Kot’s intense dislike for Jędrzejewicz, it was guided by the two following reasons: the latter’s influence in circles overtly reluctant to accept the stance adopted by the government represented by Gen. Sikorski, and, secondly, his personal grudge and resentment towards the former minister of religious affairs and education (Polish: MriOP). The political situation of the years 1944-1946 was decisive in creating the atmosphere less negative and more cooperative, and ultimately led to the emergence of the idea of a common platform for reconciliation and understanding for all splinter groups of Piłsudski followers. The common denominator for all was to be the Independence League, a political party in exile, of which, until 1947, Jędrzejewicz knew very little about. From 1942 the Jędrzejewiczs lived in Jerusalem, where they enjoyed good rapport and relations with local Arab leaders. Despite some health problems, Jędrzejewicz engaged himself in a series of lectures and continued to edit the periodical Na Straży. Soon, however, he was forced to step down this post due to aggravating health problems. Towards the end of 1946, the former prime minister was transferred to the reserve. This helped Jędrzejewicz to obtain a decision to be moved to Great Britain. Before he left Jerusalem, however, he spent half a year with his family in harsh conditions of El Kantara field hospital, which was also a transit camp for war refugees. The circles of the London-based Pilsudski-ites were very much counting on Jędrzejewicz’s Związek Pracy dla Państwa. The promoters of the Independence League also viewed the former prime minister, who was a one-time trustworthy aide to Marshal Piłsudski, as their potential leader. Jędrzejewicz himself was quite aware of his assets and the position he enjoyed within the hierarchy of values as a Piłsudski-ite and, despite bad health, was ready to support the League. In the first half of 1948, with the help of Jędrzejewicz, the fundamentals of the political program of the Poland’s Independence League were established. However, the following infightings and quarrels as to who was to head the League made Jędrzejewicz step down from the position of the leader of the League. From that time on, his activity was limited to writing articles and the participation in the work for the board of trustees of the London Piłsudski Institute. Jędrzejewicz’s last years of his life were undoubtedly influenced by his poor health (1948-1951). He was repeatedly hospitalized, which was taken advantage of by his political opponents in 1948. His physical state was very much influenced by his mental condition, which was a result the victimization and persecution he experienced between 1939-1943. An emotional shock for him was undoubtedly the news about his son who had been shot by the Germans in 1943, and the death of his former wife, Maria Stattler, in 1944. Eventually, all his energy was directed at administrative and research work. With his participation, or at his initiative, four research institutes were established at the time. The intention was to conduct historical or political science research there. Janusz Jędrzejewicz died on March 16th 1951. In exile, he was unfortunate enough to experience ostracism from fellow Poles, both as a politician and as a man. Still, he was far from shunning the world and, with dignity, he carried out his mission of executing the tasks once set by his Commander. As an exile, he was just as well a good representative of a Piłsudski-ite with a characteristic appropriate system of values that determined his life style. The ongoing internalization of the imponderables of his beloved Commander was though respected in the multi-faceted realities of Polish exile life.
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Sargsyan, Tatevik E. "Minas Bżyszkian i jego relacja o Ormianach Lwowa." Lehahayer 5 (May 15, 2019): 159–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.05.2018.05.07.

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Minas Bzhyshkyan and His Report on Armenians in LwówMinas Bzhyshkyan, an armenologist, philologist, pedagogue, historian, ethnographer, and musicologist was a member of the Armenian Catholic Mechitarists order. He travelled widely and took scrupulous notes of his journeys, which aided writing his monograph A Journey to Poland and other countries where exiles from Ani live. His work, crucial for research on Armenians in old Poland, was originally published in 1830 in Venice. It was written in classical Armenian, an ancient language of a highly ornate quality. The book is a valuable source of information on geography, architecture, and epigraphy of peoples living on territories travelled by Bzhyshkyan, as well as on the past and present of the Armenian diasporas in the Central Europe and the Black Sea Basin countries. The author presents data on the Armenian community of Lwów and evaluates it against information from other sources.
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Agopsowicz, Monika. ""Pomniki Dziejowe Ormian Polskich" – nowa seria źródłowa dotycząca społeczności ormiańskiej w Polsce." Lehahayer 5 (May 15, 2019): 291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.05.2018.05.16.

