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Dragu, Tiberiu. "Essays on executive power /." May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Hengartner, Lukas. "Explaining executive pay : the roles of managerial power and complexity /." Wiesbaden : Dt. Univ.-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2862868&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Steele, Galen Eshbaugh-Soha Matthew. "Strategic factors influencing the issuance and duration of executive orders." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9027.
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Linton, Cynthia A. "Perspectives on Executive power: Legislative vs. Presidential War Powers in the United States." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1763.
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Yatim, Rais. "The rule of law and executive power in Malaysia : a study of executive supremacy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1994. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-rule-of-law-and-executive-power-in-malaysia--a-study-of-executive-supremacy(7227690b-171b-49cd-824f-39ca1d84bf9d).html.
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Fayyaz, Aaliya Qudsiya. "The effect of hegemonic power on executive compensation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ38373.pdf.
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Lee-Clarke, Andrew. "Executive coaching as the differentiating patterning of power." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/14332.
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Executive Coaching is now widely applied in organisations to bring about improvements in performance through individual focussed development. Coaches work with their clients to agree outcomes for their work together and then use their skills in a structured conversation to bring about change. The change they write of is an unfolding of the limitless human potential that resides within each of us, which is accessed by removing obstacles or interferences. The view that I present in this portfolio is significantly different to this predominant thinking and makes an important contribution to the practice of coaching, as a coach, client or line manager. I see the change that can happen in coaching, or indeed in any conversation, as occurring as movements of power. Patterns of power-relating, I argue, differentiate individual and collective identities. Coaching then, is the patterning of power-relating that has the potential for further differentiating and so transforming the identities of all those involved in the coaching process. I perceive power as ongoing patterns that paradoxically form and are formed by the processes of relating between human bodies. I argue that the complex patterning of power, that enables and constrains the actions of each person, creates identity. Identity is therefore a socially created phenomenon, simultaneously forming and being formed by the processes of relating. The differentiating patterning of power transforms identity through changes in our experience of inclusion and exclusion. From this perspective, the change that occurs in coaching assumes transformative causality instead of the dual rationalist and formative causalities that underpin the predominant approaches to executive coaching. This portfolio explores the nature of change in organisations, focussing more intensely, in each paper, on conversations as organisational change, culminating in the exploration of executive coaching as conversations initiated to create change. Through the methodology of participative inquiry, this research provides a way of understanding executive coaching that is informed by the concept of complex responsive processes and the sociology of Norbert Elias rather that the humanistic and cognitive psychologies that are at the root of the work of most executive coaching.
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Iliopoulou, Stavroula. "Executive compensation and managerial power in the UK." Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435253.
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Claveria, i. Alias Sílvia. "Women in executive office in advanced industrial democracies : presence, portfolios and post-ministerial occupation." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392603.
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This thesis is focused on women in executive office. Whereas the literature on women's political representation in national parliaments is now well established, analyses of women in cabinets are rather limited. The dissertation goals are threefold. Firtsly, it examines women's access to executive office, seeking to answer the question about which factors explain the access of women to executive office, with a time series and cross section perspective. Secondly, it pays attention to routes to political office and the gendered patterns underlying portfolio allocation, especially the distribution of prestigious portfolios. Thirdly, it explores the determinants affecting ex-ministers' post-ministerial occupation, as well as how the positions that women and men ministers hold in cabinets may shape their subsequent careers. This dissertation seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of women's participation in executive office in 23 advanced industrial democracies. Simultaneously, it aims at expanding both the general literature on executives and gender and politics.Aquesta tesi se centra en la dona al poder executiu. Mentre que la literatura ha estudiat extensament la representació política de les dones en els parlaments nacionals, les anàlisis sobre la representació de les mateixes en els governs són limitades. En aquesta tesi s'estableix un triple objectiu. En primer lloc, s'examina l'accés de les dones al govern. tractant de descobrir quins factors expliquen l'accés de les dones a càrrecs executius, tan al llarg del temps com comparativament. En segón lloc, se centra en quines són les rutes d'accés als ministeris; com també en els patrons de gènere subjacents a l'assignació de carteres, especialment en la distribució de les carteres prestigioses. En tercer lloc, s'estudia quins són els factors que incideixen a l'hora d'explicar l'ocupacio post-ministerial dels ex-ministres, també s'analitza si la posició ministerial que els i les ministres ostenten al govern condiciona les seves carreres posteriors. Aquesta tesi pretén oferir una visió global de la participació de les dones als governs en 23 democràcies industrials avançades. Al mateix temps, té com a objectiu la contribució tant a la literatura general sobre els executius com a la literatura de gènere i política.
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Rankin, Michaela, and Michaela Rankin@buseco monash edu au. "Determinants of Executive Remuneration: Australian Evidence." RMIT University. Accounting and Law, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080812.140803.
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Corporate governance, and the role of executive pay in particular, has received increased attention from the media, government, and the business arena in recent years. The study reported in this thesis adds to our understanding of both the components and determinants of Australian remuneration packages for the top management team. It does so in four main ways: 1. The study examines the determinants of compensation of a range of senior executives within the organisation, in addition to the CEO. No Australian research, to date, explores the structure and determinants of remuneration beyond the CEO; 2. The research is conducted in a contemporary setting and timeframe, where corporations are subject to expanded disclosure requirements, when compared to the subjects of prior Australian research; 3. It examines an expanded range of factors documented in overseas research as likely to relate to remuneration, some of which have not been previously examined in Australian work; 4. Finally, in developing hypotheses concerning factors expected to relate to remuneration, the study reconciles the perspectives provided by both agency and managerial power theories in terms of how they present similar and differing propositions. The research examines both cash and incentive components of executive compensation disclosed by a sample of top 300 Australian companies in 2005. The model incorporates measures of firm performance, economic characteristics, board monitoring and governance characteristics, and ownership characteristics in an attempt to explain the level of executive compensation. The study extends analysis beyond the CEO to incorporate an investigation of both the structure and determinants of compensation of the top five executives, in addition to the CEO. Results indicate that the structure of CEO compensation has changed since prior Australian research was conducted, to include a more heavy reliance on incentive pay. In contrast to the US, the structure of CEO remuneration differs from that of non-CEO executives. As managers move progressively up the senior executive hierarchy, short-term cash bonus and share-based incentive pay both become more important as components of remuneration. There is also a greater reliance on performance hurdles than has been documented in prior Australian and international research. The expectation that remuneration is now more strongly tied to firm performance is supported. The size and complexity of the firm are also considered to be important in determining the level of various components of both CEO and non-CEO executive compensation. This supports the view that larger, more complex entities attract higher quality executives, and pay for such quality and expertise. Growth firms are more likely to pay higher levels of incentive pay and total compensation to CEOs than non-growth firms. Executive remuneration also relates to the strength of various monitoring and governance mechanisms, although to a greater extent for CEOs than for other senior executives. Managers are able to influence the remuneration-setting process where governance structures are weak, or where they have greater influence. In some cases factors relating to CEO compensation differ from those associated with compensation of lower-level executives.
