Journal articles on the topic 'Executive attention tactile'

Introduction. Previously, the authors conducted a series of studies of changes in the bioelectric activity (BEA) of the brain of patients while an osteopath was working with them. Data on the specific response of the brain to osteopathic effects allow us to explain many mechanisms of the therapeutic effect of osteopathy. It is of interest to study the nature of changes in the BEA of an osteopath′s brain during prolonged tactile contact with objects of influence. Aim: the identification of changes in the BEA of the osteopath′s brain that occur in the process of performing osteopathic listening of the patient relative to the period of quiet wakefulness; the reproducibility of the interaction patterns of the osteopath′s cerebral cortex biopotentials during working with different patients; the comparison of the nature of changes in the BEA of the osteopath′s brain during osteopathic listening of the patient and during imitation of listening (palpation of an inanimate object). Materials and methods. The study involved 2 osteopaths (the article′s authors) having more than 5 years of experience in osteopathy. Measurements were carried out twice with each of them. The authors of the article themselves and the clinic′s assistant acted as patients. A soccer ball was used for an experiment with simulated listening. The BEA of the osteopaths′ brain was recorded by the method of multiparametric computer EEG. Results. Changes in the BEA of the osteopath′s brain during imitation of listening (palpation of an inanimate object) are characterized by the greatest increase in EEG correlations in the leads C4, P4. Changes in the BEA of the osteopath′s brain when performing diagnostic listening of the patient′s cranial rhythmic impulse relative to the period of calm wakefulness are characterized by a longitudinal direction of brain activity and an increase in interhemispheric interaction of biopotentials. During the end of the audition immediately after working with the patient, the individual differences of each of the subjects related to the style of working with patients and the nature of the mobility of nervous processes became more pronounced. Conclusion. Changes in the BEA of the osteopath′s brain during imitation of listening allow us to talk about the activity of the secondary somatosensory cortex, i.e., the work of ascending mechanisms of the nervous system, orientation reaction, and cognitive attention. Changes in the BEA of the brain of an osteopath during diagnostic listening may indicate the predominance of descending mechanisms of the nervous system, the work of the executive control system, perceptual attention of the doctor.

Background:The nosology and etiological underpinnings of very late -onset schizophrenia-like psychosis (VLOSLP) have remained controversial. This case report highlights its diagnostic complexity.Case report:A 64-year-old woman, with a previous history of hypertension, diabetes, mild cognitive decline, right grade-4 hemiparesis as sequelae of an ischemic-stroke (three years before), started persecutory and partition delusions. After six months, the delusions were accompanied by complex visual hallucinations (scenic, lilliputian and holocampine), elementary auditory, tactile, olfactory, and gustatory hallucinations, causing a profound daily life impact, consequently she was hospitalized. Neither negative symptoms nor formal thought disorders were present. Electroencephalography and laboratorial evaluations were unremarkable (including thyroid function, folic acid, cyanocobalamin, infectious serologies and anti-gliadin/transglutaminase antibodies). Neuroimaging displayed subcortical microvascular lesions in the left centrum semiovale, bilateral thalamic and basal ganglia lacunes. Neuropsychological examination revealed mild/moderate impairment in working-memory, sustained-attention, executive functions, abstract thinking, and visuospatial abilities. Mini-mental state examination (MMSE) scored 20/30. Clozapine was started. As psychotic symptoms ameliorated cognitive deficits also improved (MMSE score: 25/30). She was discharged with residual symptoms.Discussion:Late-life psychosis implies a thorough investigation, bringing about challenges in diagnosis. Several medical causes, including neuroinflammatory/immunologic, were ruled out. This two-stage progression, with partition delusions and multimodal hallucinations, in the absence of formal thought disorder and negative symptoms is typical of VLOSP. It is arguable to ascribe our patient’s psychosis to a previous vascular dementia or to VLOSLP. Almost half of VLOSLP patients may develop dementia. It is still debatable whether this propensity is a true characteristic of VLOPSL or reflects an initial misdiagnosis. Some neuropathological studies suggest a restricted limbic tauopathy underlying VLOSP. Notwithstanding, cognitive impairment is common in VLOSLP, including in those patients who do not develop dementia. Neuroimaging studies evidence that lacunar infarction in the basal ganglia alongside chronic white matter small vessels ischemic disease, may underlie the pathophysiology of psychosis via a disruption in the frontal-subcortical pathways. Nevertheless, cases of post-stroke psychosis usually resolve in few months. In conclusion, the neurobiological underpinnings of VLOSLP are complex and multifaceted. More systematized studies using biomarkers and neuroimaging are needed so clinicians can perform a more accurate diagnosis of VLOSLP.

Tactile information arriving at our sensory receptors is differentially processed over the various temporal phases of goal-directed movements. By using event-related potentials (ERPs), we investigated the neuronal correlates of tactile information processing during movement. Participants performed goal-directed reaches for an object placed centrally on the table in front of them. Tactile and visual stimuli were presented in separate trials during the different phases of the movement (i.e., preparation, execution, and post-movement). These stimuli were independently delivered to either the moving or the resting hand. In a control condition, the participants only performed the movement, while omission (movement-only) ERPs were recorded. Participants were told to ignore the presence or absence of any sensory events and solely concentrate on the execution of the movement. The results highlighted enhanced ERPs between 80 and 200 ms after tactile stimulation, and between 100 and 250 ms after visual stimulation. These modulations were greatest over the execution phase of the goal-directed movement, they were effector-based (i.e., significantly more negative for stimuli presented at the moving hand), and modality-independent (i.e., similar ERP enhancements were observed for both tactile and visual stimuli). The enhanced processing of sensory information over the execution phase of the movement suggests that incoming sensory information may be used for a potential adjustment of the current motor plan. Moreover, these results indicate a tight interaction between attentional mechanisms and the sensorimotor system.

Tactile attention tasks are used in the diagnosis and treatment of neurological and sensory processing disorders, while somatosensory event-related potentials (ERP) measured by electroencephalography (EEG) are used as neural correlates of attention processes. Brain-computer interface (BCI) technology provides an opportunity for the training of mental task execution via providing online feedback based on ERP measures. Our recent work introduced a novel electrotactile BCI for sensory training, based on somatosensory ERP; however, no previous studies have addressed specific somatosensory ERP morphological features as measures of sustained endogenous spatial tactile attention in the context of BCI control. Here we show the morphology of somatosensory ERP responses induced by a novel task introduced within our electrotactile BCI platform i.e., the sustained endogenous spatial electrotactile attention task. By applying pulsed electrical stimuli to the two proximal stimulation hotspots at the user’s forearm, stimulating sequentially the mixed branches of radial and median nerves with equal probability of stimuli occurrence, we successfully recorded somatosensory ERPs for both stimulation locations, in the attended and unattended conditions. Waveforms of somatosensory ERP responses for both mixed nerve branches showed similar morphology in line with previous reports on somatosensory ERP components obtained by stimulation of exclusively sensory nerves. Moreover, we found statistically significant increases in ERP amplitude on several components, at both stimulation hotspots, while sustained endogenous spatial electrotactile attention task is performed. Our results revealed the existence of general ERP windows of interest and signal features that can be used to detect sustained endogenous tactile attention and classify between spatial attention locations in 11 healthy subjects. The current results show that features of N140, P3a and P3b somatosensory ERP components are the most prominent global markers of sustained spatial electrotactile attention, over all subjects, within our novel electrotactile BCI task/paradigm, and this work proposes the features of those components as markers of sustained endogenous spatial tactile attention in online BCI control. Immediate implications of this work are the possible improvement of online BCI control within our novel electrotactile BCI system, while these finding can be used for other tactile BCI applications in the diagnosis and treatment of neurological disorders by employing mixed nerve somatosensory ERPs and sustained endogenous electrotactile attention task as control paradigms.

AbstractPresident Franklin Delano Roosevelt shaped the role of the modern president in part with his relentless pursuit of grand policies and his ability to marshal historic legislation through Congress. In this article, I focus on one legislative tactic employed by FDR that has received little attention—the detailing of Executive Branch staff to select Senate committees. This tactic, effectively a blending of legislative powers, was used to implement FDR’s ambitious postwar domestic agenda as detailed in his Second Bill of Rights. I find that the tactic, used late in FDR’s presidency, was moderately effective, served as a substitute for the personal energy FDR applied to the presidency in his first term, and created a backlash that contributed to the adoption of the Legislative Reform Act of 1946. With these findings I conclude that FDR deserves credit as a transitionary figure for the modernity of Congress, as well as the presidency.

Применение рекомендаций криминалистики в смежных с уголовным процессом сферах в настоящее время является одним из тех вопросов, который притягивает все большее и большее внимание криминалистов. Это касается прежде всего таких сфер, как пенитенциарная и административно-процессуальная. Вместе с тем, прямое заимствование тактики следственных действий и применение ее в указанных сферах показало свою малую эффективность. В связи с этим одним из приоритетных вопросов стала разработка самостоятельных криминалистических рекомендаций о тактике проведения, к примеру, поисковых мероприятий - осмотра (досмотра). Для уточнения ряда аспектов о совершенствовании тактико-криминалистического базиса существенным является сравнение с криминалистических и правовых позиций, используя опыт государств постсоветского пространства. The application of forensic recommendations in areas related to criminal proceedings is currently one of those issues that attracts more and more attention of forensic scientists. This concerns, first of all, such areas as penitentiary and administrative-procedural. At the same time, direct borrowing of tactics of investigative actions and its application in these areas showed its low efficiency. In this regard, one of the priority issues was the issue of developing independent forensic recommendations on the tactics of conducting, for example, search activities - inspection (search). In order to clarify a number of aspects on the improvement of the tactical and forensic basis, it is essential to compare the forensic and legal positions using the experience of the post-Soviet states.

The article is devoted to the study of financial policy under martial law. It is substantiated that Ukraine's financial policy in recent years has seen significant progress and attention from both government agencies and foreign creditors such as the IMF, the World Bank and the European Union. The focus is on the development of budget legislation since the adoption of the Budget Code of Ukraine. It is noted that the Strategy for the Development of the Public Financial Management System and the Action Plan for its Implementation are a certain roadmap for reforming the budget system in general and budget legislation in particular. The author argues that in today's conditions of war, the situation around the entire financial policy, as well as around the public economy as a whole, has changed dramatically for the needs of warfare and hostilities. Financial policy priorities have changed for the needs of operational support and for the proper and continuous execution of local budgets. In order to ensure the effective functioning of the budget sphere and the vital needs of Ukrainians during hostilities, public authorities make quick, efficient and prompt decisions to maintain financial stability in the country. Today, the local budget is amended not only by executive committees of local councils, local state administrations, but also by military-civil administrations at the request of local financial bodies without a decision by the Verkhovna Rada or local council. Based on the study, it was found that the financial and economic levels are stable and unchanging, which means high professionalism in government and political decision, as well as professionalism and resilience of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Today, financial policy strategy and tactics must be interlinked. Financial strategy is a long-term course of financial policy, designed for the future and which involves the solution of major challenges identified by economic and social strategy. While financial tactics should be aimed at solving the current problems of the country's development through the timely redistribution of financial resources.

In the realm of modern video game development, special attention is given to the simulation of artillery systems, which play a crucial role in various military-themed games. This research presents a mathematical model for simulating the actions of a virtual artillery system. The model is designed to manage the execution of combat tasks, including targeting destruction with a specified number of shells and incorporating the strategic movement between firing positions to minimize detection and attack by enemy forces in the game. The model presumes that all shots are effective and equates the number of firing positions to the number of shots, with a minimum of one shot per position. The model's dynamics do not allow for returning to previous positions, adding a layer of complexity and realism to the gameplay. Movement simulations between positions are designed along virtual roads of varying quality, enhancing the strategic elements of the game. A method for determining the optimal strategy for the artillery system's actions has been developed, introducing the concept of the current structure of combat task execution. This problem-solving approach falls within the realm of Pareto-oriented tasks or dynamic programming challenges. The computational method of the model is based on a general algorithm, underpinned by specialized additional algorithms. Results from this model demonstrate the feasibility of completing combat tasks effectively, with a maximum of two shots per firing position. The research differentiates between defensive and offensive tactics in gameplay, suggesting that while a strategy involving ten shots per target aligns with defensive gameplay, a strategy with four shots per target aligns with offensive actions. Consequently, the "shot-and-scoot" tactic in an offensive context can be aptly termed as “hid-and-shot”.

The article reconstructs the “revolutionary biography” of populist Vladimir Antonovich Sviridenko who was previously practically unknown in the scientific community, using the methodological approaches inherent to the “personal history” direction. The source base of the article is both documents from the archives of Moscow (State Archive of the Russian Federation) that were not previously introduced into scientific use, and the existing memoir literature. The article examines and analyzes the process of Sviridenko's ideological evolution from a peaceful propagandist to an active member of the “Executive Committee of the Russian Social-Revolutionary Party” (“Southern Executive Committee”) who used the tactics of political terror against the representatives of the Russian ruling elite. In the process of studying the sources, including the documents of the Gendarme department, it was possible to establish that Sviridenko was a very prominent figure among the revolutionaries of the south of Russia in the late 1870s. The study of Sviridenko’s revolutionary biography revealed previously little-known moments of populist propaganda in Novorossiya (Odessa, Nikolaev) among military sailors. It was also established that at that time the revolutionaries decided to use dynamite to prepare for regicide. Special attention is paid to Sviridenko's activity in Kiev, in 1878-early 1879, in the ranks of the “Southern Executive Committee” created by V.A. Osinsky. There is analyzed the role played by Sviridenko in its work. There are also considered the negotiations of the representatives of the “Southern Executive Committee” with the liberals in Kiev at the end of 1878 in which he was directly involved. The analysis of Sviridenko’s ideological evolution allowed us not only to better understand the motives of his actions, but also made it possible to trace on his example the typical path of the transition of southern revolutionaries from propaganda to terror. On the basis of the material studied, the author comes to the conclusion that the reconstruction of V.A. Sviridenko's “revolutionary biography” is extremely important for clarifying the reasons for the evolution of revolutionary populism from peaceful propaganda to political terror.

The article is devoted to the disclosure of some aspects of the investigation of criminal offenses in the sphere of circulation of narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances, their analogues or precursors. Initial investigative (search) actions are considered: inspection of the scene, search. Special attention is paid to the recording of evidentiary information that was discovered during their conduct. In connection with the specifics of the subject of proof of a criminal offense, methods of its concealment, as well as the person who committed it, the tactics of initial investigative (search) actions have their own specific features. The relevance of the researched problem is determined by the fact that activities related to procedural and forensic problems of conducting investigative (search) actions during the disclosure and investigation of criminal offenses in the sphere of drugs traffic, psychotropic substances, their analogues or precursors, require detailed regulation and improvement in connection with the emergence of new ways of committing criminal offenses of this category, as well as the development of new effective means of countering their disclosure, which, on the one hand, complicates the execution of the task of criminal proceedings, on the other – provides new opportunities for effective counteraction to criminal offenses of this category, quickly and effective investigation and disclosure, establishment of persons who commit them, channels of supply of narcotics, places of their sale, etc. Special attention should be focused on the tactics of conducting investigative (search) actions with a detailed description of the nature of the actions assigned to each specific subject of interaction. It is the investigator and the prosecutor, who determine the optimal choice of tactics and methods used during initial and further investigative (search) actions. Keywords: pre-trial investigation, evidence, proving, investigative (search) actions, search, inspection.

Abstract The cavalry horse, tactics and training in Western Europe – the Euro-pean provinces of the Roman Empire of the West and the Frankish Empire – du-ring the Early Middle Ages (c. 500-1000) are still subject to many myths in both popular media and academic literature. Source material is admittedly thin, yet it is specific enough to allow us to correct many of these misconceptions and outright errors. The article initially summarises the current state of knowledge on the war horse of the period, by reference to the archaeological record. It then reviews the cavalry’s battlefield tactics, derives the skill level required to execute the manoeuvres described in the sources, and analyses where and how this training could have been provided. The information gleaned provides an insight into the skills and expertise neces-sary to achieve the requisite sophisticated level of horsemanship. We shall argue that these imply a considerable investment in organisational infrastructure, per-sonnel and institutional memory, which has so far not received much academic attention, and has wider implications for our view of the era.

National culture is frequently used as the dominant influential factor when intercultural business communication differences are explained. Leaning on theories about other contextual factors from the field of pragmatics, a dataset containing metapragmatic comments from interviews with forty-one Japanese and Norwegian business executives has been analysed in order to find what contextual factors are believed to influence Japanese and Norwegian communication with special attention to degree of directness and formality. The analysis indicates that the claim that the Japanese are less direct and more formal than Scandinavians (Norwegians) is highly dependent on contextual factors such as power, distance, the number of participants, message content, interactional/social roles, activity type, individual and organisation variation, language, the interlocutors’ expectations, and business tactics. National culture as the sole explanatory factor is only used to a limited extent. Thus, a one-sided focus on national culture as the main contextual factor in intercultural communication should be cautioned and alternative approaches found.

This research is motivated by the lack of awareness of the Indonesian people about the importance of insurance in future life. Therefore, a strong strategy is needed from the agents to market insurance to the public and to survive to develop the company, especially Allianz Insurance and Allianz STAG Blue Tile partners. This study is a field study using descriptive qualitative methods with research subjects consisting of core subjects and supporting subjects, namely Business Partners, business executives and allisya Protection Plus customers. The results of this study indicate that the marketing strategy of allisya Protection Plus Insurance at Allianz STAG Genteng Biru partners carried out by agents is as follows: segmentation, Target market, positioning, marketing tactics, differentiation, marketing mix, Sales, Marketing Value, brand, Service and process. The purpose of this study is to evaluate and understand the marketing strategy of Allisya Protection Plus Insurance at Allianz STAG Blue Tile partners. This study also aims to determine how the marketing strategy of Allisya Protection Plus Insurance according to the perspective of Islamic Economics. Allisya Protection Plus Insurance Marketing Strategy at Allianz STAG Genteng Biru Partners is carried out by agents by paying attention to several aspects, such as segmentation, targeting, positioning, marketing tactics, differentiation, marketing mix, Sales, Marketing Value, brand, service, and process. In addition, this marketing strategy is also explained in the context of Islamic Economics, where agents try to market products in accordance with Sharia principles and provide good service to prospective customers.

Understanding human behaviors and higher cognitive functioning has long been an ultimate goal for psychologists and neuroscientists. Sensory inputs are pivotal in shaping the intricate landscape of complex behaviors and decision-making processes in both humans and animals. The distinct pathways through which the sensory information is perceived from the environment are referred as sensory modalities. Each sensory modality corresponds to a specific type of sensory input or sense, such as vision, hearing, or tactile, enabling us to gather information about the world around us. Sensory inputs integrate information of various sensory modalities at different levels of nervous system and networks, are filtered by attention, forming the perception of the external environment. Through the interaction with various neural circuits and networks, the sensory inputs activate memories and emotions, leading to further information processing. The conversion of sensory information into behavior and decision making is a complex neuronal process involving context evaluation, emotional arousal, memory activation and reward system prediction, with sensory inputs impacting immediate reactions and shaping long-term memory and future responses. This paper is a systematic review of recent literature studies that explain cognition and behaviors, providing an overview of the multifaceted interplay between sensory perception and the execution of complex behaviors, while highlighting the significance of sensory processing in cognitive neuroscience and behavioral science.

In the contemporary technological era, the significance of marketing for educational institutions has experienced a significant surge. The effective execution of marketing tactics can aid in the recruitment of prospective students and concurrently elevate the standing of the institution. Marketing initiatives should be carried out prudently and in accordance with the technological progressions that occur. The objective of this study is to furnish insights for early childhood education institutions in formulating efficacious marketing tactics that align with contemporary demands. The primary emphasis of this investigation is on qualitative analysis. Methods for gathering information include paying close attention and taking detailed notes, with subsequent analysis including data reduction, visualisation, and conclusions. The results of this study show that to develop marketing strategies in the digital era, schools need to consider factors such as market characteristics and needs, the use of social media and online platforms, data security, the quality of educators, and the needs of students. Therefore, they should consider the needs and characteristics of the market and develop educational content that is relevant and appealing to prospective students and parents, which implies that by optimising technology and online platforms and considering the needs and characteristics of the market, schools can improve the reputation and quality of education offered and help increase parental and community involvement in promoting education.

