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1
Panizza, Francisco, Conrado Ricardo Ramos Larraburu, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Unpacking Patronage: The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 3 (December 2018): 59–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000303.
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This study makes the following contributions to the study of the politics of patronage appointments in Latin America: Conceptually it adopts Kopecký, Scherlis, and Spirova's (2008) distinction between clientelistic and nonclientelistic types of patronage politics and widens these authors classification of patrons’ motivations for making appointments, specifically as a lens for the study of patronage practices within Latin America's presidentialist regimes. Analytically, it sets up a new taxonomy of patronage appointments based on the roles that appointees’ play vis-à- vis the executive, the ruling party, and the public administration – one that can be used for the comparative study of the politics of patronage. Empirically, it applies this taxonomy to a pilot study of the politics of patronage in Argentina and Uruguay under two left-of-center administrations. Theoretically, it contributes to theory-building by relating the findings of our research to the differences in party systems and presidential powers within the two countries under study, and to agency factors associated with the respective governments’ own political projects. The article concludes that differences in patronage practices are a manifestation of two variant forms of exercising governmental power: a hyper-presidentialist, populist one in Argentina and a party-centered, social-democratic one in Uruguay.
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Doronila, Amando. "The Transformation of Patron-Client Relations and its Political Consequences in Postwar Philippines." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (March 1985): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400012789.
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The declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand Marcos on 21 September 1972 marked the overthrow of the open and competitive Filipino political system that had operated on the principle of institutional checks and balances adapted from the American model of liberal democracy. The Marcos power seizure represented a breakthrough by a coalition of the central Executive and new social forces that had emerged from the Philippines' transition to modernity against the constitutional restraints on presidential power. The new coalition, in which the military, the technocracy, and foreign economic interests were important components, succeeded in destroying the old balance of power, which had rested on the adversary relationship between the Chief Executive and Congress. The disbanding of Congress by emergency fiat reflected the decisive flew of power towards the Executive; for twenty-six years since independence, the legislature had acted as the main institutional check on the presidency.
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Coates, Benjamin A. "The Secret Life of Statutes: A Century of the Trading with the Enemy Act." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (May 16, 2018): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.12.
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In 1917 Congress passed the Trading with the Enemy Act to prevent trade with Germany and the Central Powers. It was a wartime law designed for wartime conditions but one that, over the course of the following century, took on a secret, surprising life of its own. Eventually it became the basis for a project of worldwide economic sanctions applied by the United States at the discretion of the president during times of both war and peace. This article traces the history of the law in order to explore how the expansion of American power in the twentieth century required a transformation of the American state and the extensive use of executive powers justified by repeated declarations of national emergency.
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Miller, Jennifer M. "“Let’s Not be Laughed at Anymore: Donald Trump and Japan from the 1980s to the Present”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 2 (July 4, 2018): 138–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02502004.
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This article explores the central role of Japan’s rise to global economic prominence in the evolution of Donald J. Trump’s worldview. It traces how the transformation of the relationship between the United States and Japan during the 1980s informed Trump’s ideas about trade and protectionism, globalization, the international economy, and executive power. Trump, it argues, was a product of U.S.-Japanese relationship; while he began his public career as a prominent critic of Japan, claiming that the country exploited American trade and defense policy, his career in real estate heavily relied on Japanese finance. This contradictory approach continues to shape his understanding of Japan. As president, Trump repeatedly condemns Japan as predatory and protectionist, but also seeks expanded Japanese investment in the United States to revitalize the U.S. economy. Equally important, Trump has expanded criticisms originating with Japan to countries like China and Mexico, international agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the North American Free Trade Agreement, and the World Trade Organization. By tracing Trump’s rhetorical, financial, and diplomatic encounters with Japan over the past thirty years, this article uncovers the sources of Trump’s contradictory attitudes towards trade, globalization, and cross-border investment and his understandings of strong leadership and executive power.
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Pérez León, Víctor Ernesto, Flor Mª Guerrero, and Rafael Caballero. "Tourism competitiveness measurement. A perspective from Central America and Caribbean destinations." Tourism Review 77, no. 6 (July 20, 2022): 1401–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tr-03-2022-0119.
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Purpose This study aims to present diverse proposals for the measurement of tourism destination competitiveness that serve as alternatives to the travel and tourism competitiveness index (TTCI). Design/methodology/approach The proposal includes principal component analysis, the DP2-distance method, goal programming, data envelopment analysis and the Borda count. The study evaluates 17 destinations from Central America and the Caribbean. Findings These include the feasibility that the methodologies provide reliable competitiveness rankings and the possibility of using less information due to the strength of the statistical methodologies. International tourist arrivals, income from international tourism and travel and tourism contribution to the gross domestic product could be used as approximations of tourism destination competitiveness. Research limitations/implications The main limitation is the absence of major destinations from the region that constitutes fierce competitors. Practical implications New aggregation methods can build composite indicators for competitiveness measurement and their presentation in a more comprehensible way. Social implications The results serve as an alternative for countries that have yet to be considered in international tourism competitiveness comparisons. Originality/value A better explanatory power of the proposed index is given, thanks to their decomposition capacity and the reduction of the limitations of the original TTCI. Moreover, the proposals facilitate the inclusion of external information or the execution of a completely objective methodology.
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Sperber, Jonathan. "Comments on Marcus Kreuzer's Article." Central European History 36, no. 3 (September 2003): 359–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103771006043.