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Kelley, Christopher S. "THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE AND THE PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENT." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1057716977.
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Stathopoulos, Konstantinous. "UK executive compensation : risk, managerial power and regulatory influences." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.556651.
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Scribner, Druscilla L. "Limiting presidential power : supreme court-executive relations in Argentina and Chile /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3129950.
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Ribeiro, David Ricardo Sousa. "Da crise política ao golpe de estado: conflitos entre o poder executivo e o poder legislativo durante o governo João Goulart." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-19122013-144916/.
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O objeto central desta dissertação é a transição da crise política estabelecida durante o governo João Goulart para o Golpe Político Militar de 1964. Trabalhando especificamente com a dimensão política do Golpe de Estado, analisamos o conflito conjuntural sistêmico existente entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo como sendo sua principal causa político-institucional. Partimos então da seguinte questão: como em um intervalo de menos de três anos o Poder Legislativo foi capaz de abandonar sua postura anti-golpista, sendo determinante para a efetivação do regime militar? Nesse contexto, formulamos a hipótese de que, além de potencializar os conflitos ideológicos da sociedade, as decisões políticas tomadas no Congresso Nacional em meio aos debates sobre as reformas foram cruciais para o desgaste e isolamento político de João Goulart. De tal modo, avaliamos como a incompatibilidade entre o caráter reformista do Poder Executivo e a predominância de uma postura conservadora no Congresso Nacional foi determinante para o término do período democrático da República de 46. Utilizamos os Diários do Congresso Nacional, os discursos presidenciais e as atas de algumas Convenções Partidárias, para analisar os principais conflitos políticos ocorridos entre 1963 e 1964, sendo eles: o restabelecimento do presidencialismo, o Plano Trienal, as negociações em torno de diferentes projetos de Reforma Agrária, a Vigília Cívica, e os conflitos ocorridos durante o mês de março de 1964. Deste modo, buscamos contrapor as teses que tendem a explicar o Golpe de 1964 a partir da justificativa de que ele foi resultado da radicalização dos autores, ou até mesmo, da falta de um compromisso com o regime democrático. Assim, no decorrer da pesquisa buscamos apresentar o protagonismo exercido pelo Poder Legislativo no processo de formulação, execução e legitimação do Golpe de Estado.The main object of this dissertation is the transition of the political crisis established during the government of João Goulart, to the Political Military Coup of 1964. Considering specifically the political dimension of the coup, we analysed the existing conflict between the executive and the legislative power based on a systemic conjuncture, and as the main political-institutional cause. Therefore, we assume the following question: How was the legislative power capable, in less than three years, of abandoning its anti-coup position, being decisive on the validation of the military regime? In this context, we came up with the hypothesis that, besides potentiating ideological conflicts of society, the political decisions taken in congress during debates about reforms were crucial for the political wearing out and isolation of João Goulart. In that way, we evaluated how the incapability between the reformist character of the executive power and the predominance of a conservative posture on congress was decisive to the end of the democratic times of the Republic of 46. We used the National Congress diaries, presidential speeches and the minutes of a few party conventions to analyse the main political conflicts occurred between 1963 and 1964, being them: the reestablishment of the presidential system, the Triennial Plan, negotiations surrounding different agrarian reform projects, civic vigil, and the conflicts occurred during the March of 1964. Among the objectives of this research, we intended to oppose the thesis, which tend to explain the Military Coup with the justification that it was the result of a radicalization of its authors, or even a lack of 8 compromise with the democratic regime. Therefore, along the research, we intended to present the role of the legislative power in the formulation, execution and legitimation process of the coup.
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Noronha, Lincoln Narcelio Thomaz. "Processo legislativo e emendamento constitucional no Brasil pós-1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13062012-125024/.
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Este trabalho avalia o impacto do processo legislativo no emendamento da Constituição brasileira de 1988, até 2010. O objetivo é melhor explicar o contínuo crescimento e detalhamento da Constituição. Para tanto, foram elaboradas hipóteses a partir da literatura sobre a interação entre Executivo e Legislativo no sistema político brasileiro. As duas principais hipóteses testadas são 1) dominância do Executivo no emendamento constitucional, a partir do funcionamento do presidencialismo de coalizão; e 2) influência do poder legislativo no emendamento constitucional, ilustrando os custos do processo decisório e a relação entre a heterogeneidade de uma base política parlamentar e seu impacto na produção legislativa. Para a construção do banco de dados, foi utilizada a Metodologia de Análise Constitucional (MAC). Aplicou-se a metodologia às propostas de emenda constitucional (PECs) que se tornaram emendas à Constituição, assim como a todos os substitutivos aprovados nas fases deliberativas internas ao Congresso Nacional. Dessa maneira, foi possível avaliar cada mudança realizada em cada dispositivo das PECs oferecidas e aprovadas ao longo do processo legislativo, assim como o quanto cada fase contribuiu para a definição do texto final das emendas e para o detalhamento e crescimento do texto constitucional. Os resultados permitiram a comprovação da preponderância da hipótese 2 em detrimento da 1, demonstrando a importância do Poder Legislativo na definição de matéria legislativa constitucional, em detrimento das propostas do Poder Executivo. Além disso, foi possível realizar uma crítica às teorias comparativas que relacionam o impacto da regra de emendamento nas taxas de emendamento das Constituições, demonstrando que, pelo menos no caso brasileiro, a combinação de maiorias qualificadas e heterogeneidade parlamentar levou a um aumento no emendamento da Constituição de 1988.This work evaluates the impact of the legislative process on the brazilian constitution, from 1988 to 2010. Its objective is to better explain the continuous growth and growing specificity of the constitution. In order to do that, hypotheses were elaborated from the literature on the interaction between the Executive and Legislative branches of the brazilian political system. The two main hypotheses tested here are 1) Is the Executive dominant in the constitutional amendment process, through the mechanism of coalitional presidency; and 2) the influence of the Legislative on the constitutional amendment, illustrating the costs of the decision making process and the relation between an heterogeneous parliamentary base, and its impact on the legislation. To test these two hypotheses, a data set was gathered, using the Methodology of Constitutional Analysis (MCA). The MCA was applied to all the constitutional amendment proposals (CAPs) that eventually became constitutional amendments, as well as to all the substitute versions of the CAPs that were approved on the various deliberative forums inside the National Congress. By doing that, it was possible to evaluate each change made to the PECs that eventually became amendments to the constitution, as well as how each moment of the legislative process contributed to the growth of the constitutional text. The results proved the prevalence of the hypothesis 1 over the hypothesis 2, thus demonstrating the importance of the Legislative branch in defining the contents of the constitution. Furthermore, it was possible develop a criticism on the current comparative theories on constitutional amendment that relates formal procedures of amendment and constitutional rigidity to rate of constitutional amendment. At least in the brazilian case, we observed that the combination of qualified majorities and parliamentary heterogeneity further spurred, and didnt restrict, constitutional amendment
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Jamieson, Jamesina G. L. "The evolution of executive power in Saskatchewan, 1944 to 1982." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5806.