Cyber security is concerned with matters of cyber-ethics and cyber-safety. The idea of cyber security should be introduced to and ingrained from a young age. Security countermeasures aid in preserving the confidentiality, availability, and integrity of information systems by preventing or lessening asset losses brought on by cyber security threats. An intrusion detection system (IDS) application analyses what happens during an execution and searches for indications that the computer has been mistreated. Numerous metaphors, including those relating to biological processes, healthcare, markets, three-dimensional space, and the preservation of tangible goods, were taken into account. These in turn sparked the investigation of a wide range of prospective tactics for advancing cyber security in the future. The concepts of "Heterogeneity," "Motivating Secure Behaviour," and "Cyber Wellness" were employed to define these tactics. Cyber security plays an important role in the development of information technology and Internet services. Our attention tends to gravitate toward "Cyber Security" when we hear about "Cyber Crimes." Therefore, how well our system handles "Cyber Crimes" is the first factor we take into account when talking about "National Cyber Security". This newsletter focuses on expanding trends in cyber security in light of the widespread adoption of cutting-edge technologies including mobile computing, cloud computing, e-commerce, and social networking. In the research, it is also covered how challenges are exacerbated by a lack of coordination between security organizations and crucial IT infrastructures.

The progress of the tourism sector plays a crucial role in the country's development, and as a result, Travel Bureaus are gaining importance as a support system. These agencies offer tourists invaluable services, but due to the vast potential market, competition is intense. Hence, the objective of this research is to create an appropriate marketing plan that concentrates on Sinar Wihana Wisata Tour & Travel's experience to increase sales volume. According to the findings, the company has implemented effective strategies such as providing various products at different destinations, setting reasonable prices compared to competitors, executing robust promotion schemes, making information accessible to customers, paying attention to employee and tour guide quality, delivering excellent service, and establishing comfortable office facilities. The company's successful strategies include offering diverse product options across various tourist spots, maintaining reasonable prices compared to competitors, deploying aggressive and effective promotion tactics, particularly by leveraging social media platforms such as WhatsApp and Instagram, selecting strategic locations for easy customer access to information, prioritizing excellent customer service, and furnishing offices with comfortable amenities that ultimately boost sales volume.

In this article, I want to reflect on the difficulty of categorising the threat of terrorism within existing security frameworks and our theorising of threat assessment. As more types of terrorism get academic and political attention, various state and non-state actors use terrorist tactics or borrow some elements of terrorism to achieve their agenda. This article discusses the difficulties surrounding terrorist threat classification and how it perplexes our understanding of terrorism and counterterrorism. What have we learned over more than twenty years of researching terrorism? Terrorism is often conceptualised as both a traditional and non-traditional threat, complicating the execution of counterterrorism strategies. This ambiguity creates the need for a "special treatment" of the terrorist threat in politics proportionate to its importance, and it bears the danger of fostering opportunities for power abuse. This article reflects on different ways of categorising the threat of terrorism, showing that terrorism is multifaced, and there is no one-size-fits-all approach to defining and fighting terrorism. However, I also argue that there is a danger of assigning terrorism an extralegal status and exclusive priority, resulting in power abuse and restrictions of people's rights and freedoms.

The attention which is given to terrorism is often considered disproportionately to its real danger. The use of terror as a meanto attain personal or political objectives exists all over the world. Terrorism incidents kill and maim millions of people. People strivefor power and these power-wielding individuals may commit terrible acts.Modern terrorist ideology has changed. Victims of terrorism are often those who have no offensive intentions towards the terrorists– passengers, journalists, diplomats, educators, students, business executives and other civilians.Nowadays terrorists are more likely to choose this tactics rather than the traditional methods - assassinations of heads of stateor prominent officials. Terrorists prefer easy targets.Less than 12 hours after the 9/11 attacks, George W. Bush proclaimed the start of a global war on terror. Ever since, there hasbeen a vigorous debate about how to win it. Bush and his supporters emphasized the need for the offensive attack against terroristsand to use all existing levers for countering such brutalities.Radicalization and terrorism have become major problems at national, regional and global levels, as a threat to collective security.Deepening the problem even more, the significance of Terrorism personifies not only casualties and annihilation of the enemybut also implies moral claims.The aim of this paper is to analyze whether it is possible to win the global war on terror and make readers get acquainted withthe coordinated, collective and global structuring war effort which has developed since 9/11.

Instantaneous changes in the global socio-economic scenario due to rapid uncertainties and emerging technologies have framed a cutthroat competition between the market players across industries. This colossal change in business structures has altered the consumer demands and driven business focus to search for unique marketing tactics to attract, bring-in, and retain a larger customer pool through various promotional tools. The importance of unique marketing strategies for a business is undeniable as the exclusivity of marketing tools is the core idea to draw customer's attention towards the products. Marketers today are relentlessly trying to decipher new strategies through which changing customer demands can be catered to and seek innovative ideas to attain customer attention. This research project thus intends to test the effect of different promotional tools and their impacts on consumer buying behaviour. Every company hence tries to execute various forms of marketing tactics aimed to increase sales and to maximize business market share. Promotion is a mode of marketing that aspires to introduce and at the same time persuade consumers to buy the products offered by the business to enhance the sales volume and increase the firm’s profit margins. Hence, the purpose of this research study is to examine the impact of different promotion tools which include free samples, product price reductions, free coupons, and buy one get one free offer on consumer buying behaviour in the FMCG industry in Pakistan. This study was conducted in Karachi, and a total of 208 respondents were selected using the systematic random sampling technique. The data was collected through a self-administered structured questionnaire which was adapted from previous similar studies. Statistical tools were employed using SPSS and SmartPLS3 software to analyze the gathered data and find some meaningful results. The significance of this research is extensive as the key findings may help organizations devise appropriate promotional strategies to minimize their costs and maximize market share as well as profits. Moreover, the practical contributions of this research persist in the identification of sales promotion strategies that are pertinent to the management of clients in the FMCG market in Pakistan. Hence, this study will be beneficial for organizations to minimize their costs related to sales promotion and will provide the right promotional inducement, marketing strategies for businesses to increase sales by creating purchase behaviour practices for display.

Retailing in simple term can be defined as “Retailing is the business activity of selling goods and services to the final consumer”. Retailing can be defined as the business products and services to consumers for their own use. It has its origin in the French word, retailer meaning ‘to cut a piece off’. The term retailing applies not only to the selling of tangible products like loaves of bread or pairs of shoes but also to the selling of service products. Retailing, one of the largest sectors in the global economy, has become the most active and attractive sector of the last decade. This unit also addresses the question of how the Marketing Mix framework can be used to analyze the competitive standing of a retail business organization and how the outcome of this analysis can then be translated into practical tactics that capitalize on the organization’s strengths. To build a competitive advantage that can be sustained, retailers need to pay special attention to aspects like price, location, merchandise, service, and communications. There are a number of retail marketing jobs out there, wherein one is not a sales executive, but one who creates and supervises sales strategies in the retail market. Customer perception is the opinions, feelings, and beliefs customers have about your brand. It plays an important role in building customer loyalty and retention as well as brand reputation and awareness. The word itself suggests the basic idea behind it. People are adapting to modern ways of living. For example, 24×7, if you see it is the modern form of retail as it is available to the customers whenever they are in need of it. The supermarkets try to cater to the various consumer needs at a reasonable price.

Artificial intelligence has given a new dimension to the sport and mentality of soccer by tracking and planning the path of soccer and analyzing the learning process. Along with the rapid development of artificial intelligence technology, it is also used in sports events. Soccer, the world’s number one ball game, has always received worldwide attention. Although soccer is full of realism, it does not mean that its behavior cannot be predicted. By taking advantage of the role of artificial intelligence, model data from training is used to perform a deeper analysis of the correlated role of a soccer team’s players in the game, which is very helpful to improve the team’s training efficiency and tactics. As an emerging intelligent algorithm, the improved genetic algorithm can seek the global optimal solution based on the results of the algorithm execution and apply it to the planning of soccer training paths, which has a strong application value for improving the team’s training level and helping the team to formulate reasonable and effective offensive and defensive strategies. In this paper, we use artificial intelligence as the research background to improve the genetic algorithm by extracting the soccer training function and apply the improved algorithm to the soccer training path planning to get the global optimal solution, so as to help the players find the reasonable and effective optimal path of passing or shooting and help the team to build the tactical planning and winning strategy of offense and defense to meet the earnest expectation of soccer fans.

Architects, planners and engineers anchored firmly in the present, not able to resist good opportunities presented by the society. They are impulsive, do not plan or plan for tomorrow, impetient and in most cases, not caring about the growth, development and the people they are depriving of the basic needs to survive. The questions are, what are the reactions of the people in the building industry about Nigeria’s homelessness as we they no sence of succession and, what would they do about project abandonment by sitting govenors? This article draws attention to the colossal failure of the professionals in the building industry in providing adequate housing to eradicate homelessness and have not challenged the governors to complete the projects left by their predecessors. The instrument of more than two research strategies; quantitative and qualitative research methods and their tactics were used. Secondary data were based on direct observation and relevant documents from previous studies on the related matter. Most Nigerian politicians are idealogically incompetent with questionable competence executing their legisletive duties that, resulted in housing inadequacy and homelessness. The medical and psychological conditions of the homeless people should be the society’s primary concern and the recommendation of this paper. Architects are known for their graphic skills and communications, but they are not using them for the growth and development of the communities and they have derailed in the true objective and values of what should have been, the growth and development of the communities devoid of systemic inequality.

The subject of the study of this article is public relations in the field of organizing the training of personnel of internal affairs bodies for actions in emergency situations caused by forest fires. The object of the study is the organization and improvement of professional and service training in instilling competencies for conducting rescue and other urgent rescue operations in the aftermath of forest fires. The relevance of this work is related to improving the quality of professional training and retraining of police officers, and the execution of the Decree of the President of Russia V. V. Putin "On combating forest fires", which sets the task for senior officials of the subjects of the Russian Federation to ensure a reduction in the area of forest fires on forest fund lands in 2022-2030 by at least 50 percent relative to the level of 2021 of the year. The article provides a detailed analysis of the training of cadets and police officers to act in emergency situations. The issues of tactical training of police officers involved in extinguishing forest fires were raised. The methodology of the conducted research is based on the application of methods of included observation, analysis of the practical experience of the activities of ATS organizations and educational organizations, interdisciplinary analysis of literature and normative legal documents on the problem under consideration. The scientific novelty of the study is as follows: a) a detailed analysis was carried out on the training of police officers to eliminate the consequences of emergencies caused by forest fires; b) the need to pay special attention to the training of police officers to ensure personal safety when extinguishing forest fires is justified; c) the issues of tactics of preparing police units for emergency situations are highlighted. The main conclusions of the conducted research are the need to improve the tactics of preparing ATS units for action in the event of a threat and extinguishing forest fires. The above statistics and the considered example of the death of paratroopers during the extinguishing of a forest fire in Tyva indicate the importance of ongoing research in this area and the need to improve the quality of professional training.

This article is devoted to the results of a statistical study of the composition of federal budget expenditures (the object of the study) from the standpoint of assessing its information content (the subject of the study). In the opinion of its authors, the issues of information content of budget decisions remain out of due attention not only from the participants of the budget process, but also in the practice of public administration in general. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to form scientifically based tools for assessing the information content, determining its quantitative indicators, clarifying the nature, hidden features and balance in the distribution of federal budget expenditures.Materials and methods. The analysis of the composition parameters of federal budget expenditures was carried out on the basis of statistical data of the Federal Treasury for 2014-2020. The theoretical foundations and research methods are developed based on the authors’ preferences regarding the results of conceptual and applied developments of domestic scientists in the field of synergetic information theory, structural analysis of systems, and modular theory of society. Quantitative methods of processing the initial data, tabular and graphical methods of visualizing the results of the study were used. Standard Microsoft Office application software packages were used to solve the research tasks.Results. Indexes of information content of the multicomponent systems’ composition and algorithms for their calculations are formed. Quantitative criteria are determined and a model for optimizing the composition of federal budget expenditures is presented. The comparison of actual and model indexes of the information content is presented as a way to adjust priorities in the composition of federal budget expenditures; as a way to develop tactics and strategies for the transition from the actual parameters of the expenditures’ composition to the “best” distribution, which is described by a quantitative model of the optimal combination of the scales of its components. Retrospective optimization options based on the results of the execution of expenditures in 2020 and promising options for optimizing the distribution of federal budget expenditures in 2022-2024 have been established.Conclusion. Assessment of the information content and optimization of the components’ scale of the budget expenditures’ composition are recognized as elements of management of the distribution of public resources in the budget process, ways to ensure control over the effectiveness of budget decisions and can be useful for participants in the budget process both at the stage of formation and at the stage of execution of budget expenditures.

The article is devoted to the study of electronic governance in public administration.The article clarifies the essence of information and communication technologies in the process of development of public administration. Attention is drawn to the fact that, thanks to information technologies, there has been a transition to a new form of organization of the activities of public authorities, as well as a qualitatively new level of efficiency and ease of obtaining public services by organizations and citizens.It is noted that an important role in this aspect is given to electronic governance as a new form of communication between citizens and the authorities.Approaches to defining the concept of “electronic governance” are considered. Based on the results of the review, two approaches to the definition of this concept were identified: narrow and broad. It is noted that the authors of the narrow approach emphasize the possibility of an alternative way of providing public services in electronic form. They suggest that e-government can be synonymous with digital administration, online administration or, in a certain context, transformational administration, which focuses on the use of Internet technologies as a platform for exchanging information, providing services and interacting with citizens, businesses, etc. In a broad approach, the idea of e-government is to interact with citizens and businesses through the Internet and other information systems.The main elements of the interaction of electronic governance with the state and society, the state and representatives of business, and authorities are defined. It is indicated that e-governance is considered not only as a way of increasing the efficiency of public management and administration, but also as the main element of a new model of democracy in the information society.Attention was drawn to the fact that the transition to electronic governance means reforming all forms of activity of state administration bodies, changing their structure, tasks and functions. The success of this transition depends on the correctly chosen strategy and tactics, coordination and effective interaction of all subjects of this process, namely: legislative, executive and judicial branches of government, business and society.It is proposed to make changes to the legal definition of the concept of “e-government” set out in the Concept of the Development of Electronic Government in Ukraine No. 649 dated September 20, 2017 and to replace the phrase “state administration” with the term “public administration”.

Background and context: In Brazil approximately 50% of the cases of BC diagnosed in the public health system (SUS) are at an advanced stage of the disease. However for more than a decade there has been no incorporation of new treatments of metastatic breast cancer (MBC) in SUS. In 2015 Federação Brasileira de Instituições Filantrópicas de Apoio à Saúde da Mama (FEMAMA) held 13 debate cycles on breast cancer for Parliamentarians in Brazilian states, with support provided by SPARC UICC Grant. Approximately one year after most of these events, FEMAMA noticed the need to organize new debates to verify if there has been any progress with regard to MBC treatments and other oncologic demands. Aim: Promoting discussions and bringing attention to the need of providing new MBC treatments in the public health care system. Strategy/Tactics: To schedule the events in Brazilian states so they could take place on the same day, gain the attention of the press and devise a one-year plan with actions to be developed in partnership with NGOs associated to FEMAMA for implementing oncology policies. Program/Policy process: Planning: Event schedule, actions in the current plan as well as monitoring and engagement strategies for NGOs; Engagement NGOs associated to FEMAMA met with state Congresspeople to organize public hearings. Implementation: Organization of public hearings in 9 Brazilian states; Monthly on-line meetings with NGOs for monitoring the execution of annual planning actions, measuring results and addressing the obstacles found. Organization of activities: speeches at meetings held by municipal Departments of Health, petitions for creating Special Oncology Committees at State Assemblies, meetings with State Congresspeople, engagement campaigns, etc.; Promotion: On social media and in the press. Outcomes: Contribution for the approval of metastatic breast cancer treatments with trastuzumab and pertuzumab in the SUS; Organization of 8 public hearings; Insertion of 245 news reports in the press; Creation of Parliamentary Front on Women´s Health; 2 speeches at the States Board of Health; 4 petitions for the creation of mandatory cancer registrations; Bill petitioning for the creation of mandatory cancer registrations; 1 state directive establishing mandatory cancer registrations; 4 petitions for the creation of a Special Oncology Committee; Contribution for passing a bill establishing a 30-day period for a final cancer diagnosis in the SUS (PL 3752/12) analyzed by the Family and Social Security Committee of the House of Representatives. What was learned: The NGOs participating in the project have decreased their engagement as time went by due to their difficulty in obtaining practical outcomes from state legislative authorities. For the next project, which provides for the organization of new public hearing in the 2nd anniversary of the first event, we must create annual planning actions/activities in conjunction with the NGOs so that the NGOs can feel more motivated to participate in the meetings.

This article tries to understand and analyse the recent acquisition of Mindtree Ltd. by the corporate conglomerate giant Larsen & Toubro (L&T). L&T Infotech (LTI), which looks after the information technology (IT) business of the L&T group made a hostile bid for Mindtree Ltd., one of India’s leading and fastest growing infotech companies in March 2019. The case goes on to analyse the deal and delves into the reasons for the deal turning hostile. The objective of the case study is to understand the concept of hostile takeovers and the business environment that augur acquisitions. The second part of the article tries to focus on anti-takeover tactics, which the company adopts to avoid the takeover attempt. Here, Mindtree’s decision of share buyback, immediately after L&T’s bid, has been examined. Two perspectives have been studied here—one from the point of view of the promoters of Mindtree, and the other from the point of view of investors. There have been certain very interesting and jocular exchanges of words between the promoters of Mindtree and LTI1 during the whole phase of takeover, which put the focus on the human element in acquisitions. The business environment and industry analysis have been conducted to understand the nature and circumstances of the deal. Legalities of the acquisition and dominant player misuse have also been examined. LTI’s take on the acquisition was very clear. For them, it was a pure business deal. They were on the path for fast growth, which Mindtree would help them achieve. Certain sectors such as Retail, Consumer Packaged goods, Media and Technology are underachieved for LTI where Mindtree has a formidable presence. Mindtree would help LTI explore geographies in Europe that so far were unexplored. However, for the promoters of Mindtree, this bid for takeover became an emotional issue. It all started when one of the non-executive directors of Mindtree itself—V. G. Siddharth—came up to LTI and offered his shareholding of 21 per cent in Mindtree. LTI grabbed this offer and went on to announce that it would acquire a total of about 60 per cent in the company, which made the other promoters very uncomfortable. There was a lot of resistance from some of the Mindtree promoters, and certain hasty announcements and statements in the media were also made. This interesting interlude between the two companies brought a lot of attention to the acquisition and left the investors in a state of confusion. The main objective of the case will be to analyse and teach the different corporate actions which took place and the strategic decisions that were taken during the entire interaction between the two companies. This case would address teaching objectives for the topics such as hostile takeovers; share buybacks as a new approach to anti-takeover defence; political, legal and industrial analysis relevant to corporate restructuring decisions; and Hubris and Managerialism. A separate teaching perspective on Corporate Business Communication has also been explored.