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Marcus Kreuzer's vigorously-argued essay on the progress of parliamentarization in Imperial Germany is an innovative intervention into a long-running scholarly debate about a central assertion of the Sonderweg thesis, namely the power or powerlessness of the democratically elected Reichstag of Imperial Germany. Plausibly dividing historians who have studied the topic into three groups: “optimists,” who perceive a steady increase in parliamentary power and a move toward democratic and parliamentary government, particularly in the Wilhelmian Era; “pessimists,” who deny the power of the Reichstag vis-à-vis the executive increased at any point in the history of the empire; and “skeptics” who point toward an increase in the power of the Reichstag, once again primarily in the Wilhelmian era, but deny that such an increase in power was leading toward democratic or parliamentary government. Kreuzer points out that underlying all three arguments is an implicit assumption of what a powerful parliament should be. Blinded by the “Westminster model” of British parliamentary government, he suggests, pessimists and skeptics have condemned the imperial Reichstag for not resembling the House of Commons. Yet the British governmental system represented just one possible form of parliamentarization. By systematically comparing the powers of the Reichstag with those of today's West European and North American legislatures, Kreuzer ascertains that the Reichstag was a politically influential parliament, thus demonstrating that the optimists have had the better of the argument about parliamentarization.
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Martin, Greg. "A law unto themselves: on the relatively autonomous operation of protest policing during the COVID-19 pandemic." Justice, Power and Resistance 5, no. 1-2 (May 2022): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/swjc7676.
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A central argument of this article is that the exercise of police power in respect of protests is relatively autonomous of judicial pronouncements affirming or upholding rights of free speech and peaceful public assembly. Using mostly Australian examples, but also drawing on UK material and some American references, the article shows how protests have gone ahead regardless of prohibitions on mass gatherings during the COVID-19 pandemic. In New South Wales, courts have sometimes allowed protests to proceed when public health experts have assessed the risk to community transmission of coronavirus to be sufficiently low. Notwithstanding that, as they did prior to the pandemic, police have moved to prevent protests and repress protestors. Accordingly, the article takes issue with the ‘negotiated management’ model of protest policing, which perpetuates a fiction of police-protestor cooperation. Indeed, protest policing has often been conflictual and heavy-handed, even militaristic, which, paradoxically, has sometimes led to potential breaches of COVID-19-safe protocols. The article concludes by highlighting analogies between the COVID-19 crisis and the ‘war on terror’ following 9/11, including the role played by courts in attempting to limit the concentration of executive power, government overreach, and intensification of police powers under a paradigm of security.
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Rimmerman, Craig A. "Teaching the Modern Presidency." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 3 (1989): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000684.
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The need to recognize institutional limits on presidents' abilities to translate their campaign promises into concrete public policy is a central theme characterizing much of the presidency literature during the past decade (Barger, 1984; Cronin, 1980; Hinckley, 1985; Light, 1983). Scholars have argued that the so-called “text-book presidency” (Cronin, 1980) paints an unrealistic picture of presidential power within the confines of a Madisonian framework of separated powers and checks and balances. Others have said that this unrealistic vision has contributed to the “cult of the presidency” (Hinckley, 1985), which is reinforced by the political socialization process and the media, thus leading to the “no-win” (Light, 1983) or “impossible” (Barger, 1984) presidencies. The notion of a plural executive, whose powers are fragmented throughout our Madisonian system has grown in popularity (King and Ragsdale, 1988). As a part of their recommendations for reform, virtually all of these authors emphasize correctly the potential role to be played by educators in imparting a more realistic understanding of the limitations of presidential power and outlining the potential consequences of hero worshipping for the occupant of the Oval Office. This article suggests an approach to teaching the presidency that rejects the notion that the president is the most important actor in the American political system. Instead, I will argue that we need to ask our students to consider the President as one actor in a highly fragmented political system, and to develop a more realistic view of both the sources and uses of presidential power within the broader context of democratic accountability and the development of citizenship.
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Ziegler, Robert. "Technology Focus: High-Pressure/High-Temperature (March 2021)." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0321-0055-jpt.
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For the past several months, the rig count in North America has been slowly but steadily improving and some pockets of deepwater operations are finally showing some activity, especially in Central and South America and Africa, where interesting discoveries continue. Arctic operations also are picking up, though not in North America, where a new administration in the US is bringing some uncertainty to upstream operations. Looking at leasing activity in 2020, however, the operators on federal land seem to have built up a backlog, so the immediate consequences of recent executive action seem not to be significant, though they do set an important precedent. More significant seems to be the opposition to pipelines, which are the most-efficient and safest way to transport any form of bulk material, be it gas, liquid, or slurry. Even if the most-stretched targets of an energy transition become reality, the need for pipeline transport will remain, and even increase, if the gas transported is biogas and hydrogen, where much larger volumes must be transported for the same calorific value of natural gas. In my tenure as a reviewer for JPT, I had refrained from a materials-focused special simply because high-pressure/high-temperature (HP/HT) conferences and sessions seem to be dominated by them and I wanted to demonstrate a wider spectrum of the challenges of HP/HT operations. With the energy transition leading to the possibility of free hydrogen being introduced into the energy system outside of established chemical feedstock installations (which are all low-pressure), this is a good time to remind our industry (and the outside world) that vast experience exists in the oil and gas industry on the interaction of hydrogen and metal (at very high pressures), a challenge that is still not completely understood and that is still a large cause of pressure-vessel failures (e.g., in refineries). Also, if carbon dioxide is intended to be captured and contained in metal vessels, another set of metallurgical challenges emerges. This Technology Focus looks at two papers from Asia, where these challenges were discovered and mitigated, and one paper from Gulf of Mexico deepwater operations. Many learnings can be taken from these papers, and extremely costly and safety-critical failures and loss of containment can be avoided. Addressing technical risk, thorough and detailed front-end engineering is a cost-effective and cost-saving activity, and this applies especially for front-end corrosion engineering and testing, as we have seen from several megaprojects in the past where this was not done to the extent finally understood to have been required. So, I invite you all to understand and embrace the fact that sound and competent engineering, as well as communicating learnings across functions and industries, is the key enabler for future success in our stressed industry, and to use our engineering brainpower and imagination to bring those HP/HT projects currently deemed too expensive to develop within the realm of the current oil-price environment.
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Trajkovska-Hristovska, Jelena. "The Features of the Modern Concept of Separation of Powers as an Element of Constitutionalism - “The Garden of Eden” or “The Dark Side of the Moon ”?" Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21, no. 2 (July 2018): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.2.104.
