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Journal articles on the topic 'Evangelical revival'
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1
RITCHIE, DANIEL. "Transatlantic Delusions and Pro-slavery Religion: Isaac Nelson's Evangelical Abolitionist Critique of Revivalism in America and Ulster." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 3 (February 14, 2014): 757–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814000036.
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This article considers the arguments of one evangelical anti-slavery advocate in order to freshly examine the relationship between abolitionism and religious revivalism. Although it has often been thought that evangelicals were wholly supportive of revivals, the Reverend Isaac Nelson rejected the 1857–58 revival in the United States and the 1859 revival in Ulster partly owing to the link between these movements and pro-slavery religion. Nelson was no insignificant figure in Irish abolitionism, as his earlier efforts to promote emancipation through the Belfast Anti-Slavery Society, and in opposition to compromise in the Free Church of Scotland and at the Evangelical Alliance, received the approbation of various high-profile American abolitionists. Unlike other opponents of revivals, Nelson was not attacking them from a perspective which was heterodox or anti-evangelical. Hence his critique of revivalism is highly significant from both an evangelical and an abolitionist point of view. The article surveys Nelson's assessment of the link between revivalism and pro-slavery religion in America, before considering his specific complaints against the revival which occurred in 1857–58 and its Ulster counterpart the following year.
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Crawford, Michael J. "Origins of the Eighteenth-Century Evangelical Revival: England and New England Compared." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 361–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385896.
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Current interpretations of North America's first Great Awakening present a paradox. Historians commonly interpret the Great Awakening as part of the revival of evangelical piety that affected widely scattered elements of the Protestant world in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; however, studies of the Great Awakening have almost exclusively focused on the particular local circumstances in which the revival movements developed. Since historians of the Great Awakening have emphasized the peculiar circumstances of each of the regional manifestations, the Revival often appears in their writings to have been composed of several distinct movements separated in time, character, and cause and united only by superficial similarities. In contrast, to say that the local revival movements, despite their distinctive characteristics, were manifestations of a single larger movement is to imply that they shared the same general causes. If we suppose that the Great Awakening was part of the Evangelical Revival, our attempts to explain its origins should take into account those general causes.Two recent reconsiderations of the eighteenth-century revival movements in their broader context come to opposite conclusions. Jon Butler underscores the span of time over which the revivals occurred across the British colonies, their heterogeneous character from one region to the next, and the differences in cultural contexts in which they appeared. He concludes that “the prerevolutionary revivals should be understood primarily as regional events.” Although he sees the eighteenth-century American revivals as part of the long-term evangelical and pietistic reform movement in Western society, he denies any common, single, overwhelmingly important cause.
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Hinch, Jim. "A New African Revival Comes to Orange County." Boom 5, no. 4 (2015): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2015.5.4.44.
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In 2006, the evangelical Mariners megachurch in Orange County began to incorporate the teachings of Mavuno, an evangelical church in Nairobi, in its mission. Kenyan evangelicals have become leaders in Mariners, and Mariners members have travelled to Mavuno to learn from members there firsthand. This reversal of the standard missionary dynamic—where American Christians bring their style of religious practice to places such as Kenya—has had a profound impact on this suburban California religious community. In the last decade, Mariners has become more involved in its wider community–hosting a farmers market on the church grounds, donating to local charities, hosting intrafaith discussions, encouraging its members to take a more hands–on approach to charity, and becoming involved in political issues such as immigration reform.
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Clouse, Robert G., and W. R. Ward. "The Protestant Evangelical Revival." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (February 1994): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166182.
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Dyck, J. "Sergey Nikitovich Savinsky (1924-2021) and the Historical Self-Awareness of Evangelical Christians-Baptists." Russian Journal of Church History 2, no. 2 (July 19, 2021): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2021-61.
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The article presents biographical information about the first confessional historian of Russian Evangelical Christians-Baptists, S. N. Savinsky. He authored a number of chapters on the Russian-Ukrainian Evangelical-Baptist community in a book titled “History of Evangelical Christians-Baptists in the USSR” (1989), until that time the only book on the history of his own denomination published during Soviet times. Described is his work as member of the Historical Commission of the All-Union Council of the Evangelical Christians-Baptists. The article traces four trajectories of the worldwide evangelical revival into Russia: the late German Pietism, the North America revival movement, the influence of the worldwide Evangelical Alliance, and the early German Pietism. S. N. Savinsky basic concepts of evangelical revival and uniqueness of the Russian Evangelical-Baptist community are analyzed.