Germany is an example of power, which is consistently trying to increase its role in global politics, including more active part in the solution of a wide range of military-political questions. At the same time Germany is facing the growing number of challenges for its own security, coming mostly from unstable Asian and African states. This makes Germany pay more attention on the Middle East in searching of new and strengthening traditional links with the regional partners. In this regard the article covers the dynamics, problems and perspectives of the bilateral interactions between Germany and Saudi Arabia in political-military sphere during the 2010s. Traditionally Saudi Arabia was one of the key partners of the ‘collective West’ in the Middle East and has had rather good relations with Germany. The key research method used in the article is the event-analysis. The research paper profoundly investigates the relations between Germany and Saudi Arabia during the first half of the 2010s. The article stresses the mutual interest in expanding and deepening cooperation in the context of the “Arab awakening”, including the solution of the Syrian problem. The key focus is paid to the growing discrepancies in positions of two parts regarding the Yemen conflict resolution in the context of confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The article also describes the dynamics of negotiations between Germany and Saudi Arabia on the highest and high levels in the middle 2010s. The paper points out the growing recession periods in German-Saudi relations in 2016-2017 (taken into account the execution of Shiite preachers in KSA; Qatar diplomatic crises and the assassination of J. Khashoggi). After the signature and implementation of the Iranian ‘nuclear deal’ Germany has been increasingly inclined towards the tactics of “balancing” between Iran and Saudi Arabia. And in this regard has emphasized the unacceptability of a direct military conflict between them. After Trump’s administration withdrawal from Iranian nuclear deal the article stresses the tougher German pressure on Saudi Arabia both in militarytechnical cooperation and political spheres in order to assure the withdrawal of Saudi Arabian military forces from Yemen. In the conclusion the author specifies the politicization of the bilateral military-technical cooperation and the sharp increase of the influence of Iranian factor over the German-Saudi relations. Three scenarios of future development of the confrontation between two states are proposed. Depending on each of them, the prospects for the development of German-Saudi relations are defined.

In the latest Cambridge Green and Yellow Homer, Angus Bowie tackles Odyssey 13–14, intent on ‘rescuing the reputation of these books’ (ix): a worthy project, to which he makes a significant contribution. He has good things to say on the dovetailing of the two parts of the epic, and provides illuminating analyses of some of the conversations in Book 14. He places particular stress on the major roles given to lower-status characters, in which he discerns ‘a new type of epic’ (16) – a phrase qualified by a cautious question mark. Caution is abandoned, however, when he goes on to say that ‘the ideology of the Odyssey…represents a parity of status of the rich and poor’ (22): the hyperbolic ‘parity’ distracts from a valid underlying point. As in his commentary on Herodotus 8 (G&R 56 [2009], 99), Bowie is generous in providing linguistic support. In this case, perhaps over-generous: is the attention paid to historical linguistics disproportionate to student needs? It is true that ‘if one has an idea of how linguistic forms and constructions came about, they are more comprehensible and so easier to learn and retain’ (ix); my own Greek teacher applied the principle to good effect – but less relentlessly, and with a lighter touch. (The introductory section on Homeric language has four subsections, the third of which has up to five nested sublevels: incorrect cross-references in the glossary under ‘grade’ and ‘laryngeal’ suggest that even Bowie struggled with this elaborate hierarchy.) Some points are forced. When the Phaeacians put Odysseus ashore asleep in a blanket, Bowie comments: ‘Od. is treated almost like a tiny child coming swaddled into the world for the first time; again, the idea of a new start is evoked’ (117): I am not a qualified midwife, but am fairly sure that babies do not come into the world ready-wrapped and slumbering soundly. In his note on 13.268 Bowie cites three passages in the Iliad in which ambush ‘is presented as a cowardly tactic’: one is about the use of distance weapons, not ambush (11.365–95), while the other two celebrate the target's victory without reference to the ambushers’ courage or lack of it (4.391–8, 6.188–90). Ambushes are hard to execute successfully, and therefore dangerous. That is why the best men are chosen for operations of this kind (6.188–90, 13.276–86), and why Achilles is not paying Agamemnon a compliment when he claims that he takes no part in them (1.227–8).

INTRODUCTION. International legal policy is a new object in international legal studies, although this phenomenon exists as long as the external relations of States. International legal policy is a rare case of research subject, which remains unexplored. International legal policy as a Concept of State's policy towards legal aspects of international relations was formed in the 80-s of last century. Earlier the questions and their particular aspects now embraced by international legal policy were divided between international lawyers and international relations researchers. However international legal policy is an integral system of State's approaches to international legal matters, therefore its punctual research is relevant only from comparative point of view. It would be interesting to compare States' positions on concrete issues or States' tactics at different stages of realization of international legal norms. This article concerns the question whether comparative studies of international legal policy can be integrated into existing fields of comparative foreign relations law or of comparative research of international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article surveys theoretic questions primarily on the base of doctrinal sources. The retrospective analysis of the comparative method in international law is based on works published by Russian and foreign experts during the XX century. Particular attention is drawn upon works of founders of comparative research in international legal studies. The concept of foreign relations law in the scholarship and practice of the U.S. is researched on the base of national case law, which formulated the principle of executive exceptionalism in State foreign policy. Research work is realized with the use of analysis, synthesis, systematisation, as well as methods of historical and comparative method.RESEARCH RESULTS. The Article consistently reveals meaning and the content of international legal policy as one of the authors of the concept, French lawyer and diplomat G. de Lacharriere, presented it. The Article examines the history of foreign relations law in the U.S. and presents its doctrinal estimations from viewpoint of American constitutional law. The research work specifies different points of view on content of foreign relations law and approaches to its justification. Indeed international legal policy and foreign relations law can be compared as two types of State’s approach to its legal position on the international scene. There are six parameters for comparison: sources, functions, subjects of both concepts, questions on allocation of foreign powers in the State, on relationship between international and national law, on the role of national courts in interpretation and application of international norms. In consideration of “national interest” concept the attribution of international legal policy to international organisations or supranational association is judged as incorrect. The article examines the question of applicability of comparative method in the international law within the discourse among scholars on how differently modern States evaluate international legal norms. Analysis of the tendency to contrasting States’ approaches to the international law encompasses its development from notions “international law of transitional period”, “international legal systems”, to notions “national approach”, “legal style”, “legal culture”. Brief survey of comparative international law gives perspective on diversity of approaches to comparable aspects of the international law. Comparative studies of international legal policy could get consolidated among them.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. At first sight the comparative method is hardly applicable to the international law. However the universality of the international law doesn’t exclude variety of approaches to it. The research into international legal policy determined by national interests of every State allows to systemize positions of a State into a single strategy. At the same time comparative method doesn’t only provide classical comparison of States’ positions by issues, but also offers to compare inner-workings of the international legal policy and shaping factors. Nowadays in the context of trends on diversification of international relations (fragmentation, regionalisation), growing popularity of the comparative method translated into comparative foreign relations law and comparative international law. However international legal policy doesn’t correspond with categorial apparatus of comparative foreign relations law. International legal policy is nor able to apply methodological tenets of comparative international law due to its multivalued content. Most likely comparative studies of international legal policy can become a new approach within comparative international law, which should be based on the principles of concreteness and consistency.

Executive Summary2 In the early summer months of 2014, an increasing number of Central American children alone and with their parents began arriving at the US-Mexico border in search of safety and protection. The children and families by and large came from the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala — three of the most dangerous countries in the world — to seek asylum and other humanitarian relief. Rampant violence and persecution within homes and communities, uncontrolled and unchecked by state authorities, compelled them to flee north for their lives. On the scale of refugee crises worldwide, the numbers were not huge. For example, 24,481 and 38,833 unaccompanied children, respectively, were apprehended by US Border Patrol (USBP) in FY 2012 and FY 2013, while 68,631 children were apprehended in FY 2014 alone (USBP 2016a). In addition, apprehensions of “family units,” or parents (primarily mothers) with children, also increased, from 15,056 families in FY 2013 to 68,684 in FY 2014 (USBP 2016b).3 While these numbers may seem large and did represent a significant increase over prior years, they are nonetheless dwarfed by refugee inflows elsewhere; for example, Turkey was host to 1.15 million Syrian refugees by year end 2014 (UNHCR 2015a), and to 2.5 million by year end 2015 (UNHCR 2016) — reflecting an influx of almost 1.5 million refugees in the course of a single year. Nevertheless, small though they are in comparison, the numbers of Central American women and children seeking asylum at our southern border, concentrated in the summer months of 2014, did reflect a jump from prior years. These increases drew heightened media attention, and both news outlets and official US government statements termed the flow a “surge” and a “crisis” (e.g., Basu 2014; Foley 2014; Negroponte 2014). The sense of crisis was heightened by the lack of preparedness by the federal government, in particular, to process and provide proper custody arrangements for unaccompanied children as required by federal law. Images of children crowded shoulder to shoulder in US Customs and Border Protection holding cells generated a sense of urgency across the political spectrum (e.g., Fraser-Chanpong 2014; Tobias 2014). Responses to this “surge,” and explanations for it, varied widely in policy, media, and government circles. Two competing narratives emerged, rooted in two very disparate views of the “crisis.” One argues that “push” factors in the home countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala drove children and families to flee as bona fide asylum seekers; the other asserted that “pull” factors drew these individuals to the United States. For those adopting the “push” factor outlook, the crisis is a humanitarian one, reflecting human rights violations and deprivations in the region, and the protection needs of refugees (UNHCR 2015b; UNHCR 2014; Musalo et al. 2015). While acknowledging that reasons for migration may be mixed, this view recognizes the seriousness of regional refugee protection needs. For those focusing on “pull” factors, the crisis has its roots in border enforcement policies that were perceived as lax by potential migrants, and that thereby acted as an inducement to migration (Harding 2014; Navarette, Jr. 2014). Each narrative, in turn, suggests a very different response to the influx of women and children at US borders. If “push” factors predominately drive migration, then protective policies in accordance with international and domestic legal obligations toward refugees must predominately inform US reaction. Even apart from the legal and moral rightness of this approach, any long-term goal of lowering the number of Central American migrants at the US-Mexico border, practically speaking, would have to address the root causes of violence in their home countries. On the other hand, if “pull” factors are granted greater causal weight, it would seem that stringent enforcement policies that make coming to the US less attractive and profitable would be a more effective deterrent. In that latter case, tactics imposing human costs on migrants, such as detention, speedy return, or other harsh or cursory treatment — while perhaps not morally justified —would at least make logical sense. Immediately upon the summer influx of 2014, the Obama administration unequivocally adopted the “pull” factor narrative and enacted a spate of hostile deterrence-based policies as a result. In July 2014, President Obama asked Congress to appropriate $3.7 billion in emergency funds to address the influx of Central American women and children crossing the border (Cohen 2014). The majority of funding focused on heightened enforcement at the border — including funding for 6,300 new beds to detain families (LIRS and WRC 2014, 5). The budget also included, in yet another demonstration of a “pull”-factor-based deterrence approach, money for State Department officials to counter the supposed “misinformation” spreading in Central America regarding the possibility of obtaining legal status in the United States. The US government also funded and encouraged the governments of Mexico, Guatemala, and Honduras to turn around Central American asylum seekers before they ever could reach US border (Frelick, Kysel, and Podkul 2016). Each of these policies, among other harsh practices, continues to the present day. But, by and large they have not had a deterrent effect. Although the numbers of unaccompanied children and mothers with children dropped in early 2015, the numbers began climbing again in late 2015 and remained high through 2016, exceeding in August and September 2015 the unaccompanied child and “family unit” apprehension figures for those same months in 2014 (USBP 2016a; USBP 2016b). Moreover, that temporary drop in early 2015 likely reflects US interdiction policies rather than any “deterrent” effect of harsh policies at or within US own borders, as the drop in numbers of Central American women and children arriving at the US border in the early months of 2015 corresponded largely with a spike in deportations by Mexico (WOLA 2015). In all events, in 2015, UNCHR found that the number of individuals from the Northern Triangle requesting asylum in Mexico, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama had increased 13-fold since 2008 (UNCHR 2015b). Thus, the Obama administration's harsh policies did not, in fact, deter Central American women and children from attempting to flee their countries. This, we argue, is because the “push” factor narrative is the correct one. The crisis we face is accordingly humanitarian in nature and regional in scope — and the migrant “surge” is undoubtedly a refugee flow. By refusing to acknowledge and address the reality of the violence and persecution in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, the US government has failed to lessen the refugee crisis in its own region. Nor do its actions comport with its domestic and international legal obligations towards refugees. This article proceeds in four parts. In the first section, we examine and critique the administration's “pull”-factor-based policies during and after the 2014 summer surge, in particular through the expansion of family detention, accelerated procedures, raids, and interdiction. In section two, we look to the true “push” factors behind the migration surge — namely, societal violence, violence in the home, and poverty and exclusion in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Our analysis here includes an overview of the United States' responsibility for creating present conditions in these countries via decades of misguided foreign policy interventions. Our penultimate section explores the ways in which our current deterrence-based policies echo missteps of our past, particularly through constructive refoulement and the denial of protection to legitimate refugees. Finally, we conclude by offering recommendations to the US government for a more effective approach to the influx of Central American women and children at our border, one that addresses the real reasons for their flight and that furthers a sustainable solution consistent with US and international legal obligations and moral principles. Our overarching recommendation is that the US government immediately recognize the humanitarian crisis occurring in the Northern Triangle countries and the legitimate need of individuals from these countries for refugee protection. Flowing from that core recommendation are additional suggested measures, including the immediate cessation of hostile, deterrence-based policies such as raids, family detention, and interdiction; adherence to proper interpretations of asylum and refugee law; increased funding for long-term solutions to violence and poverty in these countries, and curtailment of funding for enforcement; and temporary measures to ensure that no refugees are returned to persecution in these countries.

Abstract Objectives Mindfulness training has been theorised to have beneficial effects on mental health through initially changes in attention mechanisms. The aim of the present study was to assess the impact of a short mindfulness meditation on the P300 event-related potential (ERP), a neural marker of attention, in meditation-naïve participants. Methods As mindfulness practice is based on monitoring bodily sensations and breathing, we applied somatosensory stimuli to investigate attention changes. We employed an oddball paradigm with frequent tactile stimuli delivered to the tip of the index finger and infrequent stimuli to the base of the index and the little finger of the right hand to elicit the somatosensory P300. Forty-six participants counted the infrequent stimuli in two separate sessions before and after a 10-min guided meditation, or a control audio clip. We also measured participants’ trait mindfulness (FFMQ) and anxiety (STAI-T) to ensure similar levels in the meditation and control group prior to the intervention. Results In line with previous research, we show decreased somatosensory P300 amplitudes to infrequent tactile target stimuli after compared to before the audio clip in the control group. Such a decrease in P300 amplitudes was not present in the mindfulness meditation group as confirmed in a significant group by time interaction. Conclusions Even a short mindfulness meditation leads to preservation of attention resources in meditation-naïve participants. The preservation (or lack of habituation) of the amplitude of the somatosensory P300 across repeated presentations may reflect the underlying, early neural mechanism by which mindfulness meditation training modulates executive attention. Trial Registration Open Science Framework: https://osf.io/pkxm3.

Understanding the neurodevelopmental trajectories of infants and children is essential for the early identification of neurodevelopmental disorders, elucidating the neural mechanisms underlying the disorders, and predicting developmental outcomes. Functional Near-Infrared Spectroscopy (fNIRS) is an infant-friendly neuroimaging tool that enables the monitoring of cerebral hemodynamic responses from the neonatal period. Due to its advantages, fNIRS is a promising tool for studying neurodevelopmental trajectories. Although many researchers have used fNIRS to study neural development in infants/children and have reported important findings, there is a lack of synthesized evidence for using fNIRS to track neurodevelopmental trajectories in infants and children. The current systematic review summarized 84 original fNIRS studies and showed a general trend of age-related increase in network integration and segregation, interhemispheric connectivity, leftward asymmetry, and differences in phase oscillation during resting-state. Moreover, typically developing infants and children showed a developmental trend of more localized and differentiated activation when processing visual, auditory, and tactile information, suggesting more mature and specialized sensory networks. Later in life, children switched from recruiting bilateral auditory to a left-lateralized language circuit when processing social auditory and language information and showed increased prefrontal activation during executive functioning tasks. The developmental trajectories are different in children with developmental disorders, with infants at risk for autism spectrum disorder showing initial overconnectivity followed by underconnectivity during resting-state; and children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorders showing lower prefrontal cortex activation during executive functioning tasks compared to their typically developing peers throughout childhood. The current systematic review supports the use of fNIRS in tracking the neurodevelopmental trajectories in children. More longitudinal studies are needed to validate the neurodevelopmental trajectories and explore the use of these neurobiomarkers for the early identification of developmental disorders and in tracking the effects of interventions.

The current article are discussed the problem of significant importance of the tactile feelings in the context of the ways in which they are used in drawing creation.The basis of the study is the theoretical and practical experience gained in the conditions of creative experimentation, derived as a specific artistic practice.The relationship between visual and mental images and their comparison with the sensory field of the active touch is analyzed.There are summarized a four experimental plans: Mastering practical tactil experience and its creativity interpretation; Comparison of the tactil execution of a creative act and optical perception of drawings obtained without visual contact; Reflection of a participation of the body in the creative process; Focusing attention on feeling and their emotional coloring as interpersonal interaction in the frame of the working environment.

Abstract Sustained contralateral delay activity emerges in the retention period of working memory (WM) tasks and has been commonly interpreted as an electrophysiological index of the number of items held in a discrete-capacity WM resource. More recent findings indicate that these visual and tactile components are sensitive to various cognitive operations beyond the storage of discrete items in WM. In this Perspective, we present recent evidence from unisensory and multisensory visual and tactile WM tasks, which suggest that, in addition to memory load, sensory delay activity may also be indicative of attentional and executive processes, as well as reflecting the flexible, rather than discrete, allocation of a continuous WM resource. Together, these findings challenge the traditional model of the functional significance of the contralateral delay activity as a pure measure of item load, and suggest that it may also reflect executive, attentional, and perceptual mechanisms operating in hierarchically organized WM systems.

In the human posterior parietal cortex (PPC), single units encode high-dimensional information with partially mixed representations that enable small populations of neurons to encode many variables relevant to movement planning, execution, cognition, and perception. Here, we test whether a PPC neuronal population previously demonstrated to encode visual and motor information is similarly engaged in the somatosensory domain. We recorded neurons within the PPC of a human clinical trial participant during actual touch presentation and during a tactile imagery task. Neurons encoded actual touch at short latency with bilateral receptive fields, organized by body part, and covered all tested regions. The tactile imagery task evoked body part-specific responses that shared a neural substrate with actual touch. Our results are the first neuron-level evidence of touch encoding in human PPC and its cognitive engagement during a tactile imagery task, which may reflect semantic processing, attention, sensory anticipation, or imagined touch.

To execute the intended movement, the brain directs attention, called body-specific attention, to the body to obtain information useful for movement. Body-specific attention to the hands has been examined but not to the feet. We aimed to confirm the existence of body-specific attention to the hands and feet, and examine its relation to motor and sensory functions from a behavioral perspective. The study included two groups of 27 right-handed and right-footed healthy adults, respectively. Visual detection tasks were used to measure body-specific attention. We measured reaction times to visual stimuli on or off the self-body and calculated the index of body-specific attention score to subtract the reaction time on self-body from that off one. Participants were classified into low and high attention groups based on each left and right body-specific attention index. For motor functions, Experiment 1 comprised handgrip strength and ball-rotation tasks for the hands, and Experiment 2 comprised toe grip strength involved in postural control for the feet. For sensory functions, the tactile thresholds of the hands and feet were measured. The results showed that, in both hands, the reaction time to visual stimuli on the hand was significantly lesser than that offhand. In the foot, this facilitation effect was observed in the right foot but not the left, which showed the correlation between body-specific attention and the normalized toe gripping force, suggesting that body-specific attention affected postural control. In the hand, the number of rotations of the ball was higher in the high than in the low attention group, regardless of the elaboration exercise difficulty or the left or right hand. However, this relation was not observed in the handgripping task. Thus, body-specific attention to the hand is an important component of elaborate movements. The tactile threshold was higher in the high than in the low attention group, regardless of the side in hand and foot. The results suggested that more body-specific attention is directed to the limbs with lower tactile abilities, supporting the sensory information reaching the brain. Therefore, we suggested that body-specific attention regulates the sensory information to help motor control.