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„Historical Memorials of Polish Armenians” – a New Source Edition Series about Armenian Community in PolandA five-year-long research and editing project “Historical Memorials of Polish Armenians”, funded from “The National Programme for Development of Research in Humanities” of the Ministry of Education in Poland has been led by the Foundation of Culture and Heritage of Polish Armenians and headed by Krzysztof Stopka. Other people involved in the project are: Monika Agopsowicz, Armen Artwich, Andrzej Gliński, Tomasz Krzyżowski, Marcin Łukasz Majewski, Hripsime Mamikonyan, Tatevik Sargsyan, Edward Tryjarski, Franciszek Wasyl and Andrzej A. Zięba. The aim of the project is to edit and publish the sources contributive to the history of Armenians in Poland between the 14th and 18th centuries. The historical sources are to be translated from Kipchak, Armenian and Latin into Polish. Volumes 1 and 2 comprise of: Zapisy sądu duchownego Ormian miasta Lwowa za lata 1564-1608 (Records from the Spiritual Court of Lwów’s Armenians between 1564-1608), Metryka katedry ormiańskiej we Lwowie za lata 1635-1732 (Lwów Cathedral Baptism Records from 1635-1732) and Zbiórki pieniężne gminy Ormian lwowskich za lata 1598-1637 (Tax Collections of the Armenian Community in Lwów from 1598-1637); volume 3 is to include Travel Notes by Simeon Lehatsi (in Armenian), volume 4 is to include Chronology, or church yearbooks by Stepanos Roshka; volume 5 is to include a translation of A Journey to Poland and other countries where exiles from Ani live by Minas Bzhyshkyan. Volume 6 Nowy Aliszan (New Alishan) references the historical sources collection published in 1896 by Ghewond Alishan, however, volume 6 is a new critical edition with many documents of which Alishan was unaware.
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Caban, Wiesław. "Keeping Identity, Freedom, and Independence of Polish Exiles in Siberia in 19th Century (till 1914). Part I." Respectus Philologicus 27, no. 32 (April 25, 2015): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2015.27.32.12.

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First Poles were sent to Siberia to an exile as early as the second half of the 18th century to be followed by the participants of the Napoleonic campaign of 1812. It is estimated that after the fall of the November Uprising (1831), about ten thousand young Poles were taken captive and deported to Siberia. Soon they were joined by those, especially from Lithuania and Belarus, who were engaged in a conspiracy. More than twenty thousand people were exiled to Siberia after the fall of the January Uprising (1863); whereas, the beginning of 1880s saw the deportation in large numbers of those who were members of socialist parties. The majority of deportees had the opinion that the time in exile should be devoted to self-education and self-organization. The necessity to cultivate patriotic sentiments and Catholic religion was unquestionable. They tried to create at least a semblance of homeland to some degree in exile. Among a certain group of deportees there was a strong conviction that it is not enough to cultivate or even strengthen Polish traditions to get ready for the economic development of Poland, once the independence is regained. It was not enough to conspire, it was necessary to take immediate steps such as escape or rebellion that would bring freedom. One of the best known cases of such thinking is the so called Omsk Conspiracy. In 1833, the deportees from the Omsk region, counting on the support of the local Siberian community, came up with a plan for an uprising. Another revolt against stardom was planned in 1866 in Transbaikal. Both of those attempts failed.
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Caban, Wiesław. "Keeping Identity, Freedom, and Independence of Polish Exiles in Siberia in 19th Century (till 1914). Part II. Ideas on Freedom and Independence." Respectus Philologicus 28, no. 33 (October 25, 2015): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2015.28.33.15.

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First Poles were sent to Siberia in the second half of the 18th century; then, after the fall of the November Uprising (1831), about ten thousand young Poles were deported to Siberia. More than twenty thousand people were exiled after the fall of the January Uprising (1863); whereas, the beginning of 1880s saw large deportation of those who were the members of socialist parties.The majority of deportees thought that the time in exile should be devoted to self-education and self-organization; therefore, the necessity to cultivate patriotic sentiments and Catholic religion was unquestionable. Some deportees were strongly convinced that it is not enough to cultivate Polish traditions to get ready for the economic development of Poland, once the independence is regained; thus, it was necessary to take immediate steps that would bring freedom.One of the best known cases of such thinking is the so called Omsk Conspiracy. In 1833, the deportees from the Omsk region came up with a plan for an uprising, another revolt against stardom was planned in 1866 in Transbaikal; however, both of those attempts failed.
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Nabywaniec, Stanisław. "Armenians in Poland from the 14th century to the first years of the 21st century." Textus et Studia, no. 1/2(17/18) (July 16, 2021): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.05103.

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The first groups of Armenians arrived in Red Ruthenia, Podolia, and Kyiv Ruthenia as early as in the 11th century as part of the first wave of exiles before the Seljuk invasion. At the same time the first Armenian settlements in these Polish lands were established. However, a significant development tendency of the Armenian settlement can only be mentioned concerning the reign of Casimir the Great, who also contributed to the raise of the Armenian church in Lviv to the rank of a cathedral. The greatest development of the Armenian settlement in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth took place in the 16th and 17th centuries. At the end of the 17th century, Armenian settlements stretched along the entire south-eastern border of the Republic of Poland. The Armenian colonies in the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth played an important role in the organization of eastern trade. A trade route connecting the East with the West ran through the territory of the Republic of Poland. Apart from economic activity, Armenians played a significant role in the field of diplomacy. All Armenian colonies in the territory of the Republic of Poland enjoyed autonomy. The outbreak of the war in 1939 meant that Poles and Armenians shared the tragic fate. World War II dispersed the Polish Armenians. Some of them – mainly Armenians from the city of Kuty and its surroundings – were murdered in 1943–1944 by the Ukrainians, with the approval of the Germans. Others were taken to Soviet camps or sent to Central Asia. Few Armenians remained in Lviv. Polish Armenians who survived lived in postwar Poland. After the political transformation that took place in Poland and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, new emigrants from Armenia come to Poland. According to the 2002 national population and housing census, 262 citizens of the Republic of Poland declared themselves as Armenians.
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Zessin-Jurek, Lidia, and Ágnes Katalin Kelemen. "Refugees Welcome to History and Memory: Polish (and Jewish) World War II Exiles in Hungary." Hungarian Studies Review 49, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.49.1.0062.