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Ritchie, Daniel. "The 1859 revival and its enemies: opposition to religious revivalism within Ulster Presbyterianism." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.1.
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AbstractThe evangelical revival of 1859 remains a pivotal event in the religious culture of Ulster Protestants owing to its legacy of widespread conversion, church renewal, and its role in shaping the pan-Protestantism of Ulster society that later opposed Irish home rule. Being part of a wider transatlantic movement of religious awakening, the 1859 revival was seen as the culmination of thirty years of evangelical renewal within Irish Presbyterianism. What has often been overlooked, however, is the fact that many aspects of the revival were deeply troubling to orthodox Presbyterians. Although most Ulster Presbyterians were largely supportive of the movement, an intellectually significant minority dissented from what they saw as its spectacular, doctrinal, liturgical, ecclesiological, and moral aberrations. Given 1859’s mythological status among Ulster evangelicals, it is normally assumed that all who opposed the revival were either religious formalists or those of heterodox doctrinal opinions. It will be argued that such an assumption is deeply misguided, and that the Presbyterian opponents of 1859 were motivated by zeal for confessional Reformed theology and Presbyterian church-order. By focusing on theologically conservative opposition to an ostensible evangelical and Calvinistic awakening, this article represents a significant contribution to the existing historiography of not only the Ulster revival but of religious revivalism more generally. It also helps us to understand the long-term evolution of Ulster Presbyterian belief and practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Miller, Eric C. "The Means of Revival." Journal of Communication and Religion 44, no. 4 (2021): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcr20214444.
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Throughout the second and third quarters of the nineteenth century, Charles Grandison Finney distinguished himself as the most successful evangelical preacher in the United States. Trained as a lawyer before converting to Christianity and its ministry, Finney came to the pulpit with a fiercely rational and accusatory style that placed demands upon his listeners. In formulating his appeal, Finney also fashioned an innovative Protestant theology that challenged New England Calvinism. After establishing that each sinner has the power to self-reform, he spread the message to audiences across the Northeast, sparking a series of revivals that made his reputation. In the 1830s, Finney was asked to explain his method from his New York City pulpit, and did so across twenty-two lectures that detailed his revival strategy. This essay employs Finney’s theory of individual conversion to examine his theory of mass revival, noting the essentially deliberative character of each and recognizing the lasting influence of both on evangelical life in the United States.
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Hammond, Geordan. "The Revival of Practical Christianity: the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Samuel Wesley, and the Clerical Society Movement." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003521.
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Reflecting on the early endeavours of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) following its establishment in 1699, John Chamberlayne, the Society’s secretary, confidently noted the ‘greater spirit of zeal and better face of Religion already visible throughout the Nation’. Although Chamberlayne clearly uses the language of revival, through the nineteenth century, many historians of the Evangelical Revival in Britain saw it as a ‘new’ movement arising in the 1730s with the advent of the evangelical preaching of the early Methodists, Welsh and English. Nineteenth-century historians often confidently propagated the belief that they lived in an age inherently superior to the unreformed eighteenth century. The view that the Church of England from the Restoration to the Evangelical Revival was dominated by Latitudinarian moralism leading to dead and formal religion has recently been challenged but was a regular feature of Victorian scholarship that has persisted in some recent work. The traditional tendency to highlight the perceived dichotomy between mainstream Anglicanism and the Revival has served to obscure areas of continuity such as the fact that Whitefield and the Wesleys intentionally addressed much of their early evangelistic preaching to like-minded brethren in pre-existing networks of Anglican religious societies and that Methodism thrived as a voluntary religious society. Scores of historians have refuted the Victorian propensity to assert the Revival’s independence from the Church of England.
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Nockles, Peter B. "The Oxford Movement as Religious Revival and Resurgence." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 214–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003600.