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Magar, Eric. "Bully pulpits : posturing, bargaining, and polarization in the legislative process of the Americas /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3026372.
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Maxwell, Jewerl Thomas. "Presidential affirmative action the role of presidential executive orders in the establishment, institutionalization, & expansion of federal equal employment opportunity policies /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1216044992.
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Voulgaris, Georgios. "Essays on executive pay." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/essays-on-executive-pay(87065b51-30b2-412a-bbb2-cdd413d0b2a1).html.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate the effect of two specific external, to the principal-agent relationship, influences on executive pay practices in the UK, namely pay consultants and the introduction of the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). The thesis consists of three essays. In the first essay, I examine the role of pay consultants in UK CEO pay practices. The results illustrate that their role is not consistent with the predictions of the managerial power theory. More specifically, pay consultants do not try to help managers towards the expropriation of shareholders' wealth; on the contrary I show strong indications that pay consultants urge firms towards the adoption of more incentive based CEO compensation. Moreover, I report that economic characteristics (e.g. firm size, complexity of the contract) rather than CEO power explain the firm's choice to hire a compensation consultant. These results are robust to selection bias controls. The results of this essay indicate that pay consultants play a less "sinister" role than what the managerial power theory suggests and that their advice and expertise can assist firms design an optimal executive pay contract. In the second essay, I examine the existence of managerial opportunism at the switch from UK GAAP to IFRS. I find strong indications that the restatements from UK GAAP to IFRS have not been manipulated by managers. I examine the existence of such behaviour under different specifications and for different types of CEOs that one would expect to engage in opportunistic behaviour to maximise the expected personal wealth. The research design that I adopt makes the results less prone to methodological issues common in studies in this area. Positive Accounting Theory literature has established that managerial opportunism seriously affects accounting choice. The results of this essay imply that with respect to IFRS restatements, where managers had strong incentives to manage future earnings, I find no signs of manipulation. This essay thus puts into question the Positive Accounting Theory Paradigm. In the third essay, I examine the effect of IFRS on the use of performance measures for evaluating and rewarding managers. This essay illustrates that firms make less use of accounting based performance measures due to the introduction of IFRS. I explain these results based on the predictions of optimal contacting theory. I claim that IFRS adds unnecessary "noise" to accounting numbers not relevant to the managers' actions. This is mainly due to the adoption of "fair value" accounting, which makes accounting earnings more value relevant and therefore useful for firm valuation purposes; however, "fair value" accounting also makes accounting numbers more volatile and sensitive to market movements. If this increase in volatility is related to events outside the managers' control, this makes the use of accounting based performance measures less useful for evaluating and rewarding managers. The results of this essay imply that IFRS might have made accounting earnings more useful for stock market purposes, e.g. firm valuation, but this has happened at the expense of other purposes that accounting serves, e.g. contracting.
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Santos, Rodrigo dos. "Partidos na comissão mista de planos, orçamentos públicos e fiscalização (2006-2010) /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/102333.
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Orientador: Maria Teresa Miceli KerbauyBanca: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano
Banca: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa
Banca: Maria do Socorro Souza Braga
Banca: Eduardo Garuti Noronha
Resumo: Esta tese analisa o processo decisório da Comissão Mista de Planos, Orçamentos Públicos e Fiscalização sobre as Medidas Provisórias de Auxílios Financeiros para os Estados e Municípios exportadores entre 2006 e 2010. Destaca-se a importância do Senado como orientador decisório para os impasses políticos existentes nas aprovações das Medidas Provisórias de Auxílio Financeiro. A partir dos fundamentos federalistas do Senado, os partidos e as lideranças estabelecem maior coesão e racionalidade ao processo decisório. Enfatiza-se, assim, a importância dos partidos e das lideranças no processo decisório orçamentário, garantindo a capacidade governativa necessária para o Poder Executivo. O arranjo representativo federativo é observado diante de suas limitações e de suas possibilidades e do melhor entendimento sobre o presidencialismo de coalizão multipartidário. Conclui-se que o Senado é uma importante instância decisória e exerce um papel diferenciado na orientação das políticas de auxílio financeiro
Abstract: This doctoral thesis examines the decision making process of Mixed Committee of Plans, Public Budgets and Supervision about Provisional Measures of Financial Aid to States and Municipalities exporters between 2006 and 2010. We emphasize the importance of the Senate as a decision making mentor to the political deadlock in the approval of the Provisional Measures of Financial Aid. From the Federalist foundations of the Senate, parties and leaders provide greater cohesion and rationality to the decision-making process. Therefore, we emphasize the importance of parties and leaders in the budgetary decision making process, ensuring the necessary capability of government to the Executive Power. The federal representative arrangement is observed in its limitations and possibilities; we highlight the need to improve the understanding about the Brazilian multiparty coalition presidentialism. We concluded that the Senate is an important decision-maker and it exercises a distinct role in guiding about financial aid policies
Doutor
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McCollester, Maria Lynn. "Executive Power in Unlikely Places: The Presidency and America's Public Lands." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107219.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyBy examining the interactions between the presidency and the other branches of government, research illuminates the causes and mechanisms by which the presidency, and its power, ebbs and flows. Due to the nature of the powers directly granted to the president within the Constitution, much consideration has been given to presidential power through the prisms of national security, international affairs, and times of national emergency. Yet the presidency consists of more than the roles of commander- and diplomat-in-chief. By looking beyond the more obvious considerations of presidential power, the complexity of the institution’s development is not only revealed, but more fully explained. Consequently, this dissertation analyzes the development of presidential power by looking at the less obvious. It considers the use of formal executive tools to implement congressionally delegated and supported authority in an area of domestic policy: the creation of federally protected public lands. Instead of seeking to understand how the use of presidential power impacted an area of public policy, this research flips that perennial question on its head by asking: how has public land policy contributed to the development of presidential power? The research presented here shows, through the analysis of five public land categories, that the consistent application of executive power within this policy realm, combined with Congressional acceptance of this application, enhanced the overall power of the American presidency
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Maciver, Iain Gordon. "Revolutionary governorship : the evolution of executive power in Virginia, 1758-1781." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21996.