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Abstract After 2015, the Hungarian and Polish governments voiced their vehement opposition to the idea of the European Union distributing refugees among its member states in a quota system while at the same time cherishing the history of Hungary welcoming Polish refugees during World War II. This episode in history fits into the proverbial tradition of camaraderie between the two countries. Meanwhile, aid to refugees in 1939 was strongly tainted by selective discriminatory criteria—as today (refugees from Ukraine: yes, from Syria: no)— which shows a repetition of regional practice toward refugees. Reading against the patterns of historiographical and commemorative traditions of both countries, this article discusses the sinusoidal presence of this refugee topic in Hungary and Poland. The recent discourses created around this case of international solidarity have depended strongly on political decisions and major debates taking place in both societies, including their coming to terms with the Holocaust and the refugee situation unfolding in Europe after 2015.
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Olchówka, Anna. "Breslau or Wrocław? The identity of the city in regards to the World War II in an autobiographical reflection." Debater a Europa, no. 13 (July 1, 2015): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_5.

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On the 1st September 1939 a German city Breslau was found 40 kilometers from the border with Poland and the first front lines. Nearly six years later, controlled by the Soviets, the city came under the "Polish administration” in the "Recovered Territories". The new authorities from the beginning virtually denied all the past of the city, began the exchange of population and the gradual erasure of multicultural memory; the heritage of the past recovery continues today. The main objective of this paper is to present the complexity of history through episodes of a city history. The analysis of texts and images, biographies of the inhabitants / immigrants / exiles of Breslau / Wrocław and the results of modern research facilitate the creation of a complex political, economic, social and cultural landscape, rewritten by historical events and resettlement actions. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_5
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Adamczewski, Przemysław. "OVERVIEW OF POLISH EPIGRAPHY IN THE CAUCASUS." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (March 28, 2021): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch17161-68.

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The issue of Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus is still very poorly understood and until now no one of the scientists has attempted to analyze this phenomenon. This is probably due to the very scant research material that can be relied on in the 21st century. Despite the passage of time, there are, however, sources that allow us to study Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus. It can be divided into four main groups: a) inscriptions on temples; b) epitaph; c) advertising epigraphs; d) graffiti, especially the kind called Style-Writing.Most of the Polish epigraphy in the Caucasus is associated with the presence of Poles in this area at a time when part of the lands of the Commonwealth was part of the Russian Empire. How many Poles ended up in the Caucasus and when is difficult to calculate, at least due to the lack of statistical data taking into account nationality. Presumably, although accurate calculations on this issue were not published, recruits from the territory of the former Rzeczpospolita to the Caucasus began to be expelled after 1773, i.e. after the I partition of Poland. The sending of exiles to serve in the Caucasus as a punishment took place, in turn, during the war, as, for example, after Napoleon's campaign in Moscow. Ludwik Wiedershal gave information that in 1812, apparently (it should be emphasized that the author used a conditional mood) 10 thousand Poles were sent to the Caucasus, although in 1815 almost all of them returned to the country. Other Polish groups exiled to the Caucasus included participants in uprisings for independence, as well as those who were repressed for participating in various organizations that, in the opinion of the tsarist government, posed a threat to the then existing system, for example, filarets, persons associated with the so-called Konarski case, and others.
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RUDNICKI, ZBIGNIEW B. "Poland and European Integration: The Ideas and Movements of Polish Exiles in the West, 1939-91 - By T. Lane and M. Wolański." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 49, no. 4 (June 1, 2011): 920–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02173_5.x.

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Krejčová Zavadilová, Gabriela. "Methodological solutions of oral history and their application in research into Czech evangelical communities in Eastern and South-eastern Europe." Theatrum historiae, no. 30 (December 15, 2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46585/th.2022.30.03.

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This work deals with the Czech evangelical (reformed religion) communities in Eastern and Southeastern Europe which originated in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th for economic and social reasons. The founders of these communities either left the territory of Bohemia and Moravia for the fringes of the Habsburg monarchy (they started to appear abroad only after the creation of Czechoslovakia), or they left the post-White Mountain exiles’ settlements in today’s Poland and set up new villages by the process of what is termed secondary migration. These communities continue to function up to today and the Czech language is still a commonly used form of communication. The aim of this work is to capture the narration of the last members of these communities about the history of particular communities and the common motifs of their narrations across the communities. The factors which help to preserve the identities of these communities are also identified. The method of oral history and the biographical method are the main approaches employed in the research, and the final narrations are analysed and compared. Subsequently, the concepts of the collective memory are taken into consideration.
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Квашнин, Юрий Николаевич, Анджей Дыбчак, and Яцек Кукучка. "ЗАГАДКИ СИБИРСКОЙ КОЛЛЕКЦИИ КРАКОВСКОГО ЭТНОГРАФИЧЕСКОГО МУЗЕЯ." Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology), no. 4 (52) (December 12, 2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2020-52-4/83-102.