The conceptual framework of cognitive networks, or cognits, represents a system of working memory, especially long-term memory arrays that are intrinsically designed to attain certain behavioral ends and that are activated by a neural structure. Despite the fact that cognitions can be used in a plethora of systems, current technologies allow manipulations of the central nervous system (CNS) to execute certain sensory and motor functions. Sensation and tactual perception by the skin are an innate mechanism for human survival and represent our adaptive somatosensorial ability to apprehend information via haptics—the active touch for object recognition and perception by higher centers of the brain. The somatosensation, which is identified by a set of channels and receptors sensitive to a variety of stimuli (thermal, tactile, and mechanical), is critical to survival, balance control, cognition, and pain modulation. Cognits are cutting-edge tools and modalities that provide a landscape of theoretical assets, evidencebased experimental protocols, computational intelligence schemes, and direct empirical modalities that facilitate the understanding of the complex functionalities of the human brain. By evaluating neuroimaging data after somatosensory stimulation and collected via electroencephalogram (EEG), cognition response and change can be obtained that allows researchers to gain a better understanding of emerging scientific approaches aimed at understanding human behavioral outcomes. An emerging technology, haptic vibrotactile trigger technology (VTT), incorporates somatosensory patterns in compression sleeves. eSmartr Smart Compression Sleeves (Srysty Holdings Inc., Mississauga, ON, Canada) with VTT and its Cognitive Boost Technology (CBT) pattern is designed to optimize neural communications for improved mindful wellness. This technology has also been incorporated into patches, braces, apparel (socks), wrist bands, and other routes of delivery. Mindful wellness is considered an outcome of somatosensory intervention that modulates the behavioral responses associated with cognitive networks. Currently, there is limited research exploring these modalities, exposing the need to study new technologies and their influence on somatosensory pathways and cognitive networks. The purpose of this IRB-approved study was to explore the effects of forearm VTT stimulation patterns on cognitive networks by comparing a baseline EEG to an EEG after placing a sleeve incorporating VTT on the right or left forearm of adult healthy individuals. Materials and methods: A baseline EEG was recorded over 5 minutes from 19 scalp locations on 20 subjects ranging in age from 17.6 years to 41.9 years (n=7 females, 13 males). The subject’s dominant arm was then fitted with the eSmartr Smart Compression Sleeve for 20 minutes and another 5-minute EEG was recorded. Both the LORETA (Low Resolution Electromagnetic Tomography Analysis) inverse solution and a power spectral analysis of the surface EEG were calculated. Additionally, for 10 distinct networks, the current sources from 88 Brodmann areas were computed. The variables were absolute power and absolute current density in 1 Hz increments in 10 frequency bands (delta, theta, alpha-1, alpha-2, beta-1, beta-2, beta-3, and hi-beta). Paired t-tests were computed for each individual for all EEG parameters, as well as group paired t-tests, between the baseline EEG and followup EEG. Results: The results showed statistically significant t-test differences (P < 0.01) in both the surface EEG and the LORETA current sources between the baseline measurement and the follow-up ‘sleeve-on’ measurement. The largest differences were detected with a prominent downregulation of alpha and beta frequency powers at both the surface EEG and the LORETA current sources with the “sleeve-on,” as compared to baseline. In addition, the maximal effects of the “sleeve-on” condition were in the left frontal and left temporal surface EEGs and on the medial bank of the somatosensory cortex in the range of the alpha frequency. Changes in the default network and attention network were also prominent. Conclusions: Study results indicate that these non-pharmacologic, non-invasive, haptic vibrotactile trigger technology (VTT) patterned compression sleeves elicited a response in multiple cognitive networks. These networks play a key role in executive function, memory, attention, mood, and information flow. There was a prominent effect of the haptic vibrotactile trigger technology with the CBT- patterned sleeves on the EEG that was primarily located in alpha and beta frequency bands. The substantial impacts on the homuncular projection of the arm to the medial somatosensory cortex as well as the default network demonstrated activity influenced by the patterned sleeve. The mechanisms of action of the VTT sleeve on the brain, neuropathways, and the EEG spectrum are still being investigated. If results are confirmed with further research, this novel VTT technology could be a promising addition as a non-invasive and non-drug treatment approach for a variety of conditions and therapeutic applications.

AbstractFunctional connectivity (FC) of brain networks dynamically fluctuates during both rest and task execution. Individual differences in dynamic FC have been associated with several cognitive and behavioral traits. However, whether dynamic FC also contributes to sensorimotor representations guiding body-environment interactions, such as the representation of peripersonal space (PPS), is currently unknown. PPS is the space immediately surrounding the body and acts as a multisensory interface between the individual and the environment. We used an audio-tactile task with approaching sounds to map the individual PPS extension, and fMRI to estimate the background FC. Specifically, we analyzed FC values for each stimulus type (near and far space) and its across-trial variability. FC was evaluated between task-relevant nodes of two fronto-parietal networks (the Dorsal Attention Network, DAN, and the Fronto-Parietal Network, FPN) and a key PPS region in the premotor cortex (PM). PM was significantly connected to specific task-relevant nodes of the DAN and the FPN during the audio-tactile task, and FC was stronger while processing near space, as compared to far space. At the individual level, less PPS extension was associated with stronger premotor-parietal FC during processing of near space, while the across-trial variability of premotor-parietal and premotor-frontal FC was higher during the processing of far space. Notably, only across-trial FC variability captured the near-far modulation of space processing. Our findings indicate that PM connectivity with task-relevant frontal and parietal regions and its dynamic changes participate in the mechanisms that enable PPS representation, in agreement with the idea that neural variability plays a crucial role in plastic and dynamic sensorimotor representations.

Legitimacy is a must for organizational success. Hence, those organizations able to gain legitimacy can increase effectiveness during periods of crisis or threats. Based on organizational perception management, which focuses its attention on those actions that aim to influence audiences’ perceptions of an organization. This paper presents multiple experiments to understand how different strategies executing verbal accounts can influence people’s perceptions of legitimacy. Results demonstrate that a threatening event will negatively affect legitimacy perception, whatever the response of the organization is. However, verbal accounts are also an important organizational perception management tactic to impact the perceptions of legitimacy during these threatening situations, as a defensive response will have a worse behavior on perceived legitimacy than the accommodative one. Furthermore, the type of event will also have a direct influence on certain dimensions of legitimacy, opening a wide range of actions to be taken depending on the characteristics of the event.

AbstractIntroductionComputer simulations are stimulating increased attention in dentistry. Augmented reality superimposes a virtual scenario over an existing reality and allows interaction with it. Virtual reality (VR) simulates a fully immersive situation permitting the user to experience the full environment in real time. Haptic technology provides tactile and realistic force feedback for the user to experience the immersive situation as if they were really there. Preclinical training is important to gain familiarity with difficult surgical techniques and to implement interpersonal skills. Developing a valid assessment of surgical simulation is challenging.This paper wants to present a newly realized VR simulation in endodontic microsurgery through the developmental digital workflow, the demonstration of a haptic VR scenario and student self‐assessment and self‐reflection feedback.MethodsThe volumes were exported in a stereolithography format to prepare and optimize in terms of shape and shade for the VR simulation. The graphics and touchable haptic solid were created using Virteasy Editor, which allows the transformation of 3D surfaces into graphical and volumetric haptic solids depending on their material (enamel, dentine, pulp and bone).Users were asked to execute the osteotomy and root‐resection preparation. The assessment criteria were determined, and the feedback statements were created by a questionnaire with fixed answers. Objective and qualitative criteria for assessing the preparation were obtained from the literature.ResultsThis study provides proof that it is possible to provide reliable and clinically relevant qualitative feedback with a VR simulator.ConclusionVR simulation offers an innovative approach with all the benefits of clinical experience. It permits you to save your own progress and review the assessment at any time.

The relevance of the work involves the growing interest of linguists to the problem of studying medical discourse as a complex-functional communicative education. In this article, the pathoanatomic subdiscourse, being a lacunar zone in the space of medical discourse, is in focus of our attention. The paper presents the results the author gained through the communicative-pragmatic analysis of empirical material of pathoanatomic subdiscourse fragments. The following speech strategies are described: dominant (preliminary, diagnostic, and explanatory) and complementary (pragmatic, dialogical, and rhetorical). The functions of the preliminary and diagnostic strategies are aimed at intra-medical communication, while the explanatory strategy chiefly intents to build communication with the relatives of the deceased. In turn, the functions of complementary strategies are implemented as follows: a pragmatic strategy is responsible for organizing the goals in terms of communication between the interlocutors, a dialogue strategy assumes responsibility for building a correct and accurate dialogue scenario, a rhetorical strategy allows you to effectively influence the interlocutor. These speech strategies are closely related and embedded into the communicative phenomenon of the pathoanatomic subdiscourse – a manipulative-explanatory strategy targeted to emotionally and comfortably inform the relatives of the deceased about the causes of death. Speech strategies explicate a number of speech tactics, which are expressed through specialized and non-specialized ways of actualization. The revealed and interpreted communicative components of the pathoanatomic subdiscourse allow us to draw the following conclusions: this subdiscourse has specific features (it is structurally and semantically mobile, historically changeable and communicatively asymmetric); actualization of the ways of executing the speech strategies that build the communicative aspect of the pathoanatomic subdiscourse is a complex communicative area of medical discourse that needs further study

The emergence of human-computer interaction as a concept can be attributed to the progress made in computer technology. Educated and technically proficient young adults often take part in research experiments related to human-computer interaction. The mental model in human-computer interaction is the main topic of this essay. One of the tactics used in this review study is to call attention to current theories, findings, and advancements in HCI. A second strategy is to look for study areas that haven't been explored yet but are falling behind. In order to produce better user-friendly products, this study emphasizes the importance of fidelity prototyping, which highlights the emotional intelligence of the user. This process is still being developed and designed as an automated method. The area of human-computer interaction explores the interactions between people and computers, focusing on the extent to which computers are designed to effectively accommodate human needs and preferences. A user- friendly method of computer access is speech and pattern recognition. The suggested system will launch the speech driver before capturing user input using the microphone. We'll translate the speech input into text. The text input is transformed into tokens by the lexical analyzer and saved in the symbol table. Tokens are fed into the parser, which creates a parse tree. This vocal input can be used to execute various Linux OS commands. The speech will be analyzed for keywords that apply to other activities, and the corresponding command will be carried out. The suggested system will function in both terminal and word processor modes. It will carry out both internal and external commands in terminal mode. When in word processor mode, it will carry out actions like open, type, save, and exit. Operations will be carried out by the system in response to oral commands. Keywords— Human Computer Interaction, Natural Language Processing, Application Program Interface, Speech to text, Emotional intelligence, Interactivity, Younger participants, Fidelity Prototyping.

Newspapers and the 7:15 Showing Cinemagoing involves planning. Even in the most impromptu instances, one has to consider meeting places, line-ups and competing responsibilities. One arranges child care, postpones household chores, or rushes to finish meals. One must organise transportation and think about routes, traffic, parking or public transit. And during the course of making plans for a trip to the cinema, whether alone or in the company of others, typically one turns to locate a recent newspaper. Consulting its printed page lets us ascertain locations, a selection of film titles and their corresponding show times. In preparing to feed a cinema craving, we burrow through a newspaper to an entertainment section, finding a tableau of information and promotional appeals. Such sections compile the mini-posters of movie advertisements, with their truncated credits, as well as various reviews and entertainment news. We see names of shopping malls doubling as names of theatres. We read celebrity gossip that may or may not pertain to the film selected for that occasion. We informally rank viewing priorities ranging from essential theatrical experiences to those that can wait for the videotape release. We attempt to assess our own mood and the taste of our filmgoing companions, matching up what we suppose are appropriate selections. Certainly, other media vie to supplant the newspaper's role in cinemagoing; many now access on-line sources and telephone services that offer the crucial details about start times. Nonetheless, as a campaign by the Newspaper Association of America in Variety aimed to remind film marketers, 80% of cinemagoers refer to newspaper listings for times and locations before heading out. The accuracy of that association's statistics notwithstanding, for the moment, the local daily or weekly newspaper has a secure place in the routines of cinematic life. A basic impetus for the newspaper's role is its presentation of a schedule of show times. Whatever the venue -- published, phone or on-line -- it strikes me as especially telling that schedules are part of the ordinariness of cinemagoing. To be sure, there are those who decide what film to see on site. Anecdotally, I have had several people comment recently that they no longer decide what movie to see, but where to see a (any) movie. Regardless, the schedule, coupled with the theatre's location, figures as a point of coordination for travel through community space to a site of film consumption. The choice of show time is governed by countless demands of everyday life. How often has the timing of a film -- not the film itself, the theatre at which it's playing, nor one's financial situation --determined one's attendance? How familiar is the assessment that show times are such that one cannot make it, that the film begins a bit too earlier, that it will run too late for whatever reason, and that other tasks intervene to take precedence? I want to make several observations related to the scheduling of film exhibition. Most generally, it makes manifest that cinemagoing involves an exercise in the application of cinema knowledge -- that is, minute, everyday facilities and familiarities that help orchestrate the ordinariness of cultural life. Such knowledge informs what Michel de Certeau characterises as "the procedures of everyday creativity" (xiv). Far from random, the unexceptional decisions and actions involved with cinemagoing bear an ordering and a predictability. Novelty in audience activity appears, but it is alongside fairly exact expectations about the event. The schedule of start times is essential to the routinisation of filmgoing. Displaying a Fordist logic of streamlining commodity distribution and the time management of consumption, audiences circulate through a machine that shapes their constituency, providing a set time for seating, departure, snack purchases and socialising. Even with the staggered times offered by multiplex cinemas, schedules still lay down a fixed template around which other activities have to be arrayed by the patron. As audiences move to and through the theatre, the schedule endeavours to regulate practice, making us the subjects of a temporal grid, a city context, a cinema space, as well as of the film itself. To be sure, one can arrive late and leave early, confounding the schedule's disciplining force. Most importantly, with or without such forms of evasion, it channels the actions of audiences in ways that consideration of the gaze cannot address. Taking account of the scheduling of cinema culture, and its implication of adjunct procedures of everyday life, points to dimensions of subjectivity neglected by dominant theories of spectatorship. To be the subject of a cinema schedule is to understand one assemblage of the parameters of everyday creativity. It would be foolish to see cinema audiences as cattle, herded and processed alone, in some crude Gustave LeBon fashion. It would be equally foolish not to recognise the manner in which film distribution and exhibition operates precisely by constructing images of the activity of people as demographic clusters and generalised cultural consumers. The ordinary tactics of filmgoing are supplemental to, and run alongside, a set of industrial structures and practices. While there is a correlation between a culture industry's imagined audience and the life that ensues around its offerings, we cannot neglect that, as attention to film scheduling alerts us, audiences are subjects of an institutional apparatus, brought into being for the reproduction of an industrial edifice. Streamline Audiences In this, film is no different from any culture industry. Film exhibition and distribution relies on an understanding of both the market and the product or service being sold at any given point in time. Operations respond to economic conditions, competing companies, and alternative activities. Economic rationality in this strategic process, however, only explains so much. This is especially true for an industry that must continually predict, and arguably give shape to, the "mood" and predilections of disparate and distant audiences. Producers, distributors and exhibitors assess which films will "work", to whom they will be marketed, as well as establish the very terms of success. Without a doubt, much of the film industry's attentions act to reduce this uncertainty; here, one need only think of the various forms of textual continuity (genre films, star performances, etc.) and the economies of mass advertising as ways to ensure box office receipts. Yet, at the core of the operations of film exhibition remains a number of flexible assumptions about audience activity, taste and desire. These assumptions emerge from a variety of sources to form a brand of temporary industry "commonsense", and as such are harbingers of an industrial logic. Ien Ang has usefully pursued this view in her comparative analysis of three national television structures and their operating assumptions about audiences. Broadcasters streamline and discipline audiences as part of their organisational procedures, with the consequence of shaping ideas about consumers as well as assuring the reproduction of the industrial structure itself. She writes, "institutional knowledge is driven toward making the audience visible in such a way that it helps the institutions to increase their power to get their relationship with the audience under control, and this can only be done by symbolically constructing 'television audience' as an objectified category of others that can be controlled, that is, contained in the interest of a predetermined institutional goal" (7). Ang demonstrates, in particular, how various industrially sanctioned programming strategies (programme strips, "hammocking" new shows between successful ones, and counter-programming to a competitor's strengths) and modes of audience measurement grow out of, and invariably support, those institutional goals. And, most crucially, her approach is not an effort to ascertain the empirical certainty of "actual" audiences; instead, it charts the discursive terrain in which the abstract concept of audience becomes material for the continuation of industry practices. Ang's work tenders special insight to film culture. In fact, television scholarship has taken full advantage of exploring the routine nature of that medium, the best of which deploys its findings to lay bare configurations of power in domestic contexts. One aspect has been television time and schedules. For example, David Morley points to the role of television in structuring everyday life, discussing a range of research that emphasises the temporal dimension. Alerting us to the non- necessary determination of television's temporal structure, he comments that we "need to maintain a sensitivity to these micro-levels of division and differentiation while we attend to the macro-questions of the media's own role in the social structuring of time" (265). As such, the negotiation of temporal structures implies that schedules are not monolithic impositions of order. Indeed, as Morley puts it, they "must be seen as both entering into already constructed, historically specific divisions of space and time, and also as transforming those pre-existing division" (266). Television's temporal grid has been address by others as well. Paddy Scannell characterises scheduling and continuity techniques, which link programmes, as a standardisation of use, making radio and television predictable, 'user friendly' media (9). John Caughie refers to the organization of flow as a way to talk about the national particularities of British and American television (49-50). All, while making their own contributions, appeal to a detailing of viewing context as part of any study of audience, consumption or experience; uncovering the practices of television programmers as they attempt to apprehend and create viewing conditions for their audiences is a first step in this detailing. Why has a similar conceptual framework not been applied with the same rigour to film? Certainly the history of film and television's association with different, at times divergent, disciplinary formations helps us appreciate such theoretical disparities. I would like to mention one less conspicuous explanation. It occurs to me that one frequently sees a collapse in the distinction between the everyday and the domestic; in much scholarship, the latter term appears as a powerful trope of the former. The consequence has been the absenting of a myriad of other -- if you will, non-domestic -- manifestations of everyday-ness, unfortunately encouraging a rather literal understanding of the everyday. The impression is that the abstractions of the everyday are reduced to daily occurrences. Simply put, my minor appeal is for the extension of this vein of television scholarship to out-of-home technologies and cultural forms, that is, other sites and locations of the everyday. In so doing, we pay attention to extra-textual structures of cinematic life; other regimes of knowledge, power, subjectivity and practice appear. Film audiences require a discussion about the ordinary, the calculated and the casual practices of cinematic engagement. Such a discussion would chart institutional knowledge, identifying operating strategies and recognising the creativity and multidimensionality of cinemagoing. What are the discursive parameters in which the film industry imagines cinema audiences? What are the related implications for the structures in which the practice of cinemagoing occurs? Vectors of Exhibition Time One set of those structures of audience and industry practice involves the temporal dimension of film exhibition. In what follows, I want to speculate on three vectors of the temporality of cinema spaces (meaning that I will not address issues of diegetic time). Note further that my observations emerge from a close study of industrial discourse in the U.S. and Canada. I would be interested to hear how they are manifest in other continental contexts. First, the running times of films encourage turnovers of the audience during the course of a single day at each screen. The special event of lengthy anomalies has helped mark the epic, and the historic, from standard fare. As discussed above, show times coordinate cinemagoing and regulate leisure time. Knowing the codes of screenings means participating in an extension of the industrial model of labour and service management. Running times incorporate more texts than the feature presentation alone. Besides the history of double features, there are now advertisements, trailers for coming attractions, trailers for films now playing in neighbouring auditoriums, promotional shorts demonstrating new sound systems, public service announcements, reminders to turn off cell phones and pagers, and the exhibitor's own signature clips. A growing focal point for filmgoing, these introductory texts received a boost in 1990, when the Motion Picture Association of America changed its standards for the length of trailers, boosting it from 90 seconds to a full two minutes (Brookman). This intertextuality needs to be supplemented by a consideration of inter- media appeals. For example, advertisements for television began appearing in theatres in the 1990s. And many lobbies of multiplex cinemas now offer a range of media forms, including video previews, magazines, arcades and virtual reality games. Implied here is that motion pictures are not the only media audiences experience in cinemas and that there is an explicit attempt to integrate a cinema's texts with those at other sites and locations. Thus, an exhibitor's schedule accommodates an intertextual strip, offering a limited parallel to Raymond Williams's concept of "flow", which he characterised by stating -- quite erroneously -- "in all communication systems before broadcasting the essential items were discrete" (86-7). Certainly, the flow between trailers, advertisements and feature presentations is not identical to that of the endless, ongoing text of television. There are not the same possibilities for "interruption" that Williams emphasises with respect to broadcasting flow. Further, in theatrical exhibition, there is an end-time, a time at which there is a public acknowledgement of the completion of the projected performance, one that necessitates vacating the cinema. This end-time is a moment at which the "rental" of the space has come due; and it harkens a return to the street, to the negotiation of city space, to modes of public transit and the mobile privatisation of cars. Nonetheless, a schedule constructs a temporal boundary in which audiences encounter a range of texts and media in what might be seen as limited flow. Second, the ephemerality of audiences -- moving to the cinema, consuming its texts, then passing the seat on to someone else -- is matched by the ephemerality of the features themselves. Distributors' demand for increasing numbers of screens necessary for massive, saturation openings has meant that films now replace one another more rapidly than in the past. Films that may have run for months now expect weeks, with fewer exceptions. Wider openings and shorter runs have created a cinemagoing culture characterised by flux. The acceleration of the turnover of films has been made possible by the expansion of various secondary markets for distribution, most importantly videotape, splintering where we might find audiences and multiplying viewing contexts. Speeding up the popular in this fashion means that the influence of individual texts can only be truly gauged via cross-media scrutiny. Short theatrical runs are not axiomatically designed for cinemagoers anymore; they can also be intended to attract the attention of video renters, purchasers and retailers. Independent video distributors, especially, "view theatrical release as a marketing expense, not a profit center" (Hindes & Roman 16). In this respect, we might think of such theatrical runs as "trailers" or "loss leaders" for the video release, with selected locations for a film's release potentially providing visibility, even prestige, in certain city markets or neighbourhoods. Distributors are able to count on some promotion through popular consumer- guide reviews, usually accompanying theatrical release as opposed to the passing critical attention given to video release. Consequently, this shapes the kinds of uses an assessment of the current cinema is put to; acknowledging that new releases function as a resource for cinema knowledge highlights the way audiences choose between and determine big screen and small screen films. Taken in this manner, popular audiences see the current cinema as largely a rough catalogue to future cultural consumption. Third, motion picture release is part of the structure of memories and activities over the course of a year. New films appear in an informal and ever-fluctuating structure of seasons. The concepts of summer movies and Christmas films, or the opening weekends that are marked by a holiday, sets up a fit between cinemagoing and other activities -- family gatherings, celebrations, etc. Further, this fit is presumably resonant for both the industry and popular audiences alike, though certainly for different reasons. The concentration of new films around visible holiday periods results in a temporally defined dearth of cinemas; an inordinate focus upon three periods in the year in the U.S. and Canada -- the last weekend in May, June/July/August and December -- creates seasonal shortages of screens (Rice-Barker 20). In fact, the boom in theatre construction through the latter half of the 1990s was, in part, to deal with those short-term shortages and not some year-round inadequate seating. Configurations of releasing colour a calendar with the tactical manoeuvres of distributors and exhibitors. Releasing provides a particular shape to the "current cinema", a term I employ to refer to a temporally designated slate of cinematic texts characterised most prominently by their newness. Television arranges programmes to capitalise on flow, to carry forward audiences and to counter-programme competitors' simultaneous offerings. Similarly, distributors jostle with each other, with their films and with certain key dates, for the limited weekends available, hoping to match a competitor's film intended for one audience with one intended for another. Industry reporter Leonard Klady sketched some of the contemporary truisms of releasing based upon the experience of 1997. He remarks upon the success of moving Liar, Liar (Tom Shadyac, 1997) to a March opening and the early May openings of Austin Powers: International Man of Mystery (Jay Roach, 1997) and Breakdown (Jonathan Mostow, 1997), generally seen as not desirable times of the year for premieres. He cautions against opening two films the same weekend, and thus competing with yourself, using the example of Fox's Soul Food (George Tillman, Jr., 1997) and The Edge (Lee Tamahori, 1997). While distributors seek out weekends clear of films that would threaten to overshadow their own, Klady points to the exception of two hits opening on the same date of December 19, 1997 -- Tomorrow Never Dies (Roger Spottiswoode, 1997) and Titanic (James Cameron, 1997). Though but a single opinion, Klady's observations are a peek into a conventional strain of strategising among distributors and exhibitors. Such planning for the timing and appearance of films is akin to the programming decisions of network executives. And I would hazard to say that digital cinema, reportedly -- though unlikely -- just on the horizon and in which texts will be beamed to cinemas via satellite rather than circulated in prints, will only augment this comparison; releasing will become that much more like programming, or at least will be conceptualised as such. To summarize, the first vector of exhibition temporality is the scheduling and running time; the second is the theatrical run; the third is the idea of seasons and the "programming" of openings. These are just some of the forces streamlining filmgoers; the temporal structuring of screenings, runs and film seasons provides a material contour to the abstraction of audience. Here, what I have delineated are components of an industrial logic about popular and public entertainment, one that offers a certain controlled knowledge about and for cinemagoing audiences. Shifting Conceptual Frameworks A note of caution is in order. I emphatically resist an interpretation that we are witnessing the becoming-film of television and the becoming-tv of film. Underneath the "inversion" argument is a weak brand of technological determinism, as though each asserts its own essential qualities. Such a pat declaration seems more in line with the mythos of convergence, and its quasi-Darwinian "natural" collapse of technologies. Instead, my point here is quite the opposite, that there is nothing essential or unique about the scheduling or flow of television; indeed, one does not have to look far to find examples of less schedule-dependent television. What I want to highlight is that application of any term of distinction -- event/flow, gaze/glance, public/private, and so on -- has more to do with our thinking, with the core discursive arrangements that have made film and television, and their audiences, available to us as knowable and different. So, using empirical evidence to slide one term over to the other is a strategy intended to supplement and destabilise the manner in which we draw conclusions, and even pose questions, of each. What this proposes is, again following the contributions of Ien Ang, that we need to see cinemagoing in its institutional formation, rather than some stable technological, textual or experiential apparatus. The activity is not only a function of a constraining industrial practice or of wildly creative patrons, but of a complex inter-determination between the two. Cinemagoing is an organisational entity harbouring, reviving and constituting knowledge and commonsense about film commodities, audiences and everyday life. An event of cinema begins well before the dimming of an auditorium's lights. The moment a newspaper is consulted, with its local representation of an internationally circulating current cinema, its listings belie a scheduling, an orderliness, to the possible projections in a given location. As audiences are formed as subjects of the current cinema, we are also agents in the continuation of a set of institutions as well. References Ang, Ien. Desperately Seeking the Audience. New York: Routledge, 1991. Brookman, Faye. "Trailers: The Big Business of Drawing Crowds." Variety 13 June 1990: 48. Caughie, John. "Playing at Being American: Games and Tactics." Logics of Television: Essays in Cultural Criticism. Ed. Patricia Mellencamp. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1990. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Trans. Steve Rendall. Berkeley: U of California P, 1984. Hindes, Andrew, and Monica Roman. "Video Titles Do Pitstops on Screens." Variety 16-22 Sep. 1996: 11+. Klady, Leonard. "Hitting and Missing the Market: Studios Show Savvy -- or Just Luck -- with Pic Release Strategies." Variety 19-25 Jan. 1998: 18. Morley, David. Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies. New York: Routledge, 1992. Newspaper Association of America. "Before They See It Here..." Advertisement. Variety 22-28 Nov. 1999: 38. Rice-Barker, Leo. "Industry Banks on New Technology, Expanded Slates." Playback 6 May 1996: 19-20. Scannell, Paddy. Radio, Television and Modern Life. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996. Williams, Raymond. Television: Technology and Cultural Form. New York: Schocken, 1975. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Charles Acland. "Matinees, Summers and Opening Weekends: Cinemagoing Audiences as Institutional Subjects." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.1 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/cinema.php>. Chicago style: Charles Acland, "Matinees, Summers and Opening Weekends: Cinemagoing Audiences as Institutional Subjects," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 1 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/cinema.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Charles Acland. (2000) Matinees, Summers and Opening Weekends: Cinemagoing Audiences as Institutional Subjects. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/cinema.php> ([your date of access]).