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The nature of governorship just before, during, and just after the American Revolution is a subject that has been noticeably neglected in the historiography of the Revolution. While biographies of individual governors have been written, there remains a need for a clear ideological and constitutional debate about the actual executive functions, the nature of the appointment system in place, and the constitutional role of governors across the colonial and state periods. This dissertation examines the evolution of governorship in Virginia from 1758 to 1781. It attempts to identify, define and compare two different systems of governorship in Virginia. It examines the nature of executive authority and constitutional role of the different governors in this period. It seeks, first, to identify and define a gubernatorial system in colonial Virginia. By analysing a governor’s methods of appointment, the governor’s constitutional status, his relationship with the legislature and the people at large, this dissertation will identify a ‘British’ system of governorship. Second, the dissertation will attempt to identify a separate republican system of governorship in Virginia that was established in 1776. It will analyse the Virginia Constitution and explain the gubernatorial position in this political framework. It will also examine the first five years of Virginia’s independence from Britain and focus on the nature of gubernatorial authority in practice. By identifying two distinct models of governorship, this dissertation will be able to compare them in order to ascertain to what extent Virginians relied upon or abandoned British constitutional thinking and practice. The dissertation maintains that Virginians relied heavily upon British constitutional thinking when establishing their system of governorship in 1776. While Virginians rejected wholeheartedly a system based on monarchical influence and patronage, they were inspired by radical Country Whig thinkers who had dictated that an uncontrolled executive branch posed the greatest threat to the political system. Virginians in 1776 established a system of governorship that was inherently weak and that was controlled and dominated by the legislative branch. This dissertation, however, maintains that the system of state governorship established by the Virginian Convention in 1776 was not wholly dissimilar to the practical powers and influence at the disposal of royal governors. Both systems were inherently weak: the royal and state governors could not exert any meaningful control over the legislative branch, were not able to exert much influence over the people at large and were not granted many significant practical powers. This dissertation will also demonstrate that executive power, and the perceptions of the dangers that executive power posed, had developed markedly from 1776 to 1781. Not only will it prove that Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry enjoyed more powers than was prescribed to the governorship in 1776, but it will also show that, by 1781, a strong executive branch was required to save the state of Virginia from potential collapse.
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Ronan, Jim. "A resolution without resolve how the War Powers Resolution has failed to limit the powers of the presidency /." Click here for download, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495953611&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Rutledge, Paul E. "Agenda setting and presidential power in the United States." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10495.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2009.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 165 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 156-165).
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Wolfe, David Robert. "Presidential Power, Historical Practice, and Constraints." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/97603.
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America's founding fathers designed the Constitution as a malleable contract for governance, envisioning a republic with a struggle among co-equal actors that would serve to constrain and channel the struggle for power. The problem this study was designed to address is that presidents have used executive orders (EOs) when legislation is too difficult to pass due to divided party government, or when making sweeping changes to executive departments or agencies that historically required congressional approval. The purpose of this analysis was to explore whether a contemporary Democratic president are more likely than a Republican to use the EO as a unilateral strategy to pursue domestic/economic policy objectives during times of divided party government. This study compared the use of executive orders under divided government by Republican President Ronald Reagan and Democratic President Barack Obama, examining three EOs issued by each.
Reagan and Obama viewed government differently. President Obama saw government as a solution to problems and President Reagan saw government as a source of problems. From this, I inferred that Democrats would be more likely than Republicans to favor federal government intervention in domestic/economic policy. Yet, though both presidents had different agendas and approaches, they both used the EO as a unilateral strategy under divided government. This may reflect that presidents understand that many in the public hold the president accountable for the economic performance of the United States, and economic wellbeing may lead to reelection of a president.Master of Arts
America's founding fathers designed the Constitution as a flexible contract for control, imagining a republic with a struggle among co-equal actors that would serve to limit and guide the struggle for power. The problem this study was designed to address is that presidents have used executive orders (EOs) when laws were too difficult to pass due to divided party government, or when making far-reaching changes to departments or agencies that usually need congressional approval. The purpose of this study was to gain more insight as to whether a Democratic president was more likely than a Republican president to use executive orders to pursue domestic/economic policy goals when different parties controlled Congress and the presidency. The study examined the use of executive orders by Republican President Ronald Reagan and Democratic President Barack Obama under divided government, looking in depth at three executive orders each President issued. Reagan saw government as a source of problems and Obama saw government as a source of solutions. This led to the expectation that Democratic President Obama might use domestic/economic intervention by the federal government more often than Republican President Reagan would. Yet, although both presidents had different plans and methods, they used the executive order similarly during times of divided government. This likely reflects that presidents -- regardless of party -- understand that many in the public hold the president accountable for the economic performance of the United States, and economic wellbeing may lead to reelection of a president.
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Hylton, Joseph G. "The Growth of Executive Power and the Modern Presidency: Nixon to Clinton." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1444.
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This thesis tracks the direction of the development of unilateral executive power from Nixon to Clinton. The thirty-two-year process saw a mostly continuous growth of the power of the president to act unilaterally through a variety of mechanisms seizing the ability to act first from the other branches of government and the bureaucracy. The ability to enhance presidential power depends on many factors such as one time shocks (such as Watergate) and congressional support. The minority presidency of Richard Nixon responded to democratic control of Congress by aggressive assertions of presidential power via unilateral decrees. In fights such as impoundment, wage and price controls, and affirmative action plans, Nixon attempted to increase the power of the presidency while also laying groundwork for future regulatory reforms. Nixon’s resignation and Watergate crated stiff headwinds for the development of the unilateral powers of the presidency with Congress passed meaningful attempts to claw back presidential powers that had accumulated over time. Nevertheless, the Ford and Carter presidencies still saw the groundwork laid for the next major expansion of presidential authority. Under Reagan and George Herbert Walker Bush, the “Reagan Revolution” saw the Presidency gain new powers to aggressively combat the growing state. The assault on government saw the creation of modern signing statements, and harsh anti-regulatory actions. Clinton’s presidency saw a continued evolution of executive power albeit shaped by the significantly different ends trying to be achieved than under the two previous Republican presidents while also seeing new innovations in the mix of powers.
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Nash, Jennifer. "The Power of Relationships: Navigating the Dance of Change through Executive Coaching." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1522777110365909.
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Vaughan, John T. "Has Ukraine's path to democracy improved from independence to the orange revolution?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FVaughan.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-61). Also available in print.
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Santos, Rodrigo dos [UNESP]. "Partidos na comissão mista de planos, orçamentos públicos e fiscalização (2006-2010)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/102333.
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Esta tese analisa o processo decisório da Comissão Mista de Planos, Orçamentos Públicos e Fiscalização sobre as Medidas Provisórias de Auxílios Financeiros para os Estados e Municípios exportadores entre 2006 e 2010. Destaca-se a importância do Senado como orientador decisório para os impasses políticos existentes nas aprovações das Medidas Provisórias de Auxílio Financeiro. A partir dos fundamentos federalistas do Senado, os partidos e as lideranças estabelecem maior coesão e racionalidade ao processo decisório. Enfatiza-se, assim, a importância dos partidos e das lideranças no processo decisório orçamentário, garantindo a capacidade governativa necessária para o Poder Executivo. O arranjo representativo federativo é observado diante de suas limitações e de suas possibilidades e do melhor entendimento sobre o presidencialismo de coalizão multipartidário. Conclui-se que o Senado é uma importante instância decisória e exerce um papel diferenciado na orientação das políticas de auxílio financeiro
This doctoral thesis examines the decision making process of Mixed Committee of Plans, Public Budgets and Supervision about Provisional Measures of Financial Aid to States and Municipalities exporters between 2006 and 2010. We emphasize the importance of the Senate as a decision making mentor to the political deadlock in the approval of the Provisional Measures of Financial Aid. From the Federalist foundations of the Senate, parties and leaders provide greater cohesion and rationality to the decision-making process. Therefore, we emphasize the importance of parties and leaders in the budgetary decision making process, ensuring the necessary capability of government to the Executive Power. The federal representative arrangement is observed in its limitations and possibilities; we highlight the need to improve the understanding about the Brazilian multiparty coalition presidentialism. We concluded that the Senate is an important decision-maker and it exercises a distinct role in guiding about financial aid policies
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Ziolkowski, Richard, and n/a. "A re-examination of corporate governance: concepts, models, theories and future directions." University of Canberra. Law, 2005. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060411.150123.