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The focus of the contemporary constitutional law and the constitutionalism is the limitation of the government by the means of legal instruments and mechanisms. Therefore, the analysis of the relation between the concept of constitutionalism and the principle of separation of powers has the central position of this paper. The paper elaborates the concept of constitutionalism as an idea and ideology of limited and controlled power. At the same time it has been emphasised that the development of the constitutionalism as a doctrine is possible only with previous analysis of its basic elements. The principle of "separation of powers" is one of these elements. The second point of this paper refers to the principle of “separation of powers” as one of the basic principles and concepts of the contemporary constitutions. The principle of separation of powers is a basic idea, general objective and a constant of the contemporary legal order. However, the paper will point out that the new situation in the relations between the branches of the government and the adaptation of the principle of separation of powers to the new circumstances, in the constitutional literature is known as contemporary constitutionalism. The paper elaborates the concepts of judicial supremacy and judicial paramontcy as elements of the contemporary American constitutionalism, as well as the manners and attempts for their theoretical justification. On the other hand, the paper will elaborate the phenomenon of judicial juristocracy in the European continental systems for control of constitutionality. The paper highlights the implementation of the doctrine of review of the constitutionality of the constitutional norms (verfassungswidrigen Verfassungsrechts) in the practice of the European constitutional courts. It elaborates the dilemma does the interpretation of the “mischievous phrases” of the constitution, by introducing concepts for ,,symbolic constitution” and ,,constitution behind a constitution” on one hand, and the introduction of the doctrine of review of the constitutionality of the constitutional norms on other, overhangs the concept of separation of powers, as The Sword of Leviathan. Finally the paper sets the dilemma whether the tectonic shift of the focus of decision making towards the legislative – executive – judicial power, and the unhidden and manifested will, ambition and activity of the courts to control the action of political authorities as a feature of the contemporary constitutionalism, is the so-called “the garden of Eden” or its opposite “the Dark Side of the Moon”.
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Herliana, Emmelia Tricia. "PENERAPAN KONSEP TRIAS POLITICA PADA MORFOLOGI DAN TIPOLOGI KOTA WASHINGTON, D. C. DAN CANBERRA." Jurnal Arsitektur KOMPOSISI 11, no. 3 (May 1, 2017): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.24002/jars.v10i4.1101.
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Abstract: City planning is intended to create better living environment for its residents. A city is ‘a living laboratory’ that can be learned by people from different nations and cultures or even by the next generation, particularly by the next city planners. The morphology and typology of Washington, D.C. and Canberra, as federal capital cities of the central government, are determined by the early phase of planning, in which the planners interpreted the concept of the power system that each government has and implemented it to the structure of city. This study has an aim to oversee and compare the implementation of governmental power system in USA and Australia to the urban structure of their civic center. Both of them are democratic nations, which apply the concept of “Trias Politica”, and this concept is implemented within the morphological and typological structure of the capital cities. The method to discuss this topic is, firstly, by describe the history of city planning and design of the two cities. Secondly, the difference of the implementation of “Trias Politica” concept to the basic concept of planning and to the elements of morphology and typology of each city is analyzed. Thirdly, the conclusion of previous discussion is configured. The result of this study is a comparison of the implementation of the concept in differentiating power of legislative, executive, and judicative to the city planning which applied Baroque and Beaux-Arts ideas on Washington, D.C. and Canberra.Keywords: Morphology, typology, capital city, civic center, “Trias Politica”Abstrak: Perencanaan kota bertujuan untuk menciptakan lingkungan bermukim yang lebih baik bagi penduduk kota. Kota yang direncanakan dengan baik diharapkan akan dapat berfungsi dengan baik pula. Morfologi dan tipologi Kota Washington, D.C. dan Canberra, yang berfungsi sebagai ibukota pusat pemerintahan, sangat ditentukan oleh bagaimana para perencana dan perancang kota sejak awal menterjemahkan sistem kekuasaan yang dianut oleh pemerintah negara tersebut ke dalam struktur kota. Studi ini bertujuan untuk melihat dan membandingkan bagaimana konsep yang dianut oleh kedua negara, yaitu United State of America dan Australia, di dalam menjalankan kehidupan bernegara yang menerapkan paham demokrasi, yaitu konsep “Trias Politica”, diterapkan pada struktur morfologi dan tipologi ibukota kedua negara. Metoda pembahasan yang digunakan adalah dengan menguraikan sejarah perencanaan dan perancangan kota Washington, D. C. dan Canberra, menganalisis perbedaan penerapan konsep “Trias Politica” pada konsep dasar perancangan dan unsur-unsur morfologi dan tipologi masing-masing kota, serta menarik kesimpulan dari pembahasan tersebut. Hasil dari studi ini berupa perbandingan penerapan konsep pembagian kekuasaan pada paham demokrasi melalui perancangan kota yang menerapkan gagasan Baroque dan Beaux-Arts pada kota Washington, D.C. dan Canberra. Studi ini dapat dijadikan sebagai bahan pembelajaran dan dapat diambil maknanya apabila para perencana dan perancang kota dihadapkan pada permasalahan di dalam merencana dan merancang kota atau mengevaluasi perencanaan dan perancangan yang sudah ada.Kata kunci: Morfologi, tipologi, ibukota, pusat pemerintahan, “Trias Politica”
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Barak-Erez, Daphne. "Israeli Administrative Law at the Crossroads: Between the English Model and the American Model." Israel Law Review 40, no. 1 (2007): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002122370001325x.