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It was ‘one of the most wonderful revivals in church history’, to be compared to the religious revival in the ‘days of Josiah towards the close of the Jewish monarchy’. This extravagant comment referred not to the Evangelical Revival of the eighteenth century, that paradigm of all religious revivals, but to something which the author, writing in 1912, characterized as ‘the Catholic Revival’.The idea of a revival or resurgence in either the individual soul or the life of the Church as a whole is as old as Christian history. Yet in the vast recent explosion of scholarship on the subject of religious revival, the term itself and whole framework of discussion continues to be applied primarily to Protestant Evangelicalism. While religious resurgence has not been tied to a specific theological or denominational tradition, religious revival (which is often classified in terms of a hierarchy of significance from ‘Awakenings’ downwards) and especially ‘revivalism’ (a term used to describe religious movements of enthusiasm) has tended to become synonymous with Evangelicalism.
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Fischer, Benjamin L. "A Novel Resistance: Mission Narrative as the Anti-Novel in the Evangelical Assault on British Culture." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001340.
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‘Their annual increase is counted by thousands; and they form a distinct people in the empire, having their peculiar laws and manners, a hierarchy, a costume, and even a physiognomy of their own’, wrote Robert Southey for the Quarterly Review in 1810, opening a balanced critique of what he called ‘the Evangelical Sects’. Leaders of the Evangelical Revival had taught in pulpit, pamphlet and periodical that to be truly Christian meant radical difference from others in society, even others professing faith; or, as Charles Simeon, the model and mentor for hundreds of Cambridge-educated evangelical ministers, stated it, ‘Christians are either nominal or real’. Following William Wilberforce’s urging in his Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians… Contrasted with Real Christianity, Evangelicals strove in their separate spheres to accomplish a social revolution by which the mores, values and social practices received from the eighteenth century would be overturned by normalizing evangelical values in society. While working in their individual vocations, Evangelicals were also cooperating, ‘linked in a single, if multiform, social and religious phenomenon’. As Southey’s comments indicate, even by 1810 their revolution was proving noticeably effective.
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RITCHIE, DANIEL. "William McIlwaine and the 1859 Revival in Ulster: A Study of Anglican and Evangelical Identities." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 65, no. 4 (September 11, 2014): 803–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913000602.
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The Evangelical awakening which took place in the province of Ulster during 1859 was one of the most important events in the religious history of the north of Ireland. Although it has received virtually uncritical acceptance by modern Evangelicals in Northern Ireland, few are aware that there was a significant minority of Evangelicals who dissented from offering the movement their wholehearted support. This article examines why one of nineteenth-century Belfast's most controversial Anglican clerics, the Revd William McIlwaine, was very critical of the movement. Not all critics were outright opponents of the revival, however. McIlwaine was one of the revival's moderate critics, who believed that it was partially good. Nevertheless, the awakening's physical manifestations and its impact on theology and church order deeply disturbed him. The article also explains why 1859 was a turning point in McIlwaine's ecclesiastical career, which saw him move from Evangelicalism to a moderate High Church position.
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Yoon, Young Hwi. "The Spread of Antislavery Sentiment through Proslavery Tracts in the Transatlantic Evangelical Community, 1740s–1770s." Church History 81, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 348–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712000637.
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In the history of the Atlantic antislavery movement, two events were of great importance: the Great Awakening and the American Revolution. In the 1730s and 1740s, many evangelicals stimulated by the religious revival, travelled to the opposite side of the Atlantic, preached the gospel, and published a number of books that contained their evangelical faith and ideals. Through these activities many evangelicals in Anglo-American communities shared common interests, faith, and ideology, and some found a channel of transatlantic communication in which they were able to debate the slavery issue. The American Revolution also contributed to creating an atmosphere of tension in the 1770s, in which antislavery sentiment became transformed into moral conviction. The development of this ideology can be explained by the spread of antipathy toward slavery in the Atlantic world before the Revolution. This essay focuses on the change in the evangelical mindset between these two religio-political events, asking: how did the antislavery sentiment spread through the transatlantic evangelical network from the 1740s into the 1770s?
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Lane, Belden C. "The Spirituality of the Evangelical Revival." Theology Today 43, no. 2 (July 1986): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368604300203.