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This thesis represents a scholarly journey towards an understanding of
corporate governance. Unlike the vast majority of writings on governance, this
work attempts to take a step back, and to consider why and how we should
study corporate governance. These critical questions have been largely
ignored during the frenzy of governance research in the past few decades.
The thesis argues that corporate governance theory and practice reflects a
Tower of Academic Babel¹ reality as writers from diverse backgrounds use
different approaches, invent terminology and proclaim a new 'theory'. The
thesis analyses the extent of this conceptual confusion about corporate
governance and why this arises. It also considers some possible reasons for
the increasing disillusionment with the legal, ethical, cultural, institutional,
regulatory and other contexts of corporate governance.
The corporate governance literature indicates that much uncertainty has
arisen over the nature of corporate governance. Both, denotative and
connotative meanings of corporate governance have been ambiguous, often
because of poorly defined concepts. This ambiguity is compounded by
confusion over methodological concepts such as "paradigm", "system",
"model" and "theory", the key constructs employed by many legal, and other,
writers. Moreover, much of the literature on corporate governance is founded
on ethnocentric concepts that are often "chauvinistic in the extreme".² This
confusion has been intensified by the added complexity of unique
phenomenology, demonstrated by numerous writers with "scholarship and
advocacy that is culturally and economically insensitive"³
This thesis argues that the search for corporate efficiency and effectiveness
is often misguided, both because of biased performance criteria and a lack of
a clear conceptual domain. Consequently, the corporate governance
discourse fails meaningfully to address the enigma of what is the range of
corporate governance influence on corporate activities? The overarching
argument made in this thesis is that our understanding of corporate
governance requires a clarification of methodological approach and a
comparative perspective.
By recasting corporate governance research within consistent models,
theories and applications this thesis lays the foundation for future research by
which we may investigate the causal relationships that determine corporate
efficiency, effectiveness and the optimum structures for good corporate
governance.
practitioners from most cultures.
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Кунцевич, Марія Павлівна, Мария Павловна Кунцевич, and Mariia Pavlivna Kuntsevych. "Забезпечення реалізації прав, свобод та законних інтересів людини як функції виконавчої влади." Thesis, Хмельницький університет управління та права, 2012. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/64038.
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Steele, Galen. "Strategic Factors Influencing the Issuance and Duration of Executive Orders." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9027/.
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Executive orders are a significant source of presidential power although scholars disagree on the nature of that power. It has been argued that executive orders are an indication of a president's failure to persuade others to act as he desires; others contend that executive orders offer "power without persuasion." This dissertation introduces the conditional model of executive order issuance and duration in order to offer a synthesis to these competing views, and to offer a better understanding of the opportunities and constraints faced by the president when choosing to act unilaterally through executive orders. The conditional theory holds that both the issuance and duration of executive orders is a function of the president's ideological proximity to Congress and the Supreme Court, and the availability of fresh policy space.
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Brito, Anna C. "Misuse of Executive Power as an Obstacle to Democratic Institutional Reform in Argentina." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1366.
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This thesis explores three different institutions that underwent proposed reforms during the President of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015): the intelligence sector, the judiciary, and the media. Though the stated purpose of these reforms was to make more democratic institutions that had suffered under the military junta, in reality they were generally unsuccessful. Furthermore these institutions would be further changed under her successor, Mauricio Macri, still with little improvement to democracy. When examining these changes in the context of hyper-presidentialism, it is apparent that the misuse of executive power is a serious impediment to meaningful institutional reform.
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Esplin, Jacob A. "Comparing the Predictive Power of Executive Function Assessment Strategies on Preschool Mathematics Performance." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7283.
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A child’s executive function (aspects: working memory, response inhibition, and set-shifting between sets of rules) capabilities have been found to strongly relate to their mathematics skills. However, while the relationship has been strongly supported by researchers, a consensus has not been reached regarding the specifics of the relationship between executive function and math skills, including which executive function aspect is most predictive of mathematical performance and the differences in said relationship that might be found when examining both numeracy, such as counting skills and basic operations, and geometry skills. The lack of consensus may be in part because researchers have assessed both executive function and mathematics in a variety of ways. To address the consensus issue, this study used a panel of face-to-face measures of executive function, a paper-and-pencil measure of executive function, and a broader measure of mathematical performance than has typically been used, one including numeracy and geometry. Using a longitudinal approach, with two assessment periods about six months apart (M = 5.61 mos., SD = 1.12), this study examined this relationship among 118 children (61 girls), ages 39 to 68 months (M = 52.58, SD = 6.35), living in both rural (n = 64) and urban (n = 54) areas in a state in the western United States. A longitudinal approach allowed for comparisons between results from the two assessment periods. Results suggest that while numeracy and geometry skill among preschool-age children are connected, there are some independent elements. Additionally, because of rapid cognitive growth, age is an important factor when selecting both assessments and analytic strategies, as statistically significant variations in the predictive power of measures and strategies occurred between assessment periods. Connections between younger children’s executive function and numeracy skills appeared to be best assessed through a non-number-based measure, older children’s numeracy ability can be predicted by a greater variety of executive function measures. Face-to-face executive function measures included in this study were more predictive of numeracy skill than geometry skill, and geometry skill appears to be connected to inhibitory control. Differences between rural and urban children were found on numeracy skill and working memory ability, but not on geometry skill. Statistically significant differences by gender were found on an inhibitory control measure, with boys scoring higher than girls in our sample.
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Verde, Julianna Villa. "As medidas provisórias e a relação executivo-legislativo no Brasil (1988 – 2014)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14073.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaEsta dissertação descreve a interação entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo no sistema político brasileiro após o fim do regime militar (1964 a 1985) e a transição para a democracia. O período analisado tem início na promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 e termina em 2014, compreendendo oito mandatos presidenciais, de José Sarney, Itamar Franco, Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Roussef. A análise sobre a preponderância do poder Executivo no processo legislativo brasileiro tem como foco a Medida Provisória, instrumento a dispor do presidente que, no momento de sua edição, ganha caráter automático de lei, a vigorar provisoriamente e com prazo para deliberação na casa legislativa. Procura-se contextualizar o uso da Medida Provisória no âmbito do chamado Presidencialismo de Coalizão brasileiro e compreender, por meio de análise quantitativa, a recorrência a este recurso pelos presidentes do período estudado. Além disso, pretende-se entender os movimentos do Congresso Nacional no sentido de limitar a atuação legislativa da presidência, pela análise da Emenda Constitucional nº32 de 2001 e seus efeitos no processo legislativo.