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Administrative law in Israel is at the crossroads. Historically, Israeli administrative law was born from English administrative law and like its English counterpart was developed against the background of two significant factors: the relative dearth of constitutional law concerning the protection of human rights on the one hand, and the power of the central government on the other. These two factors had traditionally contributed to the centrality of administrative law that underwent a radical change. First, constitutional law is now an independent source for the recognition and enforcement of human rights following the enactment of new basic laws on human rights—Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation and Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Second, privatization has changed completely the scope and pattern of activities conducted by administrative agencies in both countries.This Article discusses the developments in Israeli administrative law as a result of these changes. In this context, it also evaluates the potential recourse to American administrative law, which has grown in the context of a well developed constitutional law and a relatively low level of government activity in the economic sphere.The Article argues that the main focus of administrative law—in contrast to constitutional law—should be on the protection of interests (that are not considered human rights), on distributive justice, on procedural justice (in the context of bureaucratic decision-making) and on a broader scope of review (not limited to the protection of human rights), with a special emphasis on the executive branch. In the context of adapting to privatization, it also argues that administrative law should strengthen its focus on the challenge of regulation, on the protection of social rights and on the duties of “mixed” bodies, which are, in many cases, the product of privatization.
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Durán-Martínez, Angélica. "Presidents, Parties, and Referenda in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434010.
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Over the past two decades the use of referenda has spread throughout Latin America, and 39 referenda have taken place since 1990. For some observers, referenda can improve accountability, promote participation, and reduce corruption. For others, given the strong tradition of Latin American presidentialism, referenda can be manipulated by populist presidents attempting to bypass unpopular representative institutions such as congresses or to bolster their popularity. This article provides a more nuanced view of referenda, arguing that presidents cannot always manipulate referenda to increase their power. The effect of referenda on executive power varies depending on the scope of the referenda, that is, whether they aim at institutional change or, alternatively, at policy change. Moreover, the agenda-setting process and the role of political parties in referenda campaigns also mediate the effect of referenda on executive power. Although referenda do not necessarily enhance executive power, the risks of presidential manipulation are strong, and thus referenda should be carried out taking sufficient precautions.
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Bairett, Richard L. "Executive Power and Media Freedom in Central and Eastern Europe." Comparative Political Studies 48, no. 10 (April 21, 2015): 1260–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015576744.
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Carreras, Miguel. "Outsiders and Executive-Legislative Conflict in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 03 (2014): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00241.x.
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AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American democracies since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization is the rise to power of political outsiders. However, the study of the political consequences of this phenomenon has been neglected. This article begins to fill that gap by examining whether the rise of outsiders in the region increases the level of executive-legislative confrontation. Using an original database of political outsiders in Latin America, it reports a series of logistic regressions showing that the risk of executive-legislative conflict significantly increases when the president is an outsider. The likelihood of institutional paralysis increases when an independent gets elected, due to the legislative body's lack of support for the president and the outsider's lack of political skills. The risk of an executive's attempted dissolution of Congress is also much higher when the president is an outsider.
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Ickis, John C. "Executive rotation and corporate values: The case of Excel in Central America." Journal of Business Research 69, no. 10 (October 2016): 4536–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2016.03.019.
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Gutierrez, Patryk. "Władza wykonawcza w Portoryko i w Polsce — porównanie oraz analiza wybranych uregulowań konstytucyjnych." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 19 (December 28, 2016): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.19.9.
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Executive power in Puerto Rico and in Poland — the comparison and analysis of some constitutional issuesIn the paper entitled Executive Power in Puerto Rico and in Poland — the comparison and analysis of some constitutional issues, Idecided to compare two different constitutional regulations of executive power in Latin America and Europe Puerto Rico and Poland. At first glance, the both countries are republic with the same division of power between: executive, legislation and judicial. But on the other hand, the main differences have been established in the provisions of the Constitution. So, for this reason I’m trying to look for the answer for next questions: who performs the executive authority and whether this power is shared or not and how long it lasts during the term of office for example. Therefore, in my paper Ishowed the differences and similarities on this range: between Puerto Rican Governor with the Council of Secretaries and Polish President with the Council of Ministers.
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Chilcote, Ronald H. "Book Review : Coffee, Class, and Power in Central America." Latin American Perspectives 26, no. 2 (March 1999): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9902600209.
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Finbow, Robert. "Ideology and Institutions in North America." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 4 (December 1993): 671–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000433.
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AbstractThe orthodox view that Canada's ideological tradition is more supportive of an active state cannot explain earlier innovations in social and labour policy in the United States. A neo-pluralist and neo-institutionalist synthesis is used to contrast these nations. Organic ideologies of labour, agrarian, business and professional groups reveal no consistent national differences in support for state action. Initial state interventions were similar and limited. But institutional development occurred in different contexts, producing more effective executive leadership in Canada. American policy was constrained by the Congress, with its opportunities for blocking, and by inadequate executive power. Frustration with inaction plus greater social well-being reduced demands in the US for state action. Canada's institutions allowed more creative policy and fostered greater support for state action, especially where the weak economy exacted costs on social groups. But constitutional change could replicate American gridlock, and reduce the capacity for new state action.
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Agapova, Elena, and Karina Palkova. "“Public Administration” in the Latvian and Ukrainian Administrative and Legal Traditions." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 2, no. 17 (2020): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.17.2020.2.066-071.