The Alt Right Are Not Alright Academic explorations complicating both the Internet and whiteness have often focussed on the rise of the “alt-right” to examine the co-option of digital technologies to extend white supremacy (Daniels, “Cyber Racism”; Daniels, “Algorithmic Rise”; Nagle). The term “alt-right” refers to media organisations, personalities, and sarcastic Internet users who promote the “alternative right”, understood as extremely conservative, political views online. The alt-right, in all of their online variations and inter-grouping, are infamous for supporting white supremacy online, “characterized by heavy use of social media and online memes. Alt-righters eschew ‘establishment’ conservatism, skew young, and embrace white ethnonationalism as a fundamental value” (Southern Poverty Law Center). Theoretical studies of the alt-right have largely focussed on its growing presence across social media and websites such as Twitter, Reddit, and notoriously “chan” sites 4chan and 8chan, through the political discussions referred to as “threads” on the site (Nagle; Daniels, “Algorithmic Rise”; Hawley). As well, the ability of online users to surpass national boundaries and spread global white supremacy through the Internet has also been studied (Back et al.). The alt-right have found a home on the Internet, using its features to cunningly recruit members and to establish a growing community that mainstream politically extreme views (Daniels, “Cyber Racism”; Daniels, “Algorithmic Rise; Munn). This body of knowledge shows that academics have been able to produce critically relevant literature regarding the alt-right despite the online anonymity of the majority of its members. For example, Conway et al., in their analysis of the history and social media patterns of the alt-right, follow the unique nature of the Christchurch Massacre, encompassing the use and development of message boards, fringe websites, and social media sites to champion white supremacy online. Positioning my research in this literature, I am interested in contributing further knowledge regarding the alt-right, white supremacy, and the Internet by exploring the sinister conducting of Zoom-bombing anti-racist events. Here, I will investigate how white supremacy through the Internet can lead to violence, abuse, and fear that “transcends the virtual world to damage real, live humans beings” via Zoom-bombing, an act that is situated in a larger co-option of the Internet by the alt-right and white supremacists, but has been under theorised as a hate crime (Daniels; “Cyber Racism” 7). Shitposting I want to preface this chapter by acknowledging that while I understand the Internet, through my own external investigations of race, power and the Internet, as a series of entities that produce racial violence both online and offline, I am aware of the use of the Internet to frame, discuss, and share anti-racist activism. Here we can turn to the work of philosopher Michel de Certeau who conceived the idea of a “tactic” as a way to construct a space of agency in opposition to institutional power. This becomes a way that marginalised groups, such as racialised peoples, can utilise the Internet as a tactical material to assert themselves and their non-compliance with the state. Particularly, shitposting, a tactic often associated with the alt-right, has also been co-opted by those who fight for social justice and rally against oppression both online and offline. As Roderick Graham explores, the Internet, and for this exploration, shitposting, can be used to proliferate deviant and racist material but also as a “deviant” byway of oppositional and anti-racist material. Despite this, a lot can be said about the invisible yet present claims and support of whiteness through Internet and digital technologies, as well as the activity of users channelled through these screens, such as the alt-right and their digital tactics. As Vikki Fraser remarks, “the internet assumes whiteness as the norm – whiteness is made visible through what is left unsaid, through the assumption that white need not be said” (120). It is through the lens of white privilege and claims to white supremacy that online irony, by way of shitposting, is co-opted and understood as an inherently alt-right tool, through the deviance it entails. Their sinister co-option of shitposting bolsters audacious claims as to who has the right to exist, in their support of white identity, but also hides behind a veil of mischief that can hide their more insidious intention and political ideologies. The alt-right have used “shitposting”, an online style of posting and interacting with other users, to create a form of online communication for a translocal identity of white nationalist members. Sean McEwan defines shitposting as “a form of Internet interaction predicated upon thwarting established norms of discourse in favour of seemingly anarchic, poor quality contributions” (19). Far from being random, however, I argue that shitposting functions as a discourse that is employed by online communities to discuss, proliferate, and introduce white supremacist ideals among their communities as well as into the mainstream. In the course of this article, I will introduce racist Zoom-bombing as a tactic situated in shitposting which can be used as a means of white supremacist discourse and an attempt to block anti-racist efforts. By this line, the function of discourse as one “to preserve or to reproduce discourse (within) a closed community” is calculatingly met through shitposting, Zoom-bombing, and more overt forms of white supremacy online (Foucault 225-226). Using memes, dehumanisation, and sarcasm, online white supremacists have created a means of both organising and mainstreaming white supremacy through humour that allows insidious themes to be mocked and then spread online. Foucault writes that “in every society the production of discourse is at once controlled, selected, organised and redistributed according to a certain number of procedures, whose role is to avert its powers and danger, to cope with chance events, to evade ponderous, awesome materiality” (216). As Philippe-Joseph Salazar recontextualises to online white supremacists, “the first procedure of control is to define what is prohibited, in essence, to set aside that which cannot be spoken about, and thus to produce strategies to counter it” (137). By this line, the alt-right reorganises these procedures and allocates a checked speech that will allow their ideas to proliferate in like-minded and growing communities. As a result, online white supremacists becoming a “community of discourse” advantages them in two ways: first, ironic language permits the mainstreaming of hate that allows sinister content to enter the public as the severity of their intentions is doubted due to the sarcastic language employed. Second, shitposting is employed as an entry gate to more serious and dangerous participation with white supremacist action, engagement, and ideologies. It is important to note that white privilege is embodied in these discursive practices as despite this exploitation of emerging technologies to further white supremacy, there are approaches that theorise the alt-right as “crazed product(s) of an isolated, extremist milieu with no links to the mainstream” (Moses 201). In this way, it is useful to consider shitposting as an informal approach that mirrors legitimised white sovereignties and authorised white supremacy. The result is that white supremacist online users succeed in “not only in assembling a community of actors and a collective of authors, on the dual territory of digital communication and grass-roots activism”, but also shape an effective fellowship of discourse that audiences react well to online, encouraging its reception and mainstreaming (Salazar 142). Continuing, as McBain writes, “someone who would not dream of donning a white cap and attending a Ku Klux Klan meeting might find themselves laughing along to a video by the alt-right satirist RamZPaul”. This idea is echoed in a leaked stylistic guide by white supremacist website and message board the Daily Stormer that highlights irony as a cultivated mechanism used to draw new audiences to the far right, step by step (Wilson). As showcased in the screen capture below of the stylistic guide, “the reader is at first drawn in by curiosity or the naughty humor and is slowly awakened to reality by repeatedly reading the same points” (Feinburg). The result of this style of writing is used “to immerse recruits in an online movement culture built on memes, racial panic and the worst of Internet culture” (Wilson). Figure 1: A screenshot of the Daily Stormer’s playbook, expanding on the stylistic decisions of alt-right writers. Racist Zoom-Bombing In the timely text “Racist Zoombombing”, Lisa Nakamura et al. write the following: Zoombombing is more than just trolling; though it belongs to a broad category of online behavior meant to produce a negative reaction, it has an intimate connection with online conspiracy theorists and white supremacy … . Zoombombing should not be lumped into the larger category of trolling, both because the word “trolling” has become so broad it is nearly meaningless at times, and because zoombombing is designed to cause intimate harm and terrorize its target in distinct ways. (30) Notwithstanding the seriousness of Zoom-bombing, and to not minimise its insidiousness by understanding it as a form of shitposting, my article seeks to reiterate the seriousness of shitposting, which, in the age of COVID-19, Zoom-bombing has become an example of. I seek to purport the insidiousness of the tactical strategies of the alt-right online in a larger context of white violence online. Therefore, I am proposing a more critical look at the tactical use of the Internet by the alt-right, in theorising shitposting and Zoom-bombing as means of hate crimes wherein they impose upon anti-racist activism and organising. Newlands et al., receiving only limited exposure pre-pandemic, write that “Zoom has become a household name and an essential component for parties (Matyszczyk, 2020), weddings (Pajer, 2020), school and work” (1). However, through this came the strategic use of co-opting the application by the alt-right to digitise terror and ensure a “growing framework of memetic warfare” (Nakamura et al. 31). Kruglanski et al. label this co-opting of online tools to champion white supremacy operations via Zoom-bombing an example of shitposting: Not yet protesting the lockdown orders in front of statehouses, far-right extremists infiltrated Zoom calls and shared their screens, projecting violent and graphic imagery such as swastikas and pornography into the homes of unsuspecting attendees and making it impossible for schools to rely on Zoom for home-based lessons. Such actions, known as “Zoombombing,” were eventually curtailed by Zoom features requiring hosts to admit people into Zoom meetings as a default setting with an option to opt-out. (128) By this, we can draw on existing literature that has theorised white supremacists as innovation opportunists regarding their co-option of the Internet, as supported through Jessie Daniels’s work, “during the shift of the white supremacist movement from print to digital online users exploited emerging technologies to further their ideological goals” (“Algorithmic Rise” 63). Selfe and Selfe write in their description of the computer interface as a “political and ideological boundary land” that may serve larger cultural systems of domination in much the same way that geopolitical borders do (418). Considering these theorisations of white supremacists utilising tools that appear neutral for racialised aims and the political possibilities of whiteness online, we can consider racist Zoom-bombing as an assertion of a battle that seeks to disrupt racial justice online but also assert white supremacy as its own legitimate cause. My first encounter of local Zoom-bombing was during the Institute for Culture and Society (ICS) Seminar titled “Intersecting Crises” by Western Sydney University. The event sought to explore the concatenation of deeply inextricable ecological, political, economic, racial, and social crises. An academic involved in the facilitation of the event, Alana Lentin, live tweeted during the Zoom-bombing of the event: Figure 2: Academic Alana Lentin on Twitter live tweeting the Zoom-bombing of the Intersecting Crises event. Upon reflecting on this instance, I wondered, could efforts have been organised to prevent white supremacy? In considering who may or may not be responsible for halting racist shit-posting, we can problematise the work of R David Lankes, who writes that “Zoom-bombing is when inadequate security on the part of the person organizing a video conference allows uninvited users to join and disrupt a meeting. It can be anything from a prankster logging on, yelling, and logging off to uninvited users” (217). However, this beckons two areas to consider in theorising racist Zoom-bombing as a means of isolated trolling. First, this approach to Zoom-bombing minimises the sinister intentions of Zoom-bombing when referring to people as pranksters. Albeit withholding the “mimic trickery and mischief that were already present in spaces such as real-life classrooms and town halls” it may be more useful to consider theorising Zoom-bombing as often racialised harassment and a counter aggression to anti-racist initiatives (Nakamura et al. 30). Due to the live nature of most Zoom meetings, it is increasingly difficult to halt the threat of the alt-right from Zoom-bombing meetings. In “A First Look at Zoom-bombings” a range of preventative strategies are encouraged for Zoom organisers including “unique meeting links for each participant, although we acknowledge that this has usability implications and might not always be feasible” (Ling et al. 1). The alt-right exploit gaps, akin to co-opting the mainstreaming of trolling and shitposting, to put forward their agenda on white supremacy and assert their presence when not welcome. Therefore, utilising the pandemic to instil new forms of terror, it can be said that Zoom-bombing becomes a new means to shitpost, where the alt-right “exploits Zoom’s uniquely liminal space, a space of intimacy generated by users via the relationship between the digital screen and what it can depict, the device’s audio tools and how they can transmit and receive sound, the software that we can see, and the software that we can’t” (Nakamura et al. 29). Second, this definition of Zoom-bombing begs the question, is this a fair assessment to write that reiterates the blame of organisers? Rather, we can consider other gaps that have resulted in the misuse of Zoom co-opted by the alt-right: “two conditions have paved the way for Zoom-bombing: a resurgent fascist movement that has found its legs and best megaphone on the Internet and an often-unwitting public who have been suddenly required to spend many hours a day on this platform” (Nakamura et al. 29). In this way, it is interesting to note that recommendations to halt Zoom-bombing revolve around the energy, resources, and attention of the organisers to practically address possible threats, rather than the onus being placed on those who maintain these systems and those who Zoom-bomb. As Jessie Daniels states, “we should hold the platform accountable for this type of damage that it's facilitated. It's the platform's fault and it shouldn't be left to individual users who are making Zoom millions, if not billions, of dollars right now” (Ruf 8). Brian Friedberg, Gabrielle Lim, and Joan Donovan explore the organised efforts by the alt-right to impose on Zoom events and disturb schedules: “coordinated raids of Zoom meetings have become a social activity traversing the networked terrain of multiple platforms and web spaces. Raiders coordinate by sharing links to Zoom meetings targets and other operational and logistical details regarding the execution of an attack” (14). By encouraging a mass coordination of racist Zoom-bombing, in turn, social justice organisers are made to feel overwhelmed and that their efforts will be counteracted inevitably by a large and organised group, albeit appearing prankster-like. Aligning with the idea that “Zoombombing conceals and contains the terror and psychological harm that targets of active harassment face because it doesn’t leave a trace unless an alert user records the meeting”, it is useful to consider to what extent racist Zoom-bombing becomes a new weapon of the alt-right to entertain and affirm current members, and engage and influence new members (Nakamura et al. 34). I propose that we consider Zoom-bombing through shitposting, which is within “the location of matrix of domination (white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, ableism, capitalism, and settler colonialism)” to challenge the role of interface design and Internet infrastructure in enabling racial violence online (Costanza-Chock). Conclusion As Nakamura et al. have argued, Zoom-bombing is indeed “part of the lineage or ecosystem of trollish behavior”, yet these new forms of alt-right shitposting “[need] to be critiqued and understood as more than simply trolling because this term emerged during an earlier, less media-rich and interpersonally live Internet” (32). I recommend theorising the alt-right in a way that highlights the larger structures of white power, privilege, and supremacy that maintain their online and offline legacies beyond Zoom, “to view white supremacy not as a static ideology or condition, but to instead focus on its geographic and temporal contingency” that allows acts of hate crime by individuals on politicised bodies (Inwood and Bonds 722). This corresponds with Claire Renzetti’s argument that “criminologists theorise that committing a hate crime is a means of accomplishing a particular type of power, hegemonic masculinity, which is described as white, Christian, able-bodied and heterosexual” – an approach that can be applied to theorisations of the alt-right and online violence (136). This violent white masculinity occupies a hegemonic hold in the formation, reproduction, and extension of white supremacy that is then shared, affirmed, and idolised through a racialised Internet (Donaldson et al.). Therefore, I recommend that we situate Zoom-bombing as a means of shitposting, by reiterating the severity of shitposting with the same intentions and sinister goals of hate crimes and racial violence. References Back, Les, et al. “Racism on the Internet: Mapping Neo-Fascist Subcultures in Cyber-Space.” Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture. Eds. Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjørgo. Northeastern UP, 1993. 73-101. Bonds, Anne, and Joshua Inwood. “Beyond White Privilege: Geographies of White Supremacy and Settler Colonialism.” Progress in Human Geography 40 (2015): 715-733. Conway, Maura, et al. “Right-Wing Extremists’ Persistent Online Presence: History and Contemporary Trends.” The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague. Policy Brief, 2019. Costanza-Chock, Sasha. “Design Justice and User Interface Design, 2020.” Proceedings of the 33rd Annual ACM Symposium on User Interface Software and Technology. Association for Computing Machinery, 2020. Daniels, Jessie. “The Algorithmic Rise of the ‘Alt-Right.’” Contexts 17 (2018): 60-65. ———. “Race and Racism in Internet Studies: A Review and Critique.” New Media & Society 15 (2013): 695-719. ———. Cyber Racism: White Supremacy Online and the New Attack on Civil Rights. Rowman and Littlefield, 2009. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. First ed. U of California P, 1980. Donaldson, Mike. “What Is Hegemonic Masculinity?” Theory and Society 22 (1993): 643-657. Feinburg, Ashley. “This Is The Daily Stormer’s Playbook.” Huffington Post 13 Dec. 2017. <http://www.huffpost.com/entry/daily-stormer-nazi-style-guide_n_5a2ece19e4b0ce3b344492f2>. Foucault, Michel. “The Discourse on Language.” The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. Ed. A.M. Sheridan Smith. Pantheon, 1971. 215-237. Fraser, Vicki. “Online Bodies and Sexual Subjectivities: In Whose Image?” The Racial Politics of Bodies, Nations and Knowledges. Eds. Barbara Baird and Damien W. Riggs. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2015. 116-132. Friedberg, Brian, Gabrielle Lim, and Joan Donovan. “Space Invaders: The Networked Terrain of Zoom Bombing.” Harvard Shorenstein Center, 2020. Graham, Roderick. “Race, Social Media and Deviance.” The Palgrave Handbook of International Cybercrime and Cyberdeviance. Eds. Thomas J. Holt and Adam M. Bossler, 2019. 67-90. Hawley, George. Making Sense of the Alt-Right. Columbia UP, 2017. Henry, Matthew G., and Lawrence D. Berg. “Geographers Performing Nationalism and Hetero-Masculinity.” Gender, Place & Culture 13 (2006): 629-645. Kruglanski, Arie W., et al. “Terrorism in Time of the Pandemic: Exploiting Mayhem.” Global Security: Health, Science and Policy 5 (2020): 121-132. Lankes, R. David. Forged in War: How a Century of War Created Today's Information Society. Rowman & Littlefield, 2021. Ling, Chen, et al. “A First Look at Zoombombing, 2021.” Proceedings of the 42nd IEEE Symposium on Security and Privacy. Oakland, 2021. McBain, Sophie. “The Alt-Right, and How the Paranoia of White Identity Politics Fuelled Trump’s Rise.” New Statesman 27 Nov. 2017. <http://www.newstatesman.com/culture/books/2017/11/alt-right-and-how-paranoia-white-identity-politics-fuelled-trump-s-rise>. McEwan, Sean. “Nation of Shitposters: Ironic Engagement with the Facebook Posts of Shannon Noll as Reconfiguration of an Australian National Identity.” Journal of Media and Communication 8 (2017): 19-39. Morgensen, Scott Lauria. “Theorising Gender, Sexuality and Settler Colonialism: An Introduction.” Settler Colonial Studies 2 (2012): 2-22. Moses, A Dirk. “‘White Genocide’ and the Ethics of Public Analysis.” Journal of Genocide Research 21 (2019): 1-13. Munn, Luke. “Algorithmic Hate: Brenton Tarrant and the Dark Social Web.” VoxPol, 3 Apr. 2019. <http://www.voxpol.eu/algorithmic-hate-brenton-tarrant-and-the-dark-social-web>. Nagle, Angela. Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars from 4chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right. Zero Books, 2017. Nakamura, Lisa, et al. Racist Zoom-Bombing. Routledge, 2021. Newlands, Gemma, et al. “Innovation under Pressure: Implications for Data Privacy during the COVID-19 Pandemic.” Big Data & Society July-December (2020): 1-14. Perry, Barbara, and Ryan Scrivens. “White Pride Worldwide: Constructing Global Identities Online.” The Globalisation of Hate: Internationalising Hate Crime. Eds. Jennifer Schweppe and Mark Austin Walters. Oxford UP, 2016. 65-78. Renzetti, Claire. Feminist Criminology. Routledge, 2013. Ruf, Jessica. “‘Spirit-Murdering' Comes to Zoom: Racist Attacks Plague Online Learning.” Issues in Higher Education 37 (2020): 8. Salazar, Philippe-Joseph. “The Alt-Right as a Community of Discourse.” Javnost – The Public 25 (2018): 135-143. Selfe, Cyntia L., and Richard J. Selfe, Jr. “The Politics of the Interface: Power and Its Exercise in Electronic Contact Zones.” College Composition and Communication 45 (1994): 480-504. Southern Poverty Law Center. “Alt-Right.” <http://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/ideology/alt-right>. Wilson, Jason. “Do the Christchurch Shootings Expose the Murderous Nature of ‘Ironic’ Online Fascism?” The Guardian, 16 Mar. 2019. <http://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2019/mar/15/do-the-christchurch-shootings-expose-the-murderous-nature-of-ironic-online-fascism>.