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В статье рассмотрены два предмета из Сибирской коллекции Краковского этнографического музея – женская шуба из оленьего меха и шапка из шкуры росомахи. В ходе исследования удалось выяснить имя дарителя – Исидора-Александра Собанского, сосланного в Сибирь участника Польского восстания 1863 г. Была обнаружена не известная ранее специалистам литография русского художника В.Д. Сверчкова, изображающая, в частности, женскую шапку и шубу, схожие с рассматриваемыми предметами из собрания Собанского. Установлено, что шапки из шкур росомахи были повседневным головным убором ненецких женщин на всем пространстве расселения этого этноса. Иногда такие шапки носили шаманы. Кроме того, сегодня известно, что женские шубы, аналогичные тем, что носили ненцы Канинского п-ова, до начала XX в. бытовали также в Приуралье и в низовьях Оби, куда их привозили из-за Урала невесты. В статье также затронуты малоизученные темы польских ссыльных в Западной Сибири и изображения ненцев в работах русских и зарубежных художников. Благодаря ссыльным, вернувшимся на родину из Сибири, в Польшу попали предметы, составившие основу Сибирской коллекции музея. Она насчитывает более 350 экспонатов, среди которых одежда, обувь, головные уборы, изделия из бересты, меха, кожи и костей животных. Почти все вещи были изготовлены в XIX в. разными народами Севера и Сибири – ненцами, селькупами, эвенками, эвенами, чукчами, коряками, алеутами. Two objects from the Siberian collection of the Krakow Ethnographic Museum are discussed in the article – a women’s fur coat from deer fur and a hat from wolverine skin. In the course of the study, the name of the donor was found out – Isidor-Alexander Sobansky, a Polish rebel of 1863, exiled to Siberia. A previously unknown to specialists lithography by the Russian artist Vladimir Sverchkov was discovered; it depicts a woman’s hat and a fur coat similar to objects from the Sobansky collection. It is known that hats from wolverine skins were part of everyday clothes of Nenets women throughout the territory of the Nenets settlement. Sometimes they were worn by shamans. The article proves that until the beginning of the 20th century women’s fur coats of the Nenets of the Kaninsky peninsula were also worn in the Urals and in the lower Ob, having been brought there by brides. In addition, the article touches on poorly studied topics of the Polish exile in Western Siberia and the depiction of the Nenets in the works of Russian and foreign artists. Thanks to the exiles who returned to their homeland from Siberia, the items that formed the basis of the Siberian collection came to Poland. The collection contains more than 350 items, including clothing, footwear, hats, products from birch bark, fur, leather and animal bones. Almost all of them were made in the 19th century by different peoples of the North and Siberia – Nenets, Selkups, Evenks, Evens, Chukchi, Koryaks, Aleuts.
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Kločková, Lenka, and Roman Štér. "Zachránce z české obce Kupičov na Volyni – k životním osudům evangelického duchovního Jana Jelínka." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 73, no. 1-2 (2022): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2019.002.

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The purpose of this text is to map out the vicissitudes in the life of the Evangelical clergyman Jan Jelínek on the basis of the sources available, in a bid to foster awareness of this prominent personage in the public realm and preserve his memory for future generations. Jan Jelínek was born in 1912 in Zelov (present-day Poland) to Czech exiles. Initially he worked as an accountant in the Jan Sláma company in Zelov, later graduating from the Missionary School in Olomouc and becoming a preacher. In the years 1937 – 1944 he served as preacher in the Czech village of Kupičov in Volhynia. During World War II he helped the persecuted, hiding Jews from the Germans, and Ukrainians and Poles from Bandera’s followers. In 1944 he and his wife joined the First Czechoslovak Army Corps in the USSR. In January 1958 he was arrested by the StB (the secret police of the Communist Czechoslovak state), and following three months of detention on remand, was sentenced to two years in prison for sedition and opposition to the establishment of the JZD (a network of Czech collective farms). He was released in 1960. Until his retirement in 1972, he worked as a labourer in the Paints and Varnishes company. Jan Jelínek died in Prague in 2009. On 28 October 2019 president Miloš Zeman posthumously decorated him with the Order of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, Class I.
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Pierce, J. Mackenzie. "Zofia Lissa, Wartime Trauma, and the Evolution of the Polish “Mass Song”." Journal of Musicology 37, no. 2 (2020): 231–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2020.37.2.231.