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“As I look back now, the threshold experience of the revival has formed me more than I knew… These include a deep appreciation for anti-structure, for the incapacity of any fixed place or institution fully to contain the holy. They involve the expectation of being found by God in the disconcerting moments of transition and movement in my life, as well as of the discovery of the Holy Spirit on the margins of society… But I have learned also its limits… All my grandest heroes would never quite fulfill their promise. But I loved them nonetheless.”
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Gregory, Jeremy. "Transatlantic Anglican Networks, c.1680 – c.1770: Transplanting, Translating and Transforming the Church of England." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 14 (2012): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003896.
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In recent years, much historical interest has been paid to the evangelical (and often by extension the Nonconformist) international and transatlantic religious networks which communicated ideas and personnel from and to various parts of Britain, the Continent and North America during the eighteenth century. Historians of the Evangelical Revival have looked at individuals, most notably the dynamic and much-travelled George Whitefield, whose criss-crossing the Atlantic exemplified the international reach of the revival, and also at the many hundreds (perhaps thousands) of less colourful personalities who created, and moved through, the international evangelical world. In addition, attention has been given by Susan O’Brien (and others) to the vibrant publishing and book distribution networks which enabled the Evangelical Revival to have a truly international impact (mirroring – perhaps beating – the Enlightenment republic of letters). In particular, O’Brien has emphasized the ways in which the transatlantic movement of letters, books, pamphlets, tracts and journals was a vital way by which what David Hempton has recently termed the ‘Empire of the Spirit’ was able to expand.
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HOLMES, ANDREW R. "The Ulster Revival of 1859: Causes, Controversies and Consequences." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 3 (June 20, 2012): 488–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046910001120.
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The Protestant portion of the population of the north of Ireland experienced an extraordinary outburst of religious fervour in 1859. This article provides a critical overview of some of the interpretations of the revival offered by scholars and suggests a number of hitherto ignored themes under three headings: causes, controversies and consequences. The first section moves beyond questions of social and economic determinism to outline the sense of expectancy for revival that was created through the Evangelical reform movement amongst Presbyterians in the north of Ireland. The second considers the controversies of the revival, especially the various physical phenomena that accompanied some conversions, and the Evangelical critique of the revival offered by William McIlwaine and Isaac Nelson. The final section shows how the revival consolidated religious identities in Ulster and contributed to obscuring the dominance of conservative Evangelicalism within the Presbyterian Church.
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Vellenga, Sipco J. "The growth of the evangelical movement in the Netherlands : a fundamentalist revival?" Religion and Theology 2, no. 3 (1995): 240–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430195x00177.
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AbstractThe evangelical movement in the Netherlands has grown a lot in the past decades. This growth is a result of the increasing discontent of orthodox believers with the religious and moral climate within the mainline churches and the decreasing internal integration of these churches. The growth of the evangelical movement is also associated with the supply of the evangelical organisations, which is characterised by an orthodox Protestant message, a traditional morality, and a faith which is rooted in personal experience and which is relevant to everyday life. Finally the success of the evangelical movement is connected with the rational way of working of the evangelical organisations. We have argued that the evangelical movement in the Netherlands is not a fundamentalist movement pur sang. Fundamentalism was defined as religious orthodoxy in active opposition to modernisation. The Dutch evangelical movement is an orthodox movement in mainly passive opposition to some cultural aspects of modernisation. We do not expect this movement to radicalise in the coming years.
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Chapman, Alister. "Anglican Evangelicals and Revival, 1945–59." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 307–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003673.
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This essay is a study of the religious revival that didn’t quite happen in Britain after the Second World War. It focuses on conservative evangelical Anglicans, whose own renaissance during these years puts them at the centre of discussions about the post-war increase in churchgoing. Its central contention is that human agency and cultural peculiarities are just as important for understanding this chapter of English religious history as any seemingly inexorable, broad-based social changes inimical to religious practice. More particularly, the chapter focuses on Anglican evangelical clergy and their attitudes to religious revival. In so doing, it highlights the fact that the practices and prejudices of church people are an essential part of the story of post-war English religious life. Scholars looking to explain religious malaise in post-war Britain have frequently looked everywhere except the decisions made by the churches and their leaders, the assumption seeming to be that because decline was unavoidable there was nothing pastors, priests or their congregations could do to stem the tide. This chapter seeks to redress the balance by examining the ways in which evangelical Anglican clergy pursued revival in England, some of the obstacles they faced in this pursuit, and how they responded when they felt they had failed. Among the things they discovered was that ‘revival’ was a word to be handled with care.