IntroductionBritish initiatives to manage both the number of arrivals of asylum seekers and the experiences of those who arrive have burgeoned in recent years. The budget dedicated to asylum seeker management increased from £357 million in 1998-1999 to £1.71 billion in 2004-2005, making the Immigration and Nationality Directorate (IND) the second largest concern of the Home Office behind the Prison Service in 2005 (Back et al). The IND was replaced in April 2007 by the Border and Immigration Agency (BIA), whose expenditure exceeded £2 billion in 2007-2008 (BIA). Perhaps as a consequence the number of asylum seekers applying to the UK has fallen dramatically, illustrating the continuing influence of exclusionary state policies despite the globalisation and transnationalisation of migrant flows (UNHCR; Koser).One of the difficulties with the study of asylum seekers is the persistent risk that, by employing the term ‘asylum seeker’, research conducted into their experiences will contribute towards the exclusion of a marginalised and abject group of people, precisely by employing a term that emphasises the suspended recognition of a community (Nyers). The ‘asylum seeker’ is a figure defined in law in order to facilitate government-level avoidance of humanitarian obligations by emphasising the non-refugeeness of asylum claimants (Tyler). This group is identified as supplicant to the state, positioning the state itself as a legitimate arbiter. It is in this sense that asylum seekers suffer a degree of cruel optimism (Berlant) – wishing to be recognised as a refugee while nevertheless subject to state-defined discourses, whatever the outcome. The term ‘forced migrant’ is little better, conveying a de-humanising and disabling lack of agency (Turton), while the terms ‘undocumented migrant’, ‘irregular migrant’ and ‘illegal migrant’ all imply a failure to conform to respectable, desirable and legitimate forms of migration.Another consequence of these co-opted and politically subjugating forms of language is their production of simple imagined geographies of migration that position the foreigner as strange, unfamiliar and incapable of communication across this divide. Such imaginings precipitate their own responses, most clearly expressed in the blunt, intrusive uses of space and time in migration governance (Lahav and Guiraudon; Cohen; Guild; Gronendijk). Various institutions exist in Britain that function to actually produce the imagined differences between migrants and citizens, from the two huge, airport-like ‘Asylum Screening Units’ in Liverpool and London where asylum seekers can lodge their claims, to the 12 ‘Removal Centres’ within which soon-to-be deported asylum seekers are incarcerated and the 17 ‘Hearing Centres’ at which British judges preside over the precise legal status of asylum applicants.Less attention, however, has been given to the tension between mobility and stillness in asylum contexts. Asylum seeker management is characterised by a complex combination of enforced stillness and enforced mobility of asylum seeking bodies, and resistance can also be understood in these terms. This research draws upon 37 interviews with asylum seekers, asylum activists, and government employees in the UK conducted between 2005 and 2007 (see Gill) and distils three characteristics of stillness. First, an association between stillness and safety is clearly evident, exacerbated by the fear that the state may force asylum seekers to move at any time. Second, stillness of asylum seekers in a physical, literal sense is intimately related to their psychological condition, underscoring the affectual properties of stillness. Third, the desire to be still, and to be safe, precipitates various political strategies that seek to secure stillness, meaning that stillness functions as more than an aspiration, becoming also a key political metric in the struggle between the included and excluded. In these multiple and contradictory ways stillness is a key factor that structures asylum seekers’ experiences of migration. Governing through Mobility The British state utilises both stillness and mobility in the governance of asylum seeking bodies. On the one hand, asylum seekers’ personal freedoms are routinely curtailed both through their incarceration and through the requirements imposed upon them by the state in terms of ‘signing in’ at local police stations, even when they are not incarcerated, throughout the time that they are awaiting a decision on their claim for asylum (Cwerner). This requirement, which consists of attending a police station to confirm the continuing compliance of the asylum seeker, can vary in frequency, from once every month to once every few days.On the other hand, the British state employs a range of strategies of mobility that serve to deprive asylum seeking communities of geographical stillness and, consequently, also often undermines their psychological stability. First, the seizure of asylum seekers and transportation to a Removal Centre can be sudden and traumatic, and incarceration in this manner is becoming increasingly common (Bacon; Home Office). In extreme cases, very little or no warning is given to asylum seekers who are taken into detention, and so-called ‘dawn raids’ have been organised in order to exploit an element of surprise in the introduction of asylum seekers to detention (Burnett). A second source of forced mobility associated with Removal Centres is the transfer of detainees from one Removal Centre to another for a variety of reasons, from the practical constraints imposed by the capacities of various centres, to differences in the conditions of centres themselves, which are used to form a reward and sanction mechanism among the detainee population (Hayter; Granville-Chapman). Intra-detention estate transfers have increased in scope and significance in recent years: in 2004/5, the most recent financial year for which figures are available, the British government spent over £6.5 million simply moving detainees from one secure facility to another within the UK (Hansard, 2005; 2006).Outside incarceration, a third source of spatial disruption of asylum seekers in the UK concerns their relationship with accommodation providers. Housing is provided to asylum seekers as they await a decision on their claim, but this housing is provided on a ‘no-choice’ basis, meaning that asylum seekers who are not prepared to travel to the accommodation that is allocated to them will forfeit their right to accommodation (Schuster). In other words, accommodation is contingent upon asylum seekers’ willingness to be mobile, producing a direct trade-off between the attractions of accommodation and stillness. The rationale for this “dispersal policy”, is to draw asylum seekers away from London, where the majority of asylum seekers chose to reside before 2000. The maintenance of a diverse portfolio of housing across the UK is resource intensive, with the re-negotiation of housing contracts worth over a £1 billion a constant concern (Noble et al). As these contracts are renegotiated, asylum seekers are expected to move in response to the varying affordability of housing around the country. In parallel to the system of deportee movements within the detention estate therefore, a comparable system of movement of asylum seekers around the UK in response to urban and regional housing market conditions also operates. Stillness as SanctuaryIn all three cases, the psychological stress that movement of asylum seekers can cause is significant. Within detention, according to a series of government reports into the conditions of removal centres, one of the recurring difficulties facing incarcerated asylum seekers is incomprehension of their legal status (e.g. HMIP 2002; 2008). This, coupled with very short warning of impending movements, results in widespread anxiety among detained asylum seekers that they may be deported or transferred imminently. Outside detention, the fear of snatch squads of police officers, or alternatively the fear of hate crimes against asylum seekers (Tyler), render movement in the public realm a dangerous practice in the eyes of many marginalised migrants. The degree of uncertainty and the mental and emotional demands of relocation introduced through forced mobility can have a damaging psychological effect upon an already vulnerable population. Expressing his frustration at this particular implication of the movement of detainees, one activist who had provided sanctuary to over 20 asylum seekers in his community outlined some of the consequences of onward movement.The number of times I’ve had to write panic letters saying you know you cannot move this person to the other end of the country because it destabilises them in terms of their mental health and it is abusive. […] Their solicitors are here, they’re in process, in legal process, they’ve got a community, they’ve got friends, they may even have a partner or a child here and they would still move them.The association between governance, mobility and trepidation highlights one characteristic of stillness in the asylum seeking field: in contra-distinction to the risk associated with movement, to be still is very often to be safe. Given the necessity to flee violence in origin countries and the tendency for destination country governments to require constant re-positioning, often backed-up with the threat of force, stillness comes to be viewed as offering a sort of sanctuary. Indeed, the Independent Asylum Commission charity that has conducted a series of reviews of asylum seekers’ treatment in the UK (Hobson et al.), has recently suggested dispensing with the term ‘asylum’ in favour of ‘sanctuary’ precisely because of the positive associations with security and stability that the latter provides. To be in one place for a sustained period allows networks of human trust and reciprocity to develop which can form the basis of supportive community relationships. Another activist who had accompanied many asylum seekers through the legal process spoke passionately about the functions that communities can serve in asylum seekers’ lives.So you actually become substitute family […] I think it’s what helps people in the midst of trauma when the future is uncertain […] to find a community which values them, which accepts them, which listens to them, where they can begin to find a place and touch a creative life again which they may not have had for years: it’s enormously important.There is a danger in romanticising the benefits of community (Joseph). Indeed, much of the racism and xenophobia directed towards asylum seekers has been the result of local community hostilities towards different national and ethnic groups (Boswell). For many asylum seekers, however, the reciprocal relations found in communities are crucially important to their well-being. What is more, the inclusion of asylum seekers into communities is one of the most effective anti-state and anti-deportation strategies available to activists and asylum seekers alike (Tyler), because it arrests the process of anonymising and cordoning asylum seekers as an homogenous group, providing instead a chance for individuals to cast off this label in favour of more ‘humane’ characteristics: families, learning, friendship, love.Strategies for StillnessFor this reason, the pursuit of stillness among asylum seekers is both a human and political response to their situations – stillness becomes a metric in the struggle between abject migrants and the state. Crucial to this political function is the complex relationship between stillness and social visibility: if an asylum seeker can command their own stillness then they can also have greater influence over their public profile, either in order to develop it or to become less conspicuous.Tyler argues that asylum seekers are what she calls a ‘hypervisible’ social group, referring to the high profile association between a fictional, dehumanised asylum seeking figure and a range of defamatory characteristics circulated by the popular printed press. Stillness can be used to strategically reduce this imposed form of hypervisibility, and to raise awareness of real asylum seeker stories and situations. This is achieved by building community coalitions, which require physically and socially settled asylum seeking families and communities. Asylum advocacy groups and local community support networks work together in the UK in order to generate a genuine public profile of asylum seekers by utilising local and national newspapers, staging public demonstrations, delivering speeches, attending rallies and garnering support among local organisations through art exhibitions, performances and debates. Some activist networks specialise explicitly in supporting asylum seekers in these endeavours, and sympathetic networks of journalists, lawyers, doctors and radio producers combine their expertise with varying degrees of success.These sorts of strategies can produce strong loyalties between local communities and the asylum seekers in their midst, precisely because, through their co-presence, asylum seekers cease to be merely asylum seekers, but become active and valued members of communities. One activist who had helped to organise the protection of an asylum seeker in a church described some of the preparations that had been made for the arrival of immigration task forces in her middle class parish.There were all sorts of things we practiced: if they did break through the door what would we do? We set up a telephone tree so that each person would phone two or three people. We had I don’t know how many cars outside. We arranged a safe house, where we would hide her. We practiced getting her out of the room into a car […] We were expecting them to come at any time. We always had people at the back […] guarding, looking at strangers who might be around and [name] was never, ever allowed to be on her own without a whole group of people completely surrounding her so she could feel safe and we would feel safe. Securing stillness here becomes more than simply an operation to secure geographic fixity: it is a symbolic struggle between state and community, crystallising in specific tactics of spatial and temporal arrangement. It reflects the fear of further forced movement, the abiding association between stillness and safety, and the complex relationship between community visibility and an ability to remain still.There are, nevertheless, drawbacks to these tactics that suggest a very different relationship between stillness and visibility. Juries can be alienated by loud tactics of activism, meaning that asylum seekers can damage their chances of a sympathetic legal hearing if they have had too high a profile. Furthermore, many asylum seekers do not have the benefits of such a dedicated community. An alternative way in which stillness becomes political is through its ability to render invisible the abject body. Invisibility is taken to mean the decision to ‘go underground’, miss the appointments at local police stations and attempt to anticipate the movements of immigration removal enforcement teams. Perversely, although this is a strategy for stillness at the national or regional scale, mobile strategies are often employed at finer scales in order to achieve this objective. Asylum seekers sometimes endure extremely precarious and difficult conditions of housing and subsistence moving from house to house regularly or sleeping and living in cars in order to avoid detection by authorities.This strategy is difficult because it involves a high degree of uncertainty, stress and reliance upon the goodwill of others. One police officer outlined the situation facing many ‘invisible’ asylum seekers as one of poverty and desperation:Immigration haven’t got a clue where they are, they just can’t find them because they’re sofa surfing, that’s living in peoples coffee shops … I see them in the coffee shop and they come up and they’re bloody starving! Despite the difficulties associated with this form of invisibility, it is estimated that this strategy is becoming increasingly common in the UK. In 2006 the Red Cross estimated that there were some 36 000 refused and destitute asylum seekers in England, up from 25 000 the previous year, and reported that their organisation was having to provide induction tours of soup kitchens and night shelters in order to alleviate the conditions of many claimants in these situations (Taylor and Muir). Conclusion The case of asylum seekers in the UK illustrates the multiple, contradictory and splintered character of stillness. While some forms of governance impose stillness upon asylum seeking bodies, in the form of incarceration and ‘signing in’ requirements, other forms of governance impose mobility either within detention or outside it. Consequently stillness figures in the responses of asylum seeking communities in various ways. Given the unwelcome within-country movement of asylum seekers, and adding to this the initial fact of their forced migration from their home countries, the condition of stillness becomes desirable, promising to bring with it stability and safety. These promises contrast the psychological disruption that further mobility, and even the threat of further mobility, can bring about. This illustrates the affectual qualities both of movement and of stillness in the asylum-seeking context. Literal stillness is associated with social and emotional stability that complicates the distinction between real and emotional spaces. While this is certainly not the case uniformly – incarceration and inhibited personal liberties have opposite consequences – the promises of stillness in terms of stability and sanctuary are clearly significant because this desirability leads asylum advocates and asylum seekers to execute a range of political strategies that seek to ensure stillness, either through enhanced or reduced forms of social visibility.The association of mobility with freedom that typifies much of the literature surrounding mobility needs closer inspection. At least in some situations, asylum seekers pursue geographical stillness for the political and psychological benefits it can offer, while mobility is both employed as a subjugating strategy by states and is itself actively resisted by those who constitute its targets.ReferencesBack, Les, Bernadette Farrell and Erin Vandermaas. A Humane Service for Global Citizens. London: South London Citizens, 2005.Bacon, Christine. 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Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)We need to get some broad-based support, to capture the public’s imagination … so we have to offer up scary scenarios, make simplified, dramatic statements and make little mention of any doubts … each of us has to decide what the right balance is between being effective and being honest (Hulme 347). Acclaimed climate scientist, the late Stephen Schneider, made this comment in 1988. Later he regretted it and said that there are ways of using metaphors that can “convey both urgency and uncertainty” (Hulme 347). What Schneider encapsulates here is the great conundrum for those attempting to communicate climate change to the everyday public. How do scientists capture the public’s imagination and convey the desperation they feel about climate change, but do it ethically? If scientific findings are presented carefully, in boring technical jargon that few can understand, then they are unlikely to attract audiences or provide an impetus for behavioural change. “What can move someone to act?” asks communication theorists Susan Moser and Lisa Dilling (37). “If a red light blinks on in a cockpit” asks Donella Meadows, “should the pilot ignore it until in speaks in an unexcited tone? … Is there any way to say [it] sweetly? Patiently? If one did, would anyone pay attention?” (Moser and Dilling 37). In 2010 Tim Flannery was appointed Panasonic Chair in Environmental Sustainability at Macquarie University. His main teaching role remains within the new science communication programme. One of the first things Flannery was emphatic about was acquainting students with Karl Popper and the origin of the scientific method. “There is no truth in science”, he proclaimed in his first lecture to students “only theories, hypotheses and falsifiabilities”. In other words, science’s epistemological limits are framed such that, as Michael Lemonick argues, “a statement that cannot be proven false is generally not considered to be scientific” (n.p., my emphasis). The impetus for the following paper emanates precisely from this issue of scientific uncertainty — more specifically from teaching a course with Tim Flannery called Communicating climate change to a highly motivated group of undergraduate science communication students. I attempt to illuminate how uncertainty is constructed differently by different groups and that the “public” does not necessarily interpret uncertainty in the same way the sciences do. This paper also analyses how doubt has been politicised and operates polemically in media coverage of climate change. As Andrew Gorman-Murray and Gordon Waitt highlight in an earlier issue of M/C Journal that focused on the climate-culture nexus, an understanding of the science alone is not adequate to deal with the cultural change necessary to address the challenges climate change brings (n.p). Far from being redundant in debates around climate change, the humanities have much to offer. Erosion of Trust in Science The objectives of Macquarie’s science communication program are far more ambitious than it can ever hope to achieve. But this is not necessarily a bad thing. The initiative is a response to declining student numbers in maths and science programmes around the country and is designed to address the perceived lack of communication skills in science graduates that the Australian Council of Deans of Science identified in their 2001 report. According to Macquarie Vice Chancellor Steven Schwartz’s blog, a broader, and much more ambitious aim of the program is to “restore public trust in science and scientists in the face of widespread cynicism” (n.p.). In recent times the erosion of public trust in science was exacerbated through the theft of e-mails from East Anglia University’s Climate Research Unit and the so-called “climategate scandal” which ensued. With the illegal publication of the e-mails came claims against the Research Unit that climate experts had been manipulating scientific data to suit a pro-global warming agenda. Three inquiries later, all the scientists involved were cleared of any wrongdoing, however the damage had already been done. To the public, what this scandal revealed was a certain level of scientific hubris around the uncertainties of the science and an unwillingness to explain the nature of these uncertainties. The prevailing notion remained that the experts were keeping information from public scrutiny and not being totally honest with them, which at least in the short term, damaged the scientists’s credibility. Many argued that this signalled a shift in public opinion and media portrayal on the issue of climate change