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Scholars have primarily seen the musicologist Zofia Lissa (1908–80) as a communist ideologue and key instigator of the Sovietization of Polish musical culture after World War II. An examination of materials from seven archives in three countries related to her life reveals a more complex picture of her views and of how she deployed her power. Before World War II she was a fierce advocate for both modernist aesthetics and communist politics, as well as a cutting-edge thinker about issues of social identity. World War II, which forced her to flee deep into the Soviet Union to avoid the Holocaust, transformed her thinking about these topics. Working in Moscow with a Polish and Polish-Jewish diaspora, she saw how popular song could mobilize war-wearied exiles despite seemingly unbridgeable political and social fissures. These ideas became the core of Lissa’s postwar advocacy for the mass song, a genre of accessible socialist music that had deep roots in the USSR. Viewing the Polish mass song from Lissa’s perspective reveals how she believed that the genre could reflect the experiences of widespread loss among Poles and harness these reactions in service of a communist musical culture. In showing how musical performance can enunciate collective identities founded in the experience of trauma, Lissa’s views shed light on a cultural logic that continues to inform commemorations of World War II in Poland to this day.
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Niedojadło, Andrzej. "Syberiada, czyli polska golgota na Wschodzie. Historyczna pamięć społeczna elementem wychowania patriotycznego." Kultura - Przemiany - Edukacja 9 (2021): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/kpe.2021.9.4.

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It has been 102 years since Poland regained independence in 1918 and 82 years since the outbreak of World War II. This article, being devoted to the situation of Poles deported deep into the USSR, their martyrdom and even the Holocaust (it was better for the Soviets to destroy them through hard work, not by shooting, saving ammunition), inclines us to reflect on the issues of patriotism, national identity and the issue of security and defense of the country today. The problems discussed here are historically encompassed within the time period of 1939–1943, i.e. the most difficult time for Poles living in the USSR. Let it be a warning to Polish teachers, parents and those who govern the Polish state against a repetition of the described situation. Currently, young people should be educated not only in the spirit of tolerance and respect for other nations, but with the defense of the Polish raison d’état in mind. An important element of education is teaching young generations of Poles to draw conclusions from the past. You cannot live after failures according to the principle that “it’s easy to be wise after the event”. Teaching respect for one’s own freedom, democracy, free elections and opposing any nascent totalitarianism. The article allows to learn about the dramatic fate of Polish exiles in Siberia, evokes them and records their tragedy permanently in the memory of people (generations). It aims at developing the ability to think objectively and assess the causes that led to the martyrdom of Poles in the USSR. It also hopes to influence the adoption of the desired values and attitudes towards current political events in the world.
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Suprun, Mikhail N., and Alena I. Gerasimova. "Poles in the Arkhangelsk exile during the Second World War (a case study of the special settlements of Uima and Koskovo)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 4 (2021): 1294–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-4-6.

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After the outbreak of the Second World War, the eastern territories of Poland were occupied by the Soviet troops (and the new Soviet-Polish border was removed far to the West). Almost 320 thousand Polish citizens who resided in these territories were arrested and sent to the camps and special settlements in the remote regions of the USSR. Of them, almost 58 thousand people were deported to Arkhangelsk Oblast. Based on the materials of two special settlements of Primorsky Raion of Arkhangelsk Oblast, this article considers the process of deportation of Polish citizens, the conditions of their accommodation and labor, their legal status, and repatriation. The authors made an attempt to identify social groups, establish the sex and age composition of the deportees, describe the process of their adaptation to the new conditions and labor efficiency, and point out the peculiarities of the application of amnesty and repatriation. According to the results of the study, the authors came to the conclusion that the conditions in the special settlements under study were such that the death rate among Polish settlers there in the first winter was almost 10% despite the territorial proximity of these settlements to the regional center. Of the survivors, only 20% of working-age men could be involved in the work in the forest. The rest of the exiles consisted of women and children, more than half of whom (47%) were children under the age of 14. In violation of the law, another 15–20% of this number could be sent to work, but in any case, the labor efficiency of such workers was minimal. The situation was aggravated by the lack of normal working and living conditions, which entailed high disease incidence and, as a result, absence from work. Such a contingent became burdensome for logging enterprises. Even with the lowest wages, special settlers’ labor was unprofitable. Meanwhile, even after the 1941 amnesty, the authorities did everything they could to keep the special settlers in the USSR. The authors explain this fact by an attempt to make Polish citizens hostages in resolving the “Polish issue,” i.e. recognition of the new Soviet-Polish border by the West and the Polish Government-in-Exile in London. As soon as an agreement with the allies on the western border of the USSR was reached and the special settlers got an opportunity to leave the USSR, there was no single Polish citizen who wanted to stay in the Soviet Union, and all of them hastened to leave for their homeland.
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Review: Thomas Lane and Marian Wolański, Poland and European Integration: The Ideas and Movements of Polish Exiles in the West, 1939—91, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009; viii + 312 pp.; $89.95 hbk; ISBN 9780230229372." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 4 (October 2010): 885–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220094100450040105.

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Jolluck, Katherine R. "‘You Can't Even Call them Women’: Poles and ‘Others’ in Soviet Exile during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003071.