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Public administration has been studied in this article from the position of administrative and legal science. The implementation of great contribution in the formation of “Public administration” theory by American law schools, which have provided a basis of modern scientific approaches, has been emphasised by the Author. During the analysis of Ukrainian and Latvian scientists’ approaches remarks on understanding of public administration, strong connection between administrative law and public administration has been revealed by the Authors. It has been established that both Latvian and Ukrainian administrative law scientists have similar approaches to understanding public administration. It has been identified as the form of realisation of the executive branch of governmental power. The functioning of public administration in the Republic of Latvia is based on the principles of the rule of law. The Author stresses that Ukraine, during holding on the reform of public administration, applies SIGMA recommendations (Support for Improvement in Governance and Management in Central and Eastern European Countries). The efficiency of the SIGMA programme in Ukraine has been proved, within the framework of which Ukrainian legislation has been brought into line and new laws have been adopted (the Law of Ukraine On Civil Service, the Law of Ukraine On Administrative Procedure). It is concluded that administrative law is one of the main tools through which public administration is carried out in the Republic of Latvia and Ukraine. Rakstā ir analizēts valsts pārvaldes institūts un tā kopīgās un atšķirīgās iezīmes Latvijas un Ukrainas kontekstā, veicot zinātnieku viedokļu analīzi un īpaši uzsverot lielo Amerikas Savienoto Valstu zinātnisko ieguldījumu valsts pārvaldes teorijas veidošanā, kas ir pamats mūsdienu zinātniskajām pieejām. Saskaņā ar Valsts pārvaldes iekārtas likumu Latvijā valsts pārvalde ir organizēta vienotā hierarhiskā sistēmā, un neviena iestāde vai pārvaldes amatpersona nevar atrasties ārpus šīs sistēmas. Valsts pārvaldes darbība Latvijā balstās uz likuma varas principiem. Savukārt Ukrainas pieeja valsts pārvaldes politikas īstenošanai ir atšķirīga, respektīvi, pārvaldes reformas ietvaros Ukraina īsteno SIGMA (Support for Improvement in Governance and Management) sniegtus ieteikumus, kā rezultātā Ukrainas tiesību aktos ir veiktas jaunas iestrādes un pieņemta virkne jaunu likumu, piemēram, Ukrainas likums “Par civildienestu” un Ukrainas likums “Par administratīvo procesu”. Darba nobeigumā secināts, ka, neraugoties uz valstu tiesību sistēmu atšķirībām, administratīvās tiesības ir viens no galvenajiem instrumentiem, ar kuru starpniecību Latvijas Republikā un Ukrainā tiek realizēta valsts pārvaldes funkcija.
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Vezbergaite, Ieva. "Decentralisation Policies, Subnational Autonomy and Federal Executive Power." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 16, no. 1 (March 9, 2016): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.16.1.2.
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Decentralisation is assumed to benefit subnational government by increasing its autonomy from central government. This paper challenges this assumption by arguing that decentralisation can have mixed effects on vertical intergovernmental relations (national-subnational). Some decentralisation policies may result in greater subnational autonomy from national government, while some decentralisation policies may paradoxically increase a subnational unit’s dependence on national government. By deconstructing decentralisation into its administrative, fiscal and political nature, and by identifying different patterns of fiscal and administrative decentralisation, the paper examines decentralisation policies in Mexico and Brazil. Although both countries have undergone decentralisation, its nature and patterns were very different and explain the different intergovernmental relations that resulted in each country. Brazil’s decentralisation led to increased subnational autonomy, while Mexico’s preserved or even increased federal executive power.
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Okuneva, Liudmila. "To the question of the newest trends in political processes in Latin America: prospects and challenges." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2018-2-11-13.
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The article deals with the major political problems of Latin America recently: the right drift, the conflict potential of political systems leading to the so called “divided power” (conflict between the Executive and Legislative branches of government), the function of the judicial power etc.
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Yu, Lei, Yuxuan Dai, Keguang Zheng, and Yongjie Zhang. "Empirical research on the correlation between Real Earnings Management of state-owned enterprises and executive compensation — from the perspective of executive structural power." International Journal of Financial Engineering 06, no. 01 (March 2019): 1950008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2424786319500087.
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This paper focuses on the impact of the executive compensation of state-owned enterprises and executive power on Real Activity Earnings Management (REM). Furthermore, this paper discusses the differences of impacts mentioned above between the central government holding enterprises and the local government holding enterprises, in order to test the impact of the government compensation regulation and the executive compensation of different types of enterprises on the enterprise accounting behavior. The empirical research shows that executive compensation can induce accountings to implement REM, which is more notable in local state-owned enterprises than in central enterprises.
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Whitehead, Laurence. "The Costa Rican Initiative in Central America." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 457–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00069.x.
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COSTA RICA SHAKES TWO HUNDRED MILES OF underpopulated border with Nicaragua. It has only the most limited capacity to regulate the flow of either weapons into, or refugees out of, the adjacent territory. The absence of a professional army is noteworthy (although it should not be overstated — there are some well armed, but unprofessionally led, defence forces, and the police are quite militarized). What requires emphasis is less the scarcity of soldiers than the abundance of lawyers, and the power of their profession. Last year, for example, tension built up between Managua and San José, because it was revealed that an airstrip in northern Costa Rica had been used to resupply the 'contras' in violation of Costa Rica's proclaimed policy of neutrality. The Sandinistas interpreted this as yet another proof of Costa Rican duplicity and of San José's subordination to the will of the paymasters in Washington. Nicaraguans (of all ideological persuasions) find it almost impossible to accept the Costa Rican version of this episode, which points out that the government has no power to interfere with the use of private property unless a prima facie case exists of illegal activity.
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Verney, Douglas V. "From Executive to Legislative Federalism? The Transformation of the Political System in Canada and India." Review of Politics 51, no. 2 (1989): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500048105.
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Canada and India have hybrid systems of government. Both experienced constitutional crises in the 1970's. These crises have usually been treated as sui generis. It is the hypothesis of this article that the crises raise fundamental questions regarding the very nature of such systems, which are based on “parliamentary federalism,” a political system invented in Canada to provide strong central government. This hybrid system combines two classical models: British tradition, based on parliamentary supremacy and conventions, and American principles, which require a written constitution, the separation of powers and judicial review. The two models are contradictory, since parliamentary supremacy and constitutional supremacy are incompatible.
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Purić, Sveto, and Milan Rapajić. "ODNOS CENTRALNE BANKE I GRANA DRŽAVNE VLASTI." Glasnik prava IX, no. 1 (2018): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/gp.0901.39p.