in late 2009. University of Sydney academic, Rod Tiffen, claimed in the Sydney Morning Herald that the climategate scandal was “one of the pivotal moments in changing the politics of climate change” (n.p). In Australia this had profound implications and meant that the bipartisan agreement on an emissions trading scheme (ETS) that had almost been reached, subsequently collapsed with (climate sceptic) Tony Abbott's defeat of (ETS advocate) Malcolm Turnbull to become opposition leader (Tiffen). Not long after the reputation of science received this almighty blow, albeit unfairly, the federal government released a report in February 2010, Inspiring Australia – A national strategy for engagement with the sciences as part of the country’s innovation agenda. The report outlines a commitment from the Australian government and universities around the country to address the challenges of not only communicating science to the broader community but, in the process, renewing public trust and engagement in science. The report states that: in order to achieve a scientifically engaged Australia, it will be necessary to develop a culture where the sciences are recognized as relevant to everyday life … Our science institutions will be expected to share their knowledge and to help realize full social, economic, health and environmental benefits of scientific research and in return win ongoing public support. (xiv-xv) After launching the report, Innovation Minister Kim Carr went so far as to conflate “hope” with “science” and in the process elevate a discourse of technological determinism: “it’s time for all true friends of science to step up and defend its values and achievements” adding that, "when you denigrate science, you destroy hope” (n.p.). Forever gone is our naïve post-war world when scientists were held in such high esteem that they could virtually use humans as guinea pigs to test out new wonder chemicals; such as organochlorines, of which DDT is the most widely known (Carson). Thanks to government-sponsored nuclear testing programs, if you were born in the 1950s, 1960s or early 1970s, your brain carries a permanent nuclear legacy (Flannery, Here On Earth 158). So surely, for the most part, questioning the authority and hubristic tendencies of science is a good thing. And I might add, it’s not just scientists who bear this critical burden, the same scepticism is directed towards journalists, politicians and academics alike – something that many cultural theorists have noted is characteristic of our contemporary postmodern world (Lyotard). So far from destroying hope, as the former Innovation Minister Kim Carr (now Minister for Innovation, Industry, Science and Research) suggests, surely we need to use the criticisms of science as a vehicle upon which to initiate hope and humility. Different Ways of Knowing: Bayesian Beliefs and Matters of Concern At best, [science] produces a robust consensus based on a process of inquiry that allows for continued scrutiny, re-examination, and revision. (Oreskes 370) In an attempt to capitalise on the Macquarie Science Faculty’s expertise in climate science, I convened a course in second semester 2010 called SCOM201 Science, Media, Community: Communicating Climate Change, with invaluable assistance from Penny Wilson, Elaine Kelly and Liz Morgan. Mike Hulme’s provocative text, Why we disagree about climate change: Understanding controversy, inaction and opportunity provided an invaluable framework for the course. Hulme’s book brings other types of knowledge, beyond the scientific, to bear on our attitudes towards climate change. Climate change, he claims, has moved from being just a physical, scientific, and measurable phenomenon to becoming a social and cultural phenomenon. In order to understand the contested nature of climate change we need to acknowledge the dynamic and varied meanings climate has played in different cultures throughout history as well as the role that our own subjective attitudes and judgements play. Climate change has become a battleground between different ways of knowing, alternative visions of the future, competing ideas about what’s ethical and what’s not. Hulme makes the point that one of the reasons that we disagree about climate change is because we disagree about the role of science in today’s society. He encourages readers to use climate change as a tool to rigorously question the basis of our beliefs, assumptions and prejudices. Since uncertainty was the course’s raison d’etre, I was fortunate to have an extraordinary cohort of students who readily engaged with a course that forced them to confront their own epistemological limits — both personally and in a disciplinary sense. (See their blog: https://scom201.wordpress.com/). Science is often associated with objective realities. It thus tends to distinguish itself from the post-structuralist vein of critique that dominates much of the contemporary humanities. At the core of post-structuralism is scepticism about everyday, commonly accepted “truths” or what some call “meta-narratives” as well as an acknowledgement of the role that subjectivity plays in the pursuit of knowledge (Lyotard). However if we can’t rely on objective truths or impartial facts then where does this leave us when it comes to generating policy or encouraging behavioural change around the issue of climate change? Controversial philosophy of science scholar Bruno Latour sits squarely in the post-structuralist camp. In his 2004 article, “Why has critique run out of steam? From matters of fact to matters of concern”, he laments the way the right wing has managed to gain ground in the climate change debate through arguing that uncertainty and lack of proof is reason enough to deny demands for action. Or to use his turn-of-phrase, “dangerous extremists are using the very same argument of social construction to destroy hard-won evidence that could save our lives” (Latour n.p). Through co-opting (the Left’s dearly held notion of) scepticism and even calling themselves “climate sceptics”, they exploited doubt as a rationale for why we should do nothing about climate change. Uncertainty is not only an important part of science, but also of the human condition. However, as sociologist Sheila Jasanoff explains in her Nature article, “Technologies of Humility”, uncertainty has become like a disease: Uncertainty has become a threat to collective action, the disease that knowledge must cure. It is the condition that poses cruel dilemmas for decision makers; that must be reduced at all costs; that is tamed with scenarios and assessments; and that feeds the frenzy for new knowledge, much of it scientific. (Jasanoff 33) If we move from talking about climate change as “a matter of fact” to “a matter of concern”, argues Bruno Latour, then we can start talking about useful ways to combat it, rather than talking about whether the science is “in” or not. Facts certainly matter, claims Latour, but they can’t give us the whole story, rather “they assemble with other ingredients to produce a matter of concern” (Potter and Oster 123). Emily Potter and Candice Oster suggest that climate change can’t be understood through either natural or cultural frames alone and, “unlike a matter of fact, matters of concern cannot be explained through a single point of view or discursive frame” (123). This makes a lot of what Hulme argues far more useful because it enables the debate to be taken to another level. Those of us with non-scientific expertise can centre debates around the kinds of societies we want, rather than being caught up in the scientific (un)certainties. If we translate Latour’s concept of climate change being “a matter of concern” into the discourse of environmental management then what we come up with, I think, is the “precautionary principle”. In the YouTube clip, “Stephen Schneider vs Skeptics”, Schneider argues that when in doubt about the potential environmental impacts of climate change, we should always apply the precautionary principle. This principle emerged from the UN conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 and concerns the management of scientific risk. However its origins are evident much earlier in documents such as the “Use of Pesticides” from US President’s Science Advisory Committee in 1962. Unlike in criminal and other types of law where the burden of proof is on the prosecutor to show that the person charged is guilty of a particular offence, in environmental law the onus of proof is on the manufacturers to demonstrate the safety of their product. For instance, a pesticide should be restricted or disproved for use if there is “reasonable doubt” about its safety (Oreskes 374). Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development in 1992 has its foundations in the precautionary principle: “Where there are threats of serious or irreversible environmental damage, lack of full scientific certainty should not be used as a reason for postponing measures to prevent environmental degradation” (n.p). According to Environmental Law Online, the Rio declaration suggests that, “The precautionary principle applies where there is a ‘lack of full scientific certainty’ – that is, when science cannot say what consequences to expect, how grave they are, or how likely they are to occur” (n.p.). In order to make predictions about the likelihood of an event occurring, scientists employ a level of subjectivity, or need to “reveal their degree of belief that a prediction will turn out to be correct … [S]omething has to substitute for this lack of certainty” otherwise “the only alternative is to admit that absolutely nothing is known” (Hulme 85). These statements of “subjective probabilities or beliefs” are called Bayesian, after eighteenth century English mathematician Sir Thomas Bayes who developed the theory of evidential probability. These “probabilities” are estimates, or in other words, subjective, informed judgements that draw upon evidence and experience about the likelihood of event occurring. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) uses Bayesian beliefs to determine the risk or likelihood of an event occurring. The IPCC provides the largest international scientific assessment of climate change and often adopts a consensus model where viewpoint reached by the majority of scientists is used to establish knowledge amongst an interdisciplinary community of scientists and then communicate it to the public (Hulme 88). According to the IPCC, this consensus is reached amongst more than more than 450 lead authors, more than 800 contributing authors, and 2500 scientific reviewers. While it is an advisory body and is not policy-prescriptive, the IPCC adopts particular linguistic conventions to indicate the probability of a statement being correct. Stephen Schneider convinced the IPCC to use this approach to systemise uncertainty (Lemonick). So for instance, in the IPCC reports, the term “likely” denotes a chance of 66%-90% of the statement being correct, while “very likely” denotes more than a 90% chance. Note the change from the Third Assessment Report (2001), indicating that “most of the observed warming in over the last fifty years is likely to have been due to the increase in greenhouse gas emissions” to the Fourth Assessment (February 2007) which more strongly states: “Most of the observed increase in global average temperatures since the mid twentieth century is very likely due to the observed increase in anthropogenic greenhouse gas concentrations” (Hulme 51, my italics). A fiery attack on Tim Flannery by Andrew Bolt on Steve Price’s talkback radio show in June 2010 illustrates just how misunderstood scientific uncertainty is in the broader community. When Price introduces Flannery as former Australian of the Year, Bolt intercedes, claiming Flannery is “Alarmist of the Year”, then goes on to chastise Flannery for making various forecasts which didn’t eventuate, such as that Perth and Brisbane might run out of water by 2009. “How much are you to blame for the swing in sentiment, the retreat from global warming policy and rise of scepticism?” demands Bolt. In the context of the events of late 2009 and early 2010, the fact that these events didn’t materialise made Flannery, and others, seem unreliable. And what Bolt had to say on talkback radio, I suspect, resonated with a good proportion of its audience. What Bolt was trying to do was discredit Flannery’s scientific credentials and in the process erode trust in the expert. Flannery’s response was to claim that, what he said was that these events might eventuate. In much the same way that the climate sceptics have managed to co-opt scepticism and use it as a rationale for inaction on climate change, Andrew Bolt here either misunderstands basic scientific method or quite consciously misleads and manipulates the public. As Naomi Oreskes argues, “proof does not play the role in science that most people think it does (or should), and therefore it cannot play the role in policy that skeptics demand it should” (Oreskes 370). Doubt and ‘Situated’ Hope Uncertainty and ambiguity then emerge here as resources because they force us to confront those things we really want–not safety in some distant, contested future but justice and self-understanding now. (Sheila Jasanoff, cited in Hulme, back cover) In his last published book before his death in mid-2010, Science as a contact sport, Stephen Schneider’s advice to aspiring science communicators is that they should engage with the media “not at all, or a lot”. Climate scientist Ann Henderson-Sellers adds that there are very few scientists “who have the natural ability, and learn or cultivate the talents, of effective communication with and through the media” (430). In order to attract the public’s attention, it was once commonplace for scientists to write editorials and exploit fear-provoking measures by including a “useful catastrophe or two” (Moser and Dilling 37). But are these tactics effective? Susanne Moser thinks not. She argues that “numerous studies show that … fear may change attitudes … but not necessarily increase active engagement or behaviour change” (Moser 70). Furthermore, risk psychologists argue that danger is always context specific (Hulme 196). If the risk or danger is “situated” and “tangible” (such as lead toxicity levels in children in Mt Isa from the Xstrata mine) then the public will engage with it. However if it is “un-situated” (distant, intangible and diffuse) like climate change, the audience is less likely to. In my SCOM201 class we examined the impact of two climate change-related campaigns. The first one was a short film used to promote the 2010 Copenhagen Climate Change Summit (“Scary”) and the second was the State Government of Victoria’s “You have the power: Save Energy” public awareness campaign (“You”). Using Moser’s article to guide them, students evaluated each campaign’s effectiveness. Their conclusions were that the “You have the power” campaign had far more impact because it a) had very clear objectives (to cut domestic power consumption) b) provided a very clear visualisation of carbon dioxide through the metaphor of black balloons wafting up into the atmosphere, c) gave viewers a sense of empowerment and hope through describing simple measures to cut power consumption and, d) used simple but effective metaphors to convey a world progressed beyond human control, such as household appliances robotically operating themselves in the absence of humans. Despite its high production values, in comparison, the Copenhagen Summit promotion was more than ineffective and bordered on propaganda. It actually turned viewers off with its whining, righteous appeal of, “please help the world”. Its message and objectives were ambiguous, it conveyed environmental catastrophe through hackneyed images, exploited children through a narrative based on fear and gave no real sense of hope or empowerment. In contrast the Victorian Government’s campaign focused on just one aspect of climate change that was made both tangible and situated. Doubt and uncertainty are productive tools in the pursuit of knowledge. Whether it is scientific or otherwise, uncertainty will always be the motivation that “feeds the frenzy for new knowledge” (Jasanoff 33). Articulating the importance of Hulme’s book, Sheila Jasanoff indicates we should make doubt our friend, “Without downplaying its seriousness, Hulme demotes climate change from ultimate threat to constant companion, whose murmurs unlock in us the instinct for justice and equality” (Hulme back cover). The “murmurs” that Jasanoff gestures to here, I think, can also be articulated as hope. And it is in this discussion of climate change that doubt and hope sit side-by-side as bedfellows, mutually entangled. Since the “failed” Copenhagen Summit, there has been a distinct shift in climate change discourse from “experts”. We have moved away from doom and gloom discourses and into the realm of what I shall call “situated” hope. “Situated” hope is not based on blind faith alone, but rather hope grounded in evidence, informed judgements and experience. For instance, in distinct contrast to his cautionary tale The Weather Makers: The History & Future Impact of Climate Change, Tim Flannery’s latest book, Here on Earth is a biography of our Earth; a planet that throughout its history has oscillated between Gaian and Medean impulses. However Flannery’s wonder about the natural world and our potential to mitigate the impacts of climate change is not founded on empty rhetoric but rather tempered by evidence; he presents a series of case studies where humanity has managed to come together for a global good. Whether it’s the 1987 Montreal ban on CFCs (chlorinated fluorocarbons) or the lesser-known 2001 Stockholm Convention on POP (Persistent Organic Pollutants), what Flannery envisions is an emerging global civilisation, a giant, intelligent super-organism glued together through social bonds. He says: If that is ever achieved, the greatest transformation in the history of our planet would have occurred, for Earth would then be able to act as if it were as Francis Bacon put it all those centuries ago, ‘one entire, perfect living creature’. (Here on Earth, 279) While science might give us “our most reliable understanding of the natural world” (Oreskes 370), “situated” hope is the only productive and ethical currency we have. ReferencesAustralian Council of Deans of Science. What Did You Do with Your Science Degree? A National Study of Employment Outcomes for Science Degree Holders 1990-2000. Melbourne: Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Melbourne, 2001. Australian Government Department of Innovation, Industry, Science and Research, Inspiring Australia – A National Strategy for Engagement with the Sciences. Executive summary. Canberra: DIISR, 2010. 24 May 2010 ‹http://www.innovation.gov.au/SCIENCE/INSPIRINGAUSTRALIA/Documents/InspiringAustraliaSummary.pdf›. “Andrew Bolt with Tim Flannery.” Steve Price. Hosted by Steve Price. Melbourne: Melbourne Talkback Radio, 2010. 9 June 2010 ‹http://www.mtr1377.com.au/index2.php?option=com_newsmanager&task=view&id=6209›. Carson, Rachel. Silent Spring. London: Penguin, 1962 (2000). Carr, Kim. “Celebrating Nobel Laureate Professor Elizabeth Blackburn.” Canberra: DIISR, 2010. 19 Feb. 2010 ‹http://minister.innovation.gov.au/Carr/Pages/CELEBRATINGNOBELLAUREATEPROFESSORELIZABETHBLACKBURN.aspx›. Environmental Law Online. “The Precautionary Principle.” N.d. 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.envirolaw.org.au/articles/precautionary_principle›. Flannery, Tim. The Weather Makers: The History & Future Impact of Climate Change. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2005. ———. Here on Earth: An Argument for Hope. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2010. Gorman-Murray, Andrew, and Gordon Waitt. “Climate and Culture.” M/C Journal 12.4 (2009). 9 Mar 2011 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/184/0›. Harrison, Karey. “How ‘Inconvenient’ Is Al Gore’s Climate Change Message?” M/C Journal 12.4 (2009). 9 Mar 2011 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/175›. Henderson-Sellers, Ann. “Climate Whispers: Media Communication about Climate Change.” Climatic Change 40 (1998): 421–456. Hulme, Mike. Why We Disagree about Climate Change: Understanding, Controversy, Inaction and Opportunity. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2009. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. A Picture of Climate Change: The Current State of Understanding. 2007. 11 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/press-ar4/ipcc-flyer-low.pdf›. Jasanoff, Sheila. “Technologies of Humility.” Nature 450 (2007): 33. Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30.2 (2004). 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://criticalinquiry.uchicago.edu/issues/v30/30n2.Latour.html›. Lemonick, Michael D. “Climate Heretic: Judith Curry Turns on Her Colleagues.” Nature News 1 Nov. 2010. 9 Mar 2011 ‹http://www.nature.com/news/2010/101101/full/news.2010.577.html›. Lyotard, Jean-Francois. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984. Moser, Susanne, and Lisa Dilling. “Making Climate Hot: Communicating the Urgency and Challenge of Global Climate Change.” Environment 46.10 (2004): 32-46. Moser, Susie. “More Bad News: The Risk of Neglecting Emotional Responses to Climate Change Information.” In Susanne Moser and Lisa Dilling (eds.), Creating a Climate for Change: Communicating Climate Change and Facilitating Social Change. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. 64-81. Oreskes, Naomi. “Science and Public Policy: What’s Proof Got to Do with It?” Environmental Science and Policy 7 (2004): 369-383. Potter, Emily, and Candice Oster. “Communicating Climate Change: Public Responsiveness and Matters of Concern.” Media International Australia 127 (2008): 116-126. President’s Science Advisory Committee. “Use of Pesticides”. Washington, D.C.: The White House, 1963. United Nations Declaration on Environment and Development. Rio de Janeiro, 1992. 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=78&ArticleID=1163›. “Scary Global Warming Propaganda Video Shown at the Copenhagen Climate Meeting – 7 Dec. 2009.” YouTube. 21 Mar. 2011‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jzSuP_TMFtk&feature=related›. Schneider, Stephen. Science as a Contact Sport: Inside the Battle to Save Earth’s Climate. National Geographic Society, 2010. ———. “Stephen Schneider vs. the Sceptics”. YouTube. 21 Mar. 2011 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7rj1QcdEqU0›. Schwartz, Steven. “Science in Search of a New Formula.” 2010. 20 May 2010 ‹http://www.vc.mq.edu.au/blog/2010/03/11/science-in-search-of-a-new-formula/›. Tiffen, Rodney. "You Wouldn't Read about It: Climate Scientists Right." Sydney Morning Herald 26 July 2010. 19 Jan 2011 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/environment/climate-change/you-wouldnt-read-about-it-climate-scientists-right-20100727-10t5i.html›. “You Have the Power: Save Energy.” YouTube. 21 Mar. 2011 ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SCiS5k_uPbQ›.