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Hundreds of thousands of Poles were forcibly transported to the interior of the USSR after the Red Army invaded eastern Poland in 1939. These individuals, male and female, ended up in Soviet prisons, labour camps or special deportation settlements. This article examines how women interpreted and coped with this traumatic experience of exile, arguing that this entailed the articulation of a traditional, homogenous identity for Polish females. One component of this self-definition was differentiation from ‘others’, isolated on the basis of nationality. On the whole, the exiled Polish women did not feel solidarity with women of other nationalities, regardless of the fact that they too were victims of the Stalinist regime. Polish women continually linked the configuration of gender roles which they regarded as proper, civilised and even natural, to their own national group. In this way, they affirmed that they did not belong in this new world and maintained a connection to home, to what they understood to be Polish, European and civilised.
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Nakhlik, Olesya. "MAN-CITIZEN-INTELLECTUAL IN THE INTERPRETATION OF UKRAINIAN AND POLISH EMIGRATION ON THE PAGES OF “CULTURE” BY J. GIEDROYC." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.259-266.

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The article is devoted to the elucidation of the points of view, considerations and discussions of Ukrainian and Polish emigrants from the circles united around the Parisian magazine “Culture” by J. Giedroyc on the deformation of a human-intellect- citizen in the Soviet totalitarian society. Immediately after its foundation, the well-known Polish emigration magazine “Culture” designated his pages as a place for the intellectual meetings of the authors describing the essence of Soviet totalitarianism, the importance of exposing illusions about the absence of the threat of sovietism to the countries of Western Europe, realizing that com- munism is in the same degree dangerous for European culture, as there was dangerous German Nazism before. First of all Polish and later Ukrainian intellectuals (writers, historians, publicists, journalists) focused their attention on reflections on the deforma- tion of the human-intellectualist-citizen in the totalitarian world. Articles by J. Ławrinenko, Julian Kardosz (E. Małaniuk), J. Sze- rech-Szewelow, Cz. Miłosz, G. Herling-Grudziński, J. Czapski and many other dissidents living in Western democracies, hold the necessary distance to look carefully at the methods of the Soviet repressive system and the effects of total propaganda. The research material consists of the texts of these authors from the post-war decade. Despite the fact that this is a relatively short moment in the decades-long dominance of the Soviet regime in a large part of European territories, even it reveals the scale of crimes committed against a man forced to live in the Soviet regime in the countries behind the Iron Curtain. Published in “Culture” texts belonging to various literary and non-literary genres show us the essence of totalitarianism existing in the homelands of their authors – it is total power over every citizen, manifesting from physical destruction (unjustified arrests, abductions, exiles to camps, shootings) to the spiritual humiliation by torture with the atmosphere of fear, terror, informing, uncertainty, indoctrination. The level of merciless means of maintaining this total power in Poland was somewhat weaker in comparison to Ukraine, but at the same time did not change its basic striving to suppress and eliminate any individual or collective opposition of the communist ideology. That is why it is particularly important to consider points of view, meditation and discussion of the Polish and Ukrainian perspectives on Soviet totalitarianism, its ideology, which has entered all aspects of human existence.
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Gotowiecki, Paweł. "W kręgu badań nad dziejami emigracyjnego parlamentaryzmu Recenzja publikacji: Depozyt Niepodległości. Rada Narodowa Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie (1939–1991), red. Zbigniew Girzyński, Paweł Ziętara." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.73.

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The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.
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Darasz, Zdzisław. "Obywatel dwóch narodowych kultur." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 19 (February 23, 2021): 405–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2020.19.21.

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Emil Korytko, a Polish student in Lwów (Galicia, Austrian partition), was arrested on accusations of activity in a Polish independence movement organisation. After over two years long investigation and imprisonment, he was exiled to Ljubljana (Laibach), the capital of Carniola. While living in exile, he collected and studied Slovene folk poetry and the customs of Carniola, thus becoming a pioneer of Slovenian ethnology and at the same time one of the most influential activists of Slovenian national awakening. In Slovenia he is known better than in his native country. In November 2013, the University in Ljubljana (Faculty of Philosophy) organized, in cooperation with the Embassy of Poland in Slovenia, a symposium dedicated to the celebration of the 200th anniversary of his birth, including an exhibition about his life and career, held in the National and the University Library of Slovenia. In June 2019 this exhibition, supplemented by several documents, was held in the Slovenian Parliament as a celebration of the 180th anniversary of Korytko’s death. The bilingual book presented here reflects these cultural celebrations and the current state of knowledge about Polish-Slovenian ethnographer, philologist, poet, and translator.
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Boczkowska, Ewelina. "Chopin's Ghosts." 19th-Century Music 35, no. 3 (2012): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2012.35.3.204.

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Abstract Chopin's Stuttgart diary, written in a state of fear for his loved ones after the defeat of the anti-Russian insurrection in fall 1831, reveals the exiled composer's emotional distress and morbid alienation. Chopin's intense feelings of mourning lent his imagination a peculiar fascination with the morbid. References to corpses and allusions to ghosts in the diary reflect a profound trauma caused by the uncertainty of his personal situation and his awareness of the political crisis. The Stuttgart crisis is only one of numerous instances in which Chopin mapped his personal losses onto the broader fate of those Poles forced into exile after the failure of the uprising. This identification with the estranged community was capable of producing a deeply subjective experience of haunting. Chopin's music carries a poignant relationship to loss and melancholia, exemplified in this article by the Étude, op. 10, no. 12 (“Revolutionary”), the Nocturne, op. 15, no. 3, and the Funeral March from the Piano Sonata, op. 35. These traits have prompted recent films by Andrzej Zulawski and Zbig Rybczynski to adopt Chopin's music as a means of collective mourning in post-Communist Poland.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.