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Highly regulated legal relations in a single legal system reflects the level of legal culture of a nation. When it comes to standardizing the relationship between the branchеs of government and other subjects of the political system and the public, regulatory bodies and independent institutions that have a considerable degree of autonomy in their work and this is a sensitive issue. States authorities must fulfill their functions of creating the law, its execution, and creating a general national policy (and the creator of that creation is executive power) whose element is also economic policy. In this paper, the authors pay attention to defining a branches of power, starting from the triple division of functions of state power into legislative, judicial and executive. It is pointed out that there are different types of organizations, primarily the executive, ie parliamentary, presidential, semi-presidential and аssembly system Relations between the branches of government and the central bank are different in the legal systems. This has to do with the system of government organization and democratic relations in society. The primary function of the modern central bank is to control the supply of money and credit conditions in the country. The Central Bank is responsible for the conduct of monetary policy and in the achievement of its objectives it must not be blocked by two political branches of government: legislative and executive. The executive has the greatest responsibility for the state of the nation, and thus in some legal systems it still has a major impact on the central bank's staff structure.
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Кравченко, О. П., Е. Г. Манойлов, Г. О. Бабич, and Я. С. Малий. "ЗАСОБИ ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ОПТИМАЛЬНОГО ФУНКЦІОНУВАННЯ ЕЛЕКТРИЧНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ЛОКАЛЬНОГО ОБ’ЄКТУ." Bulletin of the Kyiv National University of Technologies and Design. Technical Science Series 148, no. 4 (March 10, 2021): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/1813-6796.2020.4.5.
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Development of electronic monitoring and control system for achieving an effective ratio between electrical energy generation and consumption in the local object power supply system. Methodology. The theory of electrical circuits and electronic circuits were used. Obtaned results. The electronic system for monitoring and controlling power supply in the local object power system was developed. The system comprises three modules: central processor, module for monitoring environment parameters and executive module which consists of measuring (current, voltage) and relay blocks. The central processor processes signals from monitoring and measuring blocks and forms executive commands on relay block in order to switch on/off consumer loads and electric generators. Developed systems alowes both maximal power take-off from distributed (renewable) energy sources and flexible implementation of power consumption regulation for achieving an effective ratio between the generation of electrical energy provided by renewable energy sources and the general distribution network, and the total load device consumption in the local object power system. Orginality. The electronic monitoring and controlling system in the local object power system alows providing generated and consumed loads monitoring in the real time. The system provides an ability to form real time energy profiles based on which the control algorithm for executive block control is formed in order to achieve an effective ratio between generation and consumption of electricity in the power system of the local facility.for in power consumption control system has been developed, which consists of a central processor, monitoring and executive units. The monitoring unit allows you to create energy profiles in real time, on the basis of which the control algorithm in the executive unit is formed in order to achieve an effective ratio between the electricity generation and consumption in the local object power system. Practical value. As a result of the presented work, an electronic system for monitoring and controling electricity supply in the local object power system with the defined formation of distributed energy sources generation and required consumption profiles in the real time was developed to provide efficient energy consumption according to the concepts of distributed electrical networks with renewable energy sources and Smart House.
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Şaramet, Oana. "EXECUTIVE POWERS IN RELATIONS WITH THE PARLIAMENT. PART I." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 9, no. 4 (February 3, 2016): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v9i4.2322.
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By art. 1 para. (4), Romanian Constitution, republished, enshrined the principle of separation and balance of powers. Therefore, this principle implies the existence of collaboration but also of a mutual control between these powers, including between the legislative and executive power, thus being expressed the balance between these two powers. By constitutional established powers, the two central authorities of the executive power - the President of Romania and the Government - will participate at the observance and application of this principle, including by those duties they perform in their relations with the legislative power.
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Christopher, Abel. "Power in the isthmus: a political history of modern Central America." International Affairs 65, no. 4 (1989): 775. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622679.
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Woodward, Ralph Lee, and James Dunkerley. "Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America." American Historical Review 95, no. 2 (April 1990): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163999.
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Lowenthal, Abraham F., and James Dunkerley. "Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 2 (1988): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043830.
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Brenner, Philip. "Media Power in Central America, by Rick Rockwell and Noreene Janus." Political Communication 24, no. 3 (August 6, 2007): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600701471815.
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McCreery, David, and James Dunkerley. "Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 1 (February 1990): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516395.
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McCreery, David. "Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 1 (February 1, 1990): 197–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-70.1.197.
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BAILEY, JEREMY D. "The New Unitary Executive and Democratic Theory: The Problem of Alexander Hamilton." American Political Science Review 102, no. 4 (November 2008): 453–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080337.
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Central to the recent argument from the “unitary executive” is the claim that the unitary executive is consistent with the text and history of the Constitution. But because this veracity and importance of this claim is contested, unitarians also argue that the unitary executive is consistent with democratic theory. This article examines that argument by addressing a question in the political thought of Alexander Hamilton. Although Hamilton was an important defender of an energetic executive, and is associated with an expansive interpretation of executive power, he wrote inThe Federalistthat the president and Senate would share the removal power. In contrast with existing scholarship, which either overlooks Hamilton's statement on removals or dismisses it as a careless error, this article argues that Hamilton's statement limiting presidential removals illuminates his larger argument about executive energy. By showing how “duration” would check “unity,” this article clarifies Hamilton's political thought and offers an important critique of the modern argument from the unitary executive.
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Payda, Yuriy. "Public administration as an object of administrative and legal regulation." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-3-65-72.
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The concept and legal nature of public administration have been analyzed. The analysis of research works has allowed to state that the term "public administration" is considered in two aspects - structural and procedural (or functional) where public administration should be understood as executive bodies, local self-government bodies, as well as entities endowed by the state with public administration functions that perform public administration functions and whose purpose is to ensure the interests of the state and society as a whole, and their activities carried out within the law. The principles of administrative and legal regulation of public administration in Ukraine and the concepts, principles of administrative and legal regulation of public administration have been studied. The author has found out that the essential features of public administration are: public administration is subordinated to political power (i.e., parliament, head of state); public administration ensures the implementation and application of laws (i.e., implements the political decisions of parliament); public administration acts (should act) in the public interest; public administration is endowed with the prerogatives of public authority (that is, powers that allow mandatory instructions to be given to individuals). While the system of central executive bodies consists of the ministries of Ukraine and other central executive bodies the system of central executive bodies is a component of the system of executive bodies, the highest body of which is the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. The local state administration is a local executive body and is part of the system of executive bodies. The local state administration, within the limits of its powers, exercises executive power on the territory of the respective administrative-territorial unit, as well as exercises the powers delegated to it by the relevant council.