This dissertation describes the interaction between Executive and Legislative powers in the Brazilian political system after the end of the military regime (1964 a 1985) and the transition towards a democracy. The analysed period begins with the publication of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and ends in 2014, consisting in eight presidential mandates, of José Sarney, Itamar Franco, Fernando Collor de Mello, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Roussef. The analysis about the preponderance of the Executive power over the legislative process in Brazil focuses on the Provisional Measure, instrument in hands of the President that, in the moment of its edition, gains automatic status of law, being provisionally enforced and with a deadline of deliberation in the Legislative branch. We look to provide a context of the use of the Provisional Measures in the scope of the so called Brazilian Coalition Presidentialism and comprehend, by a quantitative analysis, the frequence of the use of this resources by the presidents in the studied period. Besides that, we intend to understand the movements of the National Congress to limit the legislative action of the presidency, through the analysis of the Constitutional Amendment nº32 of 2001 and its effects in the legislative process.
N/A
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Appo, Dennis Keith. "The use of power in Aboriginal organisations /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17843.pdf.
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Sapienza, Amanda Rose. "Principle v Practice: Judicial Review of Non-Statutory Executive Action in Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/21141.
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In Australia, the Commonwealth and State governments are authorised to take action authorised by no source other than non-statutory executive power. Where non-statutory executive power is exercised, questions arise as to the role of the courts in keeping the government accountable for this action. Although intermediate appellate courts at the Commonwealth and State levels have applied the House of Lords decision in Council for Civil Service Unions v Minister for the Civil Service to permit judicial review of non-statutory action in an appropriate case, it is unclear what cases are ‘appropriate’ and how the traditional grounds of review and remedies might apply to action that is not authorised by legislation. This dissertation attempts to bring clarity to this area of law by assessing the extent to which Australian judicial review principles are capable of application to an exercise of non-statutory executive power. In so doing, it argues that Australian judicial review principles are capable of accommodating judicial review of non-statutory executive action, but only to a limited extent due to the characteristics of the power exercised and constitutional constraints on judicial power. That is, the ‘gaps’ that remain in reviewability are justified by the constitutional context in which judicial review occurs.
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Silva, Welton Alves da. "Avaliando a literatura sobre o sistema presidencialista brasileiro pós 88." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2011. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/984.
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Previous issue date: 2011-03-09This dissertation is a revision of the post-1988 Brazilian presidentialism, analyzing the available literature. The surveys point to a conclusion that the Brazilian presidentialism has gained reasonable levels of institutionalization, contradicting many of the criticisms raised about the potential for institutionalization. This establishment was in large measure because the stabilization of the party system that has polarized yourself arround of the seven main parties, improving its internal functioning and the consistent performance in National Congress, thus minimizing the possible effects of high fragmentation and especially becoming able to provide effective support in the executive branch. This, in turn, has taken it upon themselves to use very effectively the powers and mechanisms to its disposal to enforce its agenda of government, becoming away from the conflict between the powers and the feared decisional paralysis, as predicted. Summarizing, despite his apparent problems in the post-1988, in the Brazilian presidentialism prevails an important democratic character that certainly keep the process of institutionalization of the country.
Essa dissertação trata-se de uma revisão do presidencialismo brasileiro pós- 1988, através da análise da literatura disponível. Os levantamentos realizados convergem para a conclusão de que o presidencialismo brasileiro tem conquistado razoáveis níveis de institucionalização, contrariando muitas das críticas levantadas contra si. Esse estabelecimento se deu em grande medida pela estabilização do sistema partidário que polarizou em torno dos sete maiores partidos, aperfeiçoou seu funcionamento interno e sua atuação coerente no Congresso, minimizando assim os possíveis efeitos da alta fragmentação, e principalmente podendo conceder um apoio efetivo ao Poder Executivo. Este, por sua vez, tem se encarregado de utilizar com muita eficiência os poderes e mecanismos de que dispõe para fazer prevalecer sua agenda de governo, distanciando os conflitos entre os poderes e a temida e profetizada paralisia decisória. Em suma, apesar de problemas aparentes, o presidencialismo brasileiro nos moldes atuais tem levado adiante o processo de institucionalização da democracia.
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Pinto, Simone Cuber Araujo. "Deputados e Prefeitos: o nacional e o local na estrutura de oportunidades políticas no Brasil." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9327.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorA elaboração dessa tese tem por finalidade contribuir para a discussão sobre o modelo de carreira política que vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil. O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a sua construção a partir da apreensão da lógica da tomada de decisão do legislador brasileiro na definição de sua trajetória profissional. Para isso, o estudo procurou estabelecer as motivações dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados diante das opções de carreira que se apresentam, no sentido de permanecer ou não na arena legislativa. A questão analisada é se a instituição está oferecendo atrativos aos seus membros para sua permanência, ou se estes estão alocados em outras instâncias. A hipótese-teste é a de que o Poder Executivo tem atraído os membros do Legislativo, desenhando um padrão de carreira política no qual as arenas se intercalariam Executivo e Legislativo assim como as esferas federal, estadual e municipal. A tese está estruturada em uma revisão das literaturas estrangeira e brasileira sobre carreira política, apresentando também um exame dos modelos de recrutamento e permanência na carreira parlamentar. São consideradas as influências de dois elementos estruturais da lógica política no Brasil. O primeiro é a estrutura federativa adotada no país a partir da Constituição de 1988 e o segundo é o seu sistema eleitoral e partidário, sobretudo o papel dos partidos políticos e do tipo de recrutamento de candidatos na adoção das estratégias de carreira de seus representantes. Procura-se entender o modo pelo qual o quadro criado pela conjunção dessas características gera, viabiliza ou impede a construção das carreiras políticas no Brasil e das ambições que as determinam. Os dados coletados na pesquisa compreendem as eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados e para a Prefeitura em todos os municípios do Brasil ocorridas nos últimos 20 anos. São analisadas as trajetórias prévias e futuras dos deputados federais que, durante o mandato, se candidataram ao cargo de Prefeito. A premissa aqui utilizada vem da visão de que sair do Parlamento pode ser a melhor estratégia − do ponto de vista eleitoral − para a ele poder retornar e a melhor estratégia para aqueles que desejam prosseguir em suas carreiras com maior segurança. E obter cargos junto ao Executivo pode dar acesso a recursos que não estão disponíveis aos parlamentares.