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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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38

Gross, Magdalena H. "Reclaiming the Nation: Polish Schooling in Exile During the Second World War." History of Education Quarterly 53, no. 3 (August 2013): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12021.

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In the autumn of 1939, Poland was invaded and divided in half by the Third Reich and the Soviet Union. Nazi Germany took over western Poland, while the U.S.S.R. took over the southeast. The Soviet invasion of eastern Poland on September 17, 1939, pursuant to provisions of the secret protocol of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, came as a complete surprise to Poland's thirteen million residents and to diplomats around the world. In the months that followed, the Soviets imposed a complex administrative system in the region, with the goal of “Sovietizing” conquered territories. The dismantling of local religious institutions and the creation of Soviet schooling for millions of Polish, Ukrainian, Jewish, and Belorussian children were all part of this program. Additionally, starting in February 1940, the Soviet authorities carried out four punitive waves of deportation of some 320,000 Polish citizens (men, women, and children) into the interior of the U.S.S.R.
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39

Lukasiewicz, Karolina. "Exile to Poverty: Policies and Poverty Among Refugees in Poland." International Migration 55, no. 6 (June 30, 2017): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12356.

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40

Czubocha, Krzysztof. "ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ZSRR ZA NARUSZENIA PRAWA MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO W STOSUNKU DO POLSKI W LATACH 1939-1945." Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.1.09.

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International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.

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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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42

Indraszczyk, Arkadiusz. "Activity of Security Service of the People’s Republic of Poland Against the Polish Peasant Party in France in Years 1948-1966." Studia Polonijne 42 (November 24, 2021): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2142.10.

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The article describes operations of the Poland security service against the Polish People’s Party (PSL) in France. The Poland authorities considered the political emigration to be a serious opponent and did its best to discredit this group in the eyes of the Polish society and to disintegrate its activity. The tools utilised by the security service included surveillance, acquisition of informal collaborators, escalation of personal conflicts between emigrants, disinformation concerning the attitudes of Poles in the country, persuading the key politicians in exile to return to the country. The intelligence has had many successes, including the return of important emigrants to Poland, winning many over as agents, and causing internal conflicts among the political emigration.
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Tarka, Krzysztof. "„Jesteśmy tu dla Polski”. III Rada Narodowa RP wobec wydarzeń w kraju (1949–1951)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.9.

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The article presents discussions on the situation in Poland which took place at the forum of the Third National Council. The Council was appointed by the president of Poland in Exile August Zaleski in 1949. It was vicariously performing some of the functions of the Parliament and as such it was an advisory body to the president and to the government. Its term of office lasted for two years (between 1949 and 1951). Polish authorities in exileregarded Poland as an occupied country and that it was ruled by imposed agents. News coming from the country indicated that the communists ruling in Poland were steering it toward its total sovietisation. Politicians in emigration appealed numerous times to their fellow countrymen in the homeland not to undertake armed combat. They feared that an anti-communist uprising would end in disaster. Their goal was free Poland, independent and whole. However, they could not create a programme which would enable achieving this goal.
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Black, Cathy. "The Dance of Exile: Jerzy Starzyński, Kyczera, and the Polish Lemkos." Dance Research Journal 40, no. 2 (2008): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700000371.

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Since at least the fourteenth century the Slavic ethnic minority population known as Polish Lemkos has claimed the northern slopes of the Carpathian Mountains as its homeland. Lemkos are part of a larger east Slavic population of Carpathian Rus' collectively known as Rusyns, who reside in the Lemko region (in Poland), the Prešov region (in Slovakia), and western Subcarpathian Rus' (in Ukraine) (see Figure I). Beyond the Carpathian homeland Rusyns live in Serbia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, and outside of Europe in the United States, Canada, and Australia (Magocsi 2005, 433; 2006, II). By the outset of the twentieth century in the Lemko Region, the term “Lemko” was gradually adopted as an ethnonym instead of “Rusyn.” Some Rusyns in lands other than Poland also choose to refer to themselves as Lemkos.
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45

Trepte, Hans-Christian. "Between Homeland and Emigration. Tuwim’s Struggle for Identity." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 36, no. 6 (May 30, 2017): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.36.04.

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Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer. Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer.
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46

Ruta, Magdalena. "The Gulag of Poets: The Experience of Exile, Forced Labour Camps, and Wandering in the USSR in the Works of Polish-Yiddish Writers (1939–1949)." Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.010.13878.