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Slavytska, Antonina, Yana Maslova, and Natalia Bilak. "ADMINISTRATION OF ELECTRONIC REGISTRIES BY CENTRAL EXECUTIVE AUTHORITIES: PRAXEOLOGICAL ASPECT." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 2 (March 25, 2022): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-2-137-145.
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The subject of the study are conceptual, theoretical, methodological and applied provisions for the use of digital tools in law enforcement activities on the example of specific institutions (the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine). Methodology. General scientific methods were used in the research process. The method of comparison was used to summarize the approaches of various researchers on the main dominants of the implementation of the idea of electronic registries and their interaction by default. Analysis was used to determine quantitative and qualitative characteristic parameters of the specifics of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine in the digital era. Induction and deduction were used to determine the approaches to the main dominants of the legal forms of activity of the central bodies of state executive power. The results of the study showed that the introduction and application of digital skills in the activities of authorized subjects of power, creates conditions both for the effective execution of their powers, and contributes to the public interest, in general. Conclusion. What is common to the functioning of electronic registries is that they help to ensure transparency of the activities of specific state institutions and effective information interaction between them. On the example of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption it is established that the administration of anti-corruption registries is a separate block of powers of the main state anti-corruption agency of Ukraine, so it is an obligation, which is ensured by the commitment for quality performance. Other electronic tools have been used to compare the activities of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, but they are not covered by a separate block of authority. At the same time, it is substantiated that the ramification of the powers of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine has caused the need to create a significant number of registers under its jurisdiction and subject to systematization according to common characteristics.
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Sánchez, W. A. "A roadmap to make Peru regional power in Latin America." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (May 14, 2022): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-146-159.
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The Republic of Peru marked its bicentennial on July 28, 2021 with political instability, economic problems, a narco-terrorist movement, around one million Venezuelan refugees, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the Andean nation has many resources to obtain a greater international role, Peru’s geopolitical weight is limited. The article discusses the main factors that are taken into account to classify a country as a regional power. Moreover, a roadmap is offered for Peru to improve its international image for the tercentennial. These recommendations include ensuring the leading role of the Peruvian armed forces in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions; The Andean Community of Nations under the leadership of Peru to ensure its greatest relevance, as well as “soft power” proposals. Likewise, it is necessary that in Peru, not only the executive power, but also the different governmental agencies and civilian sectors, strive towards making their homeland a regional power. In 2021, in a fragmented Latin America, with no clear regional leader, and with problems such as the pandemic and the situation in Venezuela, there is room for the new regional power to emerge. Peru could take the role, if it has the ambition and a long-term strategic vision.
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Bishop, William F. "PETROLEUM GEOLOGY OF NORTHERN CENTRAL AMERICA." Journal of Petroleum Geology 3, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 3–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-5457.1980.tb01003.x.
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Stumpf, István. "A válságok hatása a politikai rendszerekre." Scientia et Securitas 2, no. 3 (December 22, 2021): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/112.2021.00051.
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Összefoglaló. A második világháborút követően talán nem volt egyetlen esemény sem, amely olyan hatást gyakorolt a világ országaira, mint a koronavírus-járvány kirobbanása. A vírus-válság felgyorsította a liberális világrend erózióját, kiélezte a nagyhatalmak közötti ellentéteket, válságforgatókönyvek és prognózisok készültek. A válság rávilágított arra is, hogy kudarcra vannak ítélve azok a kormányzatok, amelyek nem ruháztak be a közösségi infrastruktúrába, és elhanyagolták a közszolgálati tudást. Az is kiderült, hogy a kormányzati intézményeknek szakértőkre és nem lojális mamelukokra van szüksége a válsághelyzetből fakadó közpolitikai gondok megoldása során. Egy világméretű és példátlan sebességgel terjedő válság elleni eredményes fellépés elsődleges frontvonala tehát a nemzetállam maradt. Summary. In times of crisis, all political systems give the executive exceptional powers, as it is not possible to face new and rapidly changing challenges within the framework of existing laws. One of the American founding fathers, Alexander Hamilton, who feared the excessive power of central government, believed that in times of emergency the system of checks and balances should be suspended. Constitutional democracy will be threatened if the rule of law is not restored after the emergency has passed. Perhaps no event since the Second World War has had such an impact on the countries of the world as the outbreak of the coronavirus epidemic. The virus crisis accelerated the erosion of the liberal world order, sharpened the antagonism between the great powers, especially the US and China, and highlighted the vulnerability of the production chains that had been outsourced to the Far East in the hope of cheap labour. Crisis scenarios and forecasts were drawn up, and prominent scientists and researchers expressed the view that there would be no return to the world before the virus. The virus crisis has also highlighted the failure of governments that have not invested in community infrastructure and have neglected public knowledge. It has also shown that government institutions need experts, not loyal mamelukes, to solve public policy problems arising from the crisis. The coronavirus is the most pressing challenge of this century so far, and in responding to it, localism is being valorised as a crucial centre of solidarity and problem-solving. Forecasters fear that rising inequalities and the erosion of family savings could trigger a wave of political discontent that is more angry and violent than ever before. The majority of people will not be able to manage their children’s digital education and work from home without a separate room and computing infrastructure, so governments will need to develop special programmes to address this, and people’s health and the capacity of public health to cope will come to the fore. The pandemic crisis has provided a new argument for those who argued for the reinvention of the state and the importance of governments’ ability to act quickly to deal effectively with natural and economic crises. In recent decades, many have buried the nation state, arguing that successful responses to global problems in a globalised world cannot be found within the framework of a nation state. The Covid-19 crisis has shown that the nation state remains the first front line for effective action against a crisis that is spreading at an unprecedented global scale and speed. Different countries have followed different crisis management strategies and very significant differences in contagion rates have emerged. The crisis has reassessed the role of nation states and borders, which already played an important role in receiving migration flows.