The execution of this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the model of a political career that has currently been developed in Brazil. The objective is to understand this construction from the grasp of the logic behind the Brazilian legislators decision-making about the definition of his career. For this purpose the study sought to establish the motivations of members of the House of Representatives behind the definition of the presented career options in order to remain or not in the legislative arena. The question analyzed is whether the institution is offering its members an appeal to remain, or if they are located elsewhere. The hypothesis is that the Executive has proven an effect of attraction on the members of the Legislature, drawing a pattern of political career in which the legislative and executive arenas are interspersed, as well as federal, state and municipal levels. The thesis is structured in a literature review about foreign and Brazilian political career, with a detailed analysis of models of recruitment and retention in parliamentary career. The influence of two structural elements of the political logic in Brazil is considered. The first one is the federal structure adopted by the country since the Constitution of 1988, and the second one is its electoral system and party, especially the role of political parties and the type of candidates recruitment in the adoption of their representatives career strategies. The aim is to understand the way the framework created by the combination of these characteristics determines, enables or prevents the construction of political careers in Brazil and their ambitions. The data collected in the survey include the elections for the House of Representatives and for the office for Mayor in all municipalities in Brazil happened in the last 20 years. This thesis analyzes the prior and future trajectories of deputies who apply for the office of Mayor during the mandate. The assumption used in this work comes from the idea that leaving the Parliament may be the best strategy to return to it, according to the electoral point of view , and the best strategy for those who wish to continue on their careers with greater security. And get positions in the Executive can provide access to resources that are not available to parliamentarians.
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Grenville-Mathers, Annabelle Frances. "Executive power and Republicanism : the battle to define Ulysses S. Grant's Presidency 1868-1880." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12971/.
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Hetsper, Rafael Vargas. "Os significados político-institucionais do uso do veto na relação Executivo-Legislativo em Pelotas (RS) no período 2001-2008." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2011. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/1593.
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Previous issue date: 2011-07-18This work has as its main purpose identifying the political-institutional meanings that the veto usage by the Mayor of Pelotas (RS) acquired for the relationship between the Executive and Legislative powers in a period of time between 2001 and 2008. As a secondary plan, it aims at finding behavioral changes in the relationship standard between the local powers when there was the change from Fernando Marroni s government (PT) (2001-04) to Bernardo de Souza (PPS)/Fetter Júnior s government (PP) (2005-08). Methodologically, it uses as its primary analysis object all the bills that, once approved by the City Council and then sent for executive deliberation in the period 2001-2008, could be vetoed by the City Mayor, and it elects as analytical variables factors related to the veto itself (type, motivation presented by the Executive power and appreciation result), as well as correlated to nature and the processing of bills (authorship, theme, urgent appreciation, incorporation of amendments to the initial project and processing time), and the influence of the Executive power on the legislative process (term of office of the Mayor and support of coalition government). The result of the multidimensional analysis of the 64 vetoes which occurred in the period (from a total of 950 identified bills) shows, in a coherent way, the present interpretations in the national Political Science, that the usage of veto by the Mayor of Pelotas in the period 2001-2008 meant the type of relationship developed between the local powers, which was of moderate conflict in the period 2001-2008, and of higher conflictive relation in the 2001-04 Government in comparison to the 2005-08 Government.
Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal identificar os significados políticoinstitucionais que o uso do veto pelo Prefeito de Pelotas (RS) adquiriu para as relações entre os poderes Executivo e Legislativo no corte temporal compreendido entre os anos de 2001 a 2008. Como desígnio secundário, almeja encontrar alterações comportamentais no padrão de relacionamento entre os poderes locais quando da sucessão da gestão de Fernando Marroni (PT) (2001-04) pela de Bernardo de Souza (PPS)/Fetter Júnior (PP) (2005-08). Metodologicamente, toma como objeto primário de análise todos os projetos de lei que, uma vez aprovados pela Câmara de Vereadores e encaminhados para deliberação executiva no período 2001-2008, poderiam vir a ser vetados pelo Prefeito municipal, e elege como variáveis analíticas fatores relacionados tanto ao veto em si (tipo, motivação apresentada pelo Executivo e resultado da apreciação), como correlatos à natureza e à tramitação dos projetos de lei (autoria, matéria, apreciação em regime de urgência, incorporação de emendas ao projeto inicial e tempo de tramitação), e a influência do Executivo sobre o processo legislativo (tempo de mandato do Prefeito e apoio da coalizão de governo). O resultado da análise multidimensional dos 64 vetos ocorridos no período (de um total de 950 projetos de lei identificados) mostra, de modo coerente às interpretações correntes na Ciência Política nacional, que o uso do veto pelo Prefeito de Pelotas no período 2001-2008 significou o tipo de relacionamento estabelecido entre os poderes locais, o qual foi de conflito moderado no período 2001-2008, e de maior conflitividade no Governo 2001-04 em comparação com o Governo 2005-08.
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Nel, Jan-Derick. "The business of power and the power of business : (determining meta-ethics)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21191.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A changing world brings about many different challenges. The same applies to business operating in society. These changes and challenges relate to business ethics in general and how it impacts on the decisions that business makes every day. The ethical challenges that business has to face have a profound effect on meta-ethical concerns. Awareness of this situation can help to direct business and the rest of society to reach positive outcomes. When looking at current cases it is evident how corporate culture and leadership play a very important role in this matter. The cases shows how the power of business is exerted in practice and it can serve a positive purpose in determining meta-ethics.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Veranderende wêreld gee tot baie verskillende uitdagings aanleiding. Dieselfde geld vir besigheid wat in die samelewing funksioneer. Dit hou verband met sake-etiek in die algemeen en watter invloed dit uitoefen op die besluite wat besigheid elke dag moet neem. Die etiese uitdagings wat besigheid elke dag in die gesig staar, het 'n diepgaande uitwerking op meta-etiese kwessies. 'n Bewustheid van hierdie situasie kan help om leiding aan besigheid en die res van die samelewing te bied ten einde positiewe resultate te bereik . As die huidige gevalle in ag geneem word, is dit klaarblyklik dat korporatiewe kultuur en leierskap ’n baie belangrike rol in hierdie verband speel. Dit toon hoe die kragtige invloed van besigheid in die praktyk gebruik word en hoe dit 'n positiewe rol kan speel om meta-etiek te bepaal.
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П, Кунцевич М. "Правозахисна функція виконавчої влади." Thesis, Ілісон, 2012. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/59386.
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Термін ―функція‖ (від латинського functio – виконання, здійснення)
використовується для позначення діяльності, зовнішнього прояву властивостей
певного об’єкта у заданій системі відносин. Функціонувати – значить діяти, бути
в дії, виконувати обов’язки. Тому, під функціями виконавчої влади слід розуміти
певний напрям діяльності її органів яка характеризується однорідністю та
цільовою спрямованістю. За допомогою дослідження функцій, що виконує
виконавча влада можна зробити висновок про її зміст.
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Pachon, Buitrago Monica. "Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
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Bispo, Nikolay Henrique. "O veto presidencial no STF: estudo de um caso de tensão entre os poderes." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16464.