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The literary output of the Polish-Yiddish writers who survived WWII in the Soviet Union is mostly a literary mirror of the times of exile and wartime wandering. The two major themes that reverberate through these writings are: the refugees’ reflection on their stay in the USSR, and the Holocaust of Polish Jews. After the war, some of them described that period in their memoirs and autobiographical fiction, however, due to censorship, such accounts could only be published abroad, following the authors’ emigration from Poland. These writings significantly complement the texts produced during the war, offering plentiful details about life in Poland’s Eastern borderlands under Soviet rule as it was perceived by the refugees, or about the fate of specific persons in the subsequent wartime years. This literature, written in – and about – exile is not only an account of what was happening to Polish-Jewish refugees in the USSR, but also a testimony to their coping with an enormous psychological burden caused by the awareness (or the lack thereof) of the fate of Jews under Nazi German occupation. What emerges from all the literary texts published in post-war Poland, even despite the cuts and omissions caused by (self)-censorship, is an image of a postwar Jewish community affected by deep trauma, hurt and – so it seems – split into two groups: survivors in the East (vicarious witnesses), and survivors in Nazi-occupied Poland (direct victim witnesses). The article discusses on samples the necessity of extending and broadening of that image by adding to the reflection on Holocaust literature (which has been underway for many years) the reflection on the accounts of the experience of exile, Soviet forced labour camps, and wandering in the USSR contained in the entire corpus of literary works and memoirs written by Polish-Yiddish writers.
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47

Kella, Elizabeth. "Affect and Nostalgia in Eva Hoffman’s Lost in Translation." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 50, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2015): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2015-0020.

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Abstract This article examines the affective terrain of Poland, Canada, and the US in Eva Hoffman’s autobiographical account of her migration and exile in Lost in Translation: A Life in a New Language (1989), the text that launched Hoffman’s reputation as a writer and intellectual. Hoffman’s Jewish family left Poland for Vancouver in 1959, when restrictions on emigration were lifted. Hoffman was 13 when she emigrated to Canada, where she lived until she went to college in the US and began her career. Lost in Translation represents her trajectory in terms of “Paradise,” “Exile,” and “The New World,” and the narrative explicitly thematizes nostalgia. While Hoffman’s nostalgia for post-war Poland has sometimes earned censure from critics who draw attention to Polish anti-Semitism and the failings of Communism, this article stresses how Hoffman’s nostalgia for her Polish childhood is saturated with self-consciousness and an awareness of the politics of remembering and forgetting. Thus, Hoffman’s work helps nuance the literary and critical discourse on nostalgia. Drawing on theories of nostalgia and affect developed by Svetlana Boym and Sara Ahmed, and on Adriana Margareta Dancus’s notion of “affective displacement,” this article examines Hoffman’s complex understanding of nostalgia. It argues that nostalgia in Lost in Translation is conceived as an emotion which offers the means to critique cultural practices and resist cultural assimilation. Moreover, the lyricism of Hoffman’s autobiography becomes a mode for performing the ambivalence of nostalgia and diasporic feeling.
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МОСЮКОВА, Наталья. "Учасники польського повстання 1863 – 1864 років в засланні на Катеринославщині = Uchasnyky polʹsʹkoho povstannya 1863 – 1864 rokiv v zaslanni na Katerynoslavshchyni." Historia i Świat 5 (September 12, 2016): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2016.05.24.

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One of the most heroic and tragic history of Poland, the period when most of the Polish and Ukrainian lands belonged to the Russian empire is January Uprising (1863 - 1864 years). Consequently, some participants in the January Uprising 70 - 80 years of the nineteenth century. were in exile under police surveillance in the territory Ekaterinoslav province (modern name Ekaterinoslav - Dnipropetrovsk).
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Kornat, Marek. "Stolica Apostolska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej na uchodźstwie (Wrzesień 1939 – czerwiec 1940)." Polski Przegląd Stosunków Miedzynarodowych, no. 5 (May 3, 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ppsm.2015.05.02.

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The Holy See In Polish Foreign Policy of the Government on exile (September 1939 — June 1940) The article is devoted to the reexamining of the policy of Polish Government on exile toward the Holy See after Poland’s defeat in September 1939 and the reestablishment of the legal authorities of Poland in France, under President Raczkiewicz and General Sikorski as Prime Minister. Terminus ad quem of the narration is the collapse of France and transfer of the Government of Poland to London in June 1940. Problems of Vatican’s perception of Polish Question is discussed on the basis of Polish archival documents, especially those of Polish Embassy to the Holy See. Vatican-Polish relations at the beginning of the World War II require special attention because the last treatment of this highly debatable problem was made in historiography by Zofia Waszkiewicz more than thirty five years ago in her monograph Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939–1945 [Policy of the Vatican toward Poland 1939—1945] (Warsaw 1980). How much Polish diplomacy achieved fighting for the Holy See’s support against Nazi Germany? Two things must be said. Firstly, the Holy See recognized the legal continuity of Polish State after the German-Soviet occupation of Poland’s territory in September 1939, but did not sent the papal nuncio to Angers, when Polish Government resided. Secondly, Polish thesis on the special significance of Polish Question as the test-case of international justice received the positive response of the Pope Pius XII in his encyclical Summi Pontificatus published on October 20 1939, but the guidelines of Vatican’s policy were based on the doctrine of strict neutrality of the Papacy in the international relations. It did not permit for Papal condemnation ex officio of the Nazi crimes and criminal policy of extermination in Poland.
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Chrzanowski, Bogdan. "Concepts for reconstruction of the maritime economy of the polish underground state...in the years 1940–1944." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no. 324 (May 15, 2021): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.10.

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The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.
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