Magic and art are products of human connection with the universe, offering answers to questions of meaning and working in interstices between fiction and reality. Magic can and does permeate all forms of media and is depicted as both entertaining and dangerous, as shaping world views, and as practised by a vast array of individuals and groups across cultures. Creative practices in cinema, radio, and installation art suggest that deceptive illusions created through magic techniques can be an effective means of creating compelling and engaging media experiences. It is not surprising, then, that in contemporary art forms involving mixed media and mixed (or augmented) reality the study of magic can offer valuable insights into how technologies mediate audience experiences and how artists can manipulate audience perceptions. Despite art often being described as ‘magical’ (Jones; Charlesworth), there is limited scholarly research applying the philosophical and socio-cultural construct of magic to contemporary art, leaving much to explore with regard to the intersections between magic and art. Scholars and artists have instead preferred to draw from more established bodies of theory in theatre and performance studies (Laurel), cinema (Marsh), and narrative (Murray). This article hones in on that intersection by applying the understudied principles and techniques of magicians to the interpretation and analysis of artworks by Canadian artists Janet Cardiff and George Bures Miller. Making ‘magic’ here is not about the supernatural but refers to the refined practice of ‘doing tricks’, developed over thousands of years across many cultures. The aim of this article therefore is to introduce the reader to two interactive artworks through the lens of magic. Through these examples, we demonstrate the direct correlations between the principles of illusion in magic and media-based illusions in art, inviting the recognition of common ground between the equally niche spheres of magicians and contemporary artists. Cardiff and Miller are a well-known contemporary artist duo whose work exemplifies trends in audio-based performance work (Collins) and site specificity (Ross). However, their work is not generally analysed through the lens of magic. Here, we focus on it as ‘mixed reality’ art, specifically ‘augmented reality’ (in contrast to augmented virtuality), a concept that was defined by Milgram and Kishino as any case in which an otherwise real environment is ‘augmented’ by means of virtual (computer graphic) objects. Since the introduction of these terms—‘mixed reality’ and ‘augmented reality’—technologies have made many leaps across innumerable modes of media. Yet their distinction remains useful to categorise artworks and describe any mixed reality approaches that work towards “the existence of a combined pair of a real and virtual space”. In augmented reality, while “the visual as the dominant mode of perception and integration of real and virtual space” (Strauss, Fleischmann et al.), sound can be used for sensory immersion, and to play tricks on the minds of audiences. These distinctions are often critical in discussions of art, especially when “illusion plays a crucial role as it makes permeable the perceptual limit between the represented objects and the material spaces we inhabit” (Avram). Mixed reality artworks often make unique combinations of audio-visual elements, and sometimes activate other senses such as tactile and olfactory. In these works, artists use illusion to connect the embodied experience of the audience members to the electronically mediated experience of their design, which brings us back to magic. Introduction to Conjuring and Deception It is worthwhile to briefly visit the key principles of magic that most clearly tie together conjuring and mixed reality artworks: framing context, consistency, continuity, conviction, justification, surprise, and disguise. These principles are routinely used in combination by magicians to deceive audiences and are commonly referred to under the umbrella term of ‘misdirection’, defined as “that which directs the audience towards the effect and away from the method” (Lamont and Wiseman 3). Conjuring consists of “creating illusions of the impossible” (Nelms), which are comprised of a method (how the trick is achieved) and an effect (what the audience perceives). The principles that form the foundation of conjuring are centred on the creation of illusions in a theatrical context, either on stage or via close-up magic. Think of the famous genius pair of stage magicians Penn & Teller and their blockbuster magic competition television series Fool Us. Now research has revealed how these techniques can also be examined in a broader context than entertainment and across many scholarly disciplines. This research has occurred within the fields of cognitive science (Macknik et al.; Macknik & Martinez-Conde; Macknik, Martinez-Conde, et al.), psychology (Polidoro; Tatler and Kuhn) and interaction design (de Jongh Hepworth; Marchak; Tognazzini). These investigations demonstrate the significance and value of techniques drawn from conjuring across various fields. Indeed, as Macknik states, “there are specific cases in which the magician’s intuitive knowledge is superior to that of the neuroscientist” (Macknik, Mac King, et al.). A successful magic trick requires the audience to experience the effect while unaware of the method (Lamont and Wiseman). Examining the creation of illusions in terms of method and effect is not only applicable to conjuring but also resonates with other forms of media that rely on suspension of disbelief. For example, in the context of cinema, the audience should be engaged with the content on the screen rather than the presentation apparatus. In virtual environments, the aim of the developer is also generally to ensure that the user experiences the effect (immersion in the virtual world) while suppressing awareness of the medium (method). In conjuring, many approaches to deception rely on indirect reinforcement in which a situation is implied rather than stated. When magician and theorist Dariel Fitzkee describes conjuring, he suggests that implication is effective because it “seems to the spectator to be a voluntary decision on his part, uninfluenced by the magician. It is also stronger because such conclusions, reached in this manner, do not seem to be of particular importance to the performer” (97). Both these elements significantly increase conviction, reduce suspicion and are very relevant to the technique of ‘suspending disbelief’ often applied to cinema. Through suggestion, the filmmakers ensured that viewers who themselves had previously constructed a false frame would readily interpret the film document as authentic, so long as the experience did not drastically deviate from expectations. This form of deception is evident in two works by Cardiff and Miller that rely primarily on sound in careful combination with visual and spatial elements to create ambiguous elements that can make the audience question what is real and virtual. The Paradise Institute (Cardiff and Miller) and Walks (Cardiff 1991–2006) utilise the process of binaural recording whereby two microphones are placed inside the ears of a dummy head to convey realistic spatial sound simulations via headphone playback. Next, we look at these artworks as a mode of conjuring taking up methods and desired effects of the art of magic. The Paradise Institute The Paradise Institute was originally produced for the 2001 Canadian Pavilion at the Venice Biennale. The work draws on the language and experience of cinema, creating a film-like experience using the illusory principles of magic. To experience the work, viewers approach a simple plywood pavilion, mount a set of stairs, and enter. We first experienced The Paradise Institute at PS1 Gallery, New York in 2001. The first illusion in a series is that this tiny dimly lit interior, complete with red carpet and two rows of velvet-covered seats, is an actual theatre. Once seated, we peer over the balcony onto a miniature replica of a grand old movie theatre created with techniques of hyper-perspective (accentuated depth and extreme angles as in a theatre set). Then we put on the headphones provided, and the projection begins. Beyond the perceptual illusion of the theatre space itself, the primary illusionary device is sound design that combines audio from the fragmented narrative depicted on screen with simulated sounds from the theatre audience. This technique is analogous to offscreen sound in cinema (Davies). Several stories run simultaneously. There is the ‘visual film’ and its accompanying soundtrack; layered over this is the ‘aural action’ of a supposed audience. The film is a mix of genres: part noir, part thriller, part sci-fi, and part experimental. What is more particular about the installation is the personal binaural surround sound that every individual in the audience experiences through the headphones. The sense of isolation each person might feel is disrupted by intrusions seemingly coming from inside the theatre. A mobile phone belonging to a member of the audience rings. A close ‘female friend’ whispers intimately in your ear: “Did you check the stove before we left?” Fiction and reality become intermingled as absorption in the film is suspended, and other realities flow in. Not knowing what to believe, you hear a collage of sounds from the soundtrack of the film you are watching, as well as from people sitting beside you. Was that really a cell phone? At one point the characters you have watched on the screen are talking behind you. (Christov-Bakargiev and Cardiff 151) The multi-layered acoustic space combines chattering and rustling from the virtual audience members seated around you, characters from the film that are sporadically transported to the objective position of the audience, all co-existing with the soundtrack of the film itself. This complex layering of sound, combined with the live ambience, creates a mixed reality environment in which the various virtual elements constantly intrude upon the audience’s perception of reality. The artists conjure an audience and theatre which are not in fact there, but the illusion is so seamless, that your perception combines reality and mediated experience. One of the principles of effective illusions within magic is the capacity to reduce suspicion during the presentation. The work effectively achieves this through a variety of methods. The most compelling aspects of the deception are the intimate conversations and incidental sounds created by the virtual audience members, particularly those seated behind you (as the source cannot be immediately verified). You cannot see, feel, smell, or touch other audience members, but you can hear them. The content is perceived as familiar (therefore suspicion regarding its veracity is reduced), and even within the hyper-real context of the microcinema, irresistibly compelling. The mechanics of the work effectively support the illusion. The installation provides a controlled acoustic space, and volume levels can be precisely adjusted. The layered sound design further assists in masking deficiencies in the technical process in much the same manner as the use of atmospheres and music in a film soundtrack. These characteristics assist in establishing a palpable simulation of acoustic reality. In The Paradise Institute, rather than place the audience in a passive position in relation to their work, Cardiff and Miller use spatial sound as a means of active engagement: “I want people to be inside the filmic experience… I want the pieces to be disconcerting in several ways so that the audience can’t just forget about their bodies for the duration of their involvement, like we do in film” (Beil and Mari 78). Walks Janet Cardiff and George Bures Miller designed 24 audio and video walks between 1996 and 2019. Like magicians executing conjuring tricks, the artists use the affordances of electronic media to reveal an alternate reality. The walks, like conjuring tricks, manipulate your perceptions of reality through illusion. The walks are between five minutes and one hour long. As the artists write on their Website, the audio playback is layered with various background sounds all recorded in binaural audio which gives the feeling that those recorded sounds are present in the actual environment. In a video walk, viewers are provided with a video screen which they use to follow a film recorded in the past along the same route they are traversing in the present. Also using binaural microphones and edited to create a sense of continuous motion, the fictional world of the film blends seamlessly with the reality of the architecture and body in motion. The perceptive confusion is deepened by the dream-like narrative elements that occur in the pre-recorded film. Audience members are given a listening device and headphones at the beginning of the walk, similar to the experience of using an audio guide in a museum. At a predefined location, the audience member presses play and is guided by Cardiff’s voice narrating events that occur along a route through the physical environment. Instructions are integrated within a narrative soundscape that shapes the audiences’ perceptions of their immediate environment. The importance of this hybrid reality is highlighted by Cardiff’s own description of the work: “the sound of my footsteps, traffic, birds, and miscellaneous sound effects that have been pre-recorded on the same site as they are being heard … . The virtual recorded soundscape has to mimic the real physical one in order to create a new world as a seamless combination of the two” (Cardiff and Miller). All the walks are recorded as a spatially encoded binaural soundscape, created using microphones fitted to both ears of a mannequin. The intent is that the recording perfectly replicates the sensation of listening with two human ears. Listening back through headphones, the recording feels as ‘live’ as possible. During playback, the audience experiences the illusion of being in the same room as Cardiff’s voice and other sounds in the recording. They perceive a realistic multi-layered sonic environment comprised of the actual acoustic space they inhabit (via aural transparency of the headphones), artefacts from the same environment at a prior time, and narration provided by Cardiff’s voice, all interwoven with creative sound design. Unlike The Paradise Institute, audience members can adjust the playback level, and hence, the mix between the real and virtual elements. In other words, they may be able to hear the sound of their own footsteps or breathing in combination with the designed soundscape. Due to the intimate nature of the binaural recordings (and the timbre of Cardiff’s voice), the audience has the impression that Cardiff is present, an invisible co-traveller on the journey. The walks are successful magic tricks not only because of the perceptual realism of the sonic environments they represent but also because they are narrative-driven, propelling the audience through unknown spaces and stories. The audience, on the one hand, exists in a fictional world, while on the other hand they are placed in a paradoxical position of being at times uncertain if the sound they heard was present in physical reality or was a simulation. Discussion: Reframing Fiction as Fact in an Act of Magic These works indicate how the mechanics of the illusion (in this instance, spatial sound and visual trickery) combined with plausible virtual elements can effectively reframe an experience from a fictional simulation to fact. Even if the experience is clearly framed as fiction, the appropriate use of mechanics can present stimuli that are so compellingly real that they disrupt, even if momentarily, the way the audience interprets a mediated experience, whether it is constructed as a set (in the case of The Paradise Institute) or a streetscape (in the Walks). The conjuring trick at work here, as with The Paradise Institute, is multisensory reinforcement, “the way in which a spectator’s belief about specific matters central to the effect are reinforced” (Lamont and Wiseman 69). The audience’s suspicion may be reduced if each modality works in unison to advance the illusion. For instance, the visual representation of a virtual character is reinforced by corresponding sound, and their actions are further indicated via mechanical devices in physical space. Scholars argue that the more sensory inputs in the mediated experience, the higher the degree of perceptual realism, so long as “the information from various sources is globally consistent” (Christou and Parker 53). This is because “senses do not just provide information but also serve to confirm the ‘perceptions’ of other senses” (England 168). Multisensory integration occurs innately within the individual, and, as Macknik suggests, it “is an ongoing and dynamic property of your brain that occurs outside conscious awareness” (Macknik, Martinez-Conde, et al. 104). The multimodal nature of mixed reality experiences like Cardiff and Miller’s walks provide an example of magic applied in art. Audience members’ eyes and ears are activated, convincing their brains that fiction is reality. To be clear, the artworks discussed here are technically elegant but not overly complex or dependent on technology. This is consistent with magic acts whereby sometimes a deck of cards and a small table are the only props. In conjuring, for the most part, magicians rely on “little technology more complex than a rubber band, a square of black fabric or length of thread” (Steinmeyer 7). Identifying how the adaptability of magic can also be applied to media arts is integral to understanding its power. Effects of illusion can be achieved with relatively simple methods, such as binaural recording or hyper-perspective (not to undermine the skill in such acts of magic). As with a magician’s sleight-of-hand techniques (think of a playing card being perfectly hidden up a sleeve), an accomplished media artist also needs to use techniques of illusion flawlessly. In other words, rather than being device-centric, the principles of misdirection can be applied to suit a specific purpose but must be done skilfully. This is the very reason that Cardiff and Miller’s conjuring strategies are highly adaptive and highly successful. Conclusion: When Art Is Magic, We Are All Deceived What do these examples of magic in mixed reality artworks indicate? The works discussed draw from vast lineages of creative practice, including radio, cinema, installation, and locative media. They demonstrate that applying principles of magic to the design of artworks can create convincing mediated deceptions. They also demonstrate direct correlations between the principles of illusion in magic and media-based illusions in art. Even when an event is framed as fiction, the mechanics of the illusion could make the audience believe in an alternate reality, the very foundation of magic. Just as in conjuring, Cardiff and Miller’s tricks transform an experience into an illusion via elements of showmanship such as drama and atmosphere. 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