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Esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo descrever e analisar a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em casos que envolvam veto presidencial a projeto de lei (veto), a fim de identificar como se constrói a relação do STF com os poderes Legislativo e Executivo, nessas situações. Reflexamente, a partir disso, esta pesquisa também analisa quais são as regras criadas pelo STF na delimitação do papel do Executivo e do Legislativo ao decidir os casos sobre o veto presidencial a projeto de lei e para a sua própria competência para resolver esses casos. Para isso, esta pesquisa apresenta a construção do raciocínio teórico sobre o papel do Judiciário dentro dessa fase da separação dos poderes (veto) e a analisa cinquenta e cinco decisões do STF sobre o tema; diversos documentos do poder Legislativo quanto a projetos de leis e lei e; diversos documentos com justificativas quanto ao veto presidencial. Constatou-se que a forma de decisão do STF, nesses casos, é diversificada, sendo possível identificar perfis para cada um dos sete grupos de casos criados na pesquisa; também foi constatado que, por regra, os casos que chegam ao STF representam algum rompimento de entendimento quanto à tomada de decisão política entre os atores políticos envolvidos e fica a encargo do STF a resolução do conflito; constatou-se, também, que o STF é claro quanto ao limite da sua competência para o controle desse tipo de casos, reservando amplo espaço para esse seu poder, contudo, na prática, apenas em casos excepcionais este órgão decide julgar inválido (inconstitucional) o caso. Concluiu-se que, mesmo sendo excepcional, os casos em que o STF atua de maneira enfática as consequências que essas decisões podem causar são graves e, que, por isso, deveriam haver limites legais para a sua atuação e até mesmo responsabilização pelas suas decisões. Concluiu-se, também, que os estudiosos da separação dos poderes, mais especificamente quanto ao veto, não analisam a importância que o Judiciário tem nesse processo.
This study aims at describing and analyzing how the Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) rules the cases that deal with presidential veto, in order to identify how the STF's relationship with the legislative and executive branches is built. Through the cases, this research focus on the rules established by the STF in defining the role of the executive and legislative to decide cases on the presidential veto and in limiting its own jurisdiction. To this, the author develops a theoretical reasoning about the judiciary's role in this phase of the separation of powers (veto); and analyzes fifty-five decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject, several legislative branch documents on bills and laws and, finally, presidential documents that have reasoning for the presidential veto. The cases studied showed that the form of the Supreme Court decision in such cases is diverse, since it is possible to identify profiles for each of the seven groups of cases created in the research. Secondly, I found that the cases analyzed, as a rule, represent a breach of understanding about the political decision-making among political actors involved and STF is demanded to solve the conflicts. The cases also showed that the Supreme Court is clear on the scope of their responsibilities for the control of such cases, allowing ample space for its own power, however, in practice only in exceptional cases this body decides invalid (unconstitutional) the case. I also concluded that, even if exceptional cases where the Supreme Court acts in an emphatic manner, the consequences of these decisions can cause are serious and that therefore there should be legal limits to its performance and even accountability for their decisions. Finally, the scholars of separation of powers, more specifically the veto, do not analyze the importance that the judiciary has in this process.
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Grimm, Jasminne M. "Is the prerogative power evident in the American executive? If so, what are the historical and modern uses?" Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1368614649.
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Menezes, Valerian M. "The executive power of the diocesan bishop according to the 1983 Code of Canon Law." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29061.
Full textAbstract:
Canon 391, §1 of the 1983 Code distinguishes the power of governance of a diocesan bishop as legislative, executive and judicial. This threefold distinction is based on the division of powers in a secular system of governance. Although, in a democratic civil society, three independent organs exercise legislative, executive and judicial powers, such a division is not possible in the Church because of the nature and the purpose of its power.
In the canonical tradition of the Church, the concepts of legislative and judicial powers have generally remained the same. However, the notion of executive power has been subject to progressive understanding, especially after the Second Vatican Council. The 1917 Code, in c. 335 stated that the bishop governs his diocese with legislative, judicial and coercive powers. The Second Vatican Council described it as right/duty of making laws, passing judgement and moderating. The seventh revision principle of the 1983 Code used the term "administrative" instead of "moderating." While the Code revision process had an inconsistent use of the terms "executive" and "administrative," the Code itself, in cc. 135, §1 and 391, §1 prefers the term "executive." Moreover, the Code also uses the expressions "administrative power" and "acts of administration." Some other documents related to the Code equate "executive power" with "administrative power." There is no consensus concerning these concepts in the post conciliar canonical literature. Therefore, it is difficult to determine the exact nature and scope of the executive power of a diocesan bishop in the Code.
The first chapter of this study discusses the theological nature of the power of the diocesan bishop in the light of the Second Vatican Council. This provides the theological context within which the juridical nature of the diocesan bishop's power of governance is to be understood. The focus of the second chapter is on the nature and scope of executive power in general, and its juridic nature. Here, the study proves that the expression "administrative power" in the Code refers to "executive power" itself. "Acts of administration" in the Code are distinct from "administrative acts," and therefore, they are subject to distinct processes. With this clarification, the study provides a definition of executive power. After analysing the acts of executive power in general (the general and singular administrative acts), in the third chapter, the study makes an attempt in the final chapter to determine the acts of the diocesan bishop's executive power in the 1983 Code, and then draws some conclusions.
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Meyer, Matthew John. "Transitional wars, a study of power, control and conflict in executive succession, theatre as representation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0019/NQ44514.pdf.
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Meyer, Matthew John 1948. "Transitional wars : a study of power, control and conflict in executive succession : theatre as representation." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35013.
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The study of promotion or executive succession has been of interest to educators since the beginning of schools. Who should be a school's principal? The purpose of this study was twofold. First to investigate executive succession within large, urban Canadian schools boards, and second, to use a dramatic work---a play---to represent the major findings. Theatre is used to present society and its workings, it is a method of data representation that permits human emotion, care, conflict and tension to become palpable, to provoke an audience. The two purposes of this study merged to provide insight unto the "reality" of school principals' promotions from the perspective of practitioners.Data on promotion was collected from thirteen seasoned school administrators through extended interviews. Respondents were encouraged to relate stories of individual promotions, as they understood them. The data was transcribed and analyzed using the constant comparison approach. This method yielded multiple levels of analysis including areas of reference, spheres of infra-influcnce (highly related concepts), and rules of inclusion (subsuming large amounts of data).
It was clear that promotion was a "political act" where several stakeholders fought for their interests. Then followed transcendence---the movement from the naturalistically collected and analyzed data to the play---the movement from science to art form. The rules of inclusion inspired the foundations of the novella, the novella led to the play; characters, scenes and actions were developed. A group of actors rehearsed and prepared a staged reading. Tim play was presented to a group of educators who were asked to respond to it at two levels---the work as a provocation device for preparing educational administrators and the work as the "reality" of promotion.
Clearly, the theatrical work stimulated the audience and indicated there is a valid place in administrator preparation programs for dramatic works. As well, the notion of promotion as "seeking the best possible candidate" was challenged as stakeholders' Interests dictated both promotion procedures and candidate succession. The title, Transitional Wars, seemed to capture the essence of the work.
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Wukich, Jacqueline Jarosz. "The Conflict Between Chief Executive Officer Power And Different Measures Of Environmental And Social Disclosure." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1613539052030591.
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