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de Raadt, Jasper. "Contestable constitutions: Ambiguity, conflict, and change in East Central European dual executive systems." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.003.
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This article investigates how ambiguous constitutional design affected president–cabinet relations and constitutional change in post-communist Poland and Hungary. Constitutional provisions related to the prerogatives of presidents and governments were frequently subject to political conflict during the 1990s. The power struggle in the two cases developed and consolidated along two distinct pathways. In Poland, failed attempts to modify the constitution initially stirred up and extended intra-executive conflicts. With the adoption of a new constitution in 1997 the struggle over power between president and council of ministers was finally settled. In Hungary constitutional court rulings were instrumental in the settlement of president–cabinet conflicts.
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Jennings, Nathan A. "The Army and Sea Control: Reconsidering Maritime Strategy in the Twenty-first Century." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 13, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.20221302010.
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This article argues that the U.S. Army, rather than the traditional maritime Services, has an emergent opportunity to increase relevancy by exercising sea control to guarantee American access to global markets in competitive spaces in the twenty-first century. In a strategic environment where adversaries are developing sophisticated defenses in-depth to negate American power projection, the institution has a unique capability to create forward positions of advantage with reimagined operational fires commands at scale—as the nucleus of Joint, interagency, and multinational teams—to protect economic prosperity and preserve coalition unity in Central Europe and Southeast Asia in particular, and across the world in general. Advocating for a shift in operational approach that subordinates tactical maneuver in support of operational fires, this article differs from previous scholarship by asserting that the Army should fully embrace sea control, rather than merely providing support to the U.S. Navy and U.S. Marine Corps, to better enable the Joint execution of American and coalition strategies in contested regions.
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Varga, Ádám. "Local Self-Governments and the Vertical Division of Power." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 6, no. 2 (2021): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2021.2.9.
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Local self-governments cannot be defined as entities against the state, nor do they merely assist in executing the central will. The significance of local self-governments lies in their role in the division and balancing of powers. In light of the principle of subsidiarity, the need for autonomy through decentralisation necessarily leads to the central bodies of the state being marginalised in these matters, in a sense, the latter lose their ability to solve the issues raised within their own sphere of competence.From a certain point of view, this can even be considered a vertical division of power. The division of executive power between the public administration subordinated to the Government and independent local self-governments, does not call into question the local self-government’s affiliation with the executive power. As such, it is practically an internal division of powers. In essence, it manifests itself as a kind of limited autonomy, which – due to the unity of the state – subsists only within the confines of the relevant laws.In light of the foregoing, jointly applied principles lead to a vertical division of power. Power is divided, which, nonetheless, does not mean that one sovereign body limits another; it is rather the case of the state restraining itself by virtue of the principle of democracy.
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McCreery, David, and Charles D. Brockett. "Land, Power and Poverty: Agrarian Transformation and Political Conflict in Central America." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515850.
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Bulmer-Thomas, Victor, and Charles Brockett. "Land, Power and Poverty: Agrarian Transformation and Political Conflict in Central America." Bulletin of Latin American Research 8, no. 1 (1989): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338936.
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Maxwell, Kenneth, and Jeffery M. Paige. "Coffee and Power: Revolution and the Rise of Democracy in Central America." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 2 (1998): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048832.
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Euraque, Dario, and Jeffery M. Paige. "Coffee and Power: Revolution and the Rise of Democracy in Central America." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650756.
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McCreery, David. "Land, Power and Poverty: Agrarian Transformation and Political Conflict in Central America." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1, 1989): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.2.351.
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Oluwapelumi Odunayo Osadola and Phebe Oluwatoni Ojo. "Use of Executive Orders in Nigeria by the Executive Branch of Government in Time of Emergency." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 2, no. 3 (October 16, 2020): 669–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v2i3.317.
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Executive Orders are not invoked as a matter of course by the President or Governors heading the Executive Cabinet. These orders are exercisable when heads of the executive branch of government see for their needfulness and for smooth running of their governmental programmes or policies. Every Executive order must carry the force of law for it to be valid or to be duly recognised by the other branches of government which if not, the latter may question its constitutionality. The advantages of executive orders are very innumerable to mention however it has been said that the use of executive orders have assaulted the concept of separation of powers which is embedded in the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended)as adopted from the United States of America. This paper focuses on the meaning and historical antecedent of executive orders in Nigeria, legal regime or statutory provisions of executive orders in Nigeria, executive orders versus doctrine of separation of power, challenges of executive orders under the 1999 constitution (as amended), praxis of executive orders under the Nigeria fourth republic and lastly is the conclusion and recommendations made thereto. To achieve these, the writers will make use of relevant materials at their disposal.
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Raunio, Tapio, and Thomas Sedelius. "Shifting Power-Centres of Semi-Presidentialism: Exploring Executive Coordination in Lithuania." Government and Opposition 54, no. 4 (December 4, 2017): 637–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.31.
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Despite more than two decades of research on semi-presidential regimes, we still know very little about the actual coordination between the president and the prime minister. Through an in-depth analysis of Lithuanian semi-presidentialism, this article underscores the importance of institutional design on intra-executive balance of power. Drawing primarily on interviews with top-level civil servants and office-holders, it argues that in the absence of written rules or other strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination, presidents enjoy more discretion in designing their own modes of operation. Coordination depends on the initiative of the president, with ad hoc practices further weakening the position of the prime minister. While Lithuanian semi-presidentialism has functioned smoothly, the personality-centred politics commonly found in Central and East European countries create favourable conditions for presidential activism.