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Curtis, Heather D. "A Sane Gospel: Radical Evangelicals, Psychology, and Pentecostal Revival in the Early Twentieth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 21, no. 2 (2011): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2011.21.2.195.
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AbstractThis article examines how radical evangelicals employed psychological concepts such as sanity, temperament, and especially the subconscious as they struggled to understand and respond to the rapidly expanding pentecostal movement within their midst. By tracing the growing tensions over ecstatic spiritual experiences that emerged among Holiness and Higher Life believers during the 1880s and 1890s, this article demonstrates that differing assumptions about the importance of consciousness for the religious life presaged reactions to the pentecostal revivals of the early twentieth century. Although their proclivity for rational judgment predisposed Higher Life evangelicals to question the sanity of involuntary phenomena such as speaking in tongues, some prominent leaders within this community appealed to “mental science” in an effort to revise conventional understandings of the spiritual self and its capacities. For participants in the Christian and Missionary Alliance— an organization in which disputes over the propriety of pentecostalism were particularly contentious—notions of temperament and the subconscious articulated in the works of “new psychologists” like William James offered resources for reassessing Higher Life views of authentic spirituality in light of pentecostal revivalism. By analyzing how a particular faction within the radical evangelical movement made use of psychological theories to contend with the challenge of the revivals at Azusa and elsewhere, this article exposes some of the social divisions that exacerbated debates over the validity of pentecostal religious experiences. Exploring the complicated interactions and creative tensions that arose as Higher Life evangelicals appropriated constructs such as the subconscious in the wake of Azusa Street also shows that this influential contingent of conservative Protestants engaged with aspects of the field of psychology in dynamic and inventive ways that involved both selective borrowing and critical resistance. While there is truth in the common observation that radical evangelicals were deeply suspicious of the “new science of Psychology,” this article uncovers a more complex history that expands our understanding of the interplay among scientific discourse, the varieties of evangelical spiritual experience, and the emergence of pentecostalism in the early twentieth century.
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Lee, Ralph. "Discipleship in Oriental Orthodox and Evangelical Communities." Religions 12, no. 5 (April 30, 2021): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050320.
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In many countries with a strong Orthodox Christian presence there are tensions between Evangelicals and Orthodox Christians. These tensions are rooted in many theological, ecclesiological, and epistemological differences. In practice, one of the crucial causes of tension comes down to different practical understandings of what a Christian disciple looks like. This paper examines key aspects of discipleship as expressed in revival movements in Orthodox Churches Egypt, India and Ethiopia which are connected to the challenges presented by the huge expansion of Evangelical Protestant mission from the nineteenth century. Key aspects will be evaluated in comparison with aspects that are understood to characterize disciples in Evangelical expressions, including: differing understandings of the sacraments and their place in the life of a disciple; ways in which different traditions engage with the Bible and related literary works; contrasting outlooks on discipleship as an individual and a community way of life; and differing understanding of spiritual disciplines.
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Dreyer, Frederick. "Evangelical Thought: John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards." Albion 19, no. 2 (1987): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050388.
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Historians suppose that men are ultimately to be understood in terms of their own time. If the age in which people live makes no difference to the way we perceive them, then historical explanation becomes superfluous. The evangelical revival, however, is often regarded as a event that occurs out of its proper time. It is the step-child of eighteenth century studies. For Peter Gay it belongs not to the eighteenth century but to the twelfth. Leslie Stephen denied all affinity between the evangelicals and their enlightened contemporaries: “There could scarcely be said to exist even the relation of contradiction.” To be sure, an affinity with the age was not a claim that the evangelicals insisted upon. No one would wish to number Jonathan Edwards and John Wesley among the philosophes. The merit claimed by the evangelicals was the merit not of thinkers but of believers. Yet, like it or not, the revival is still one of the facts of eighteenth century history. It cannot be wished away or passed off onto some other period. It started in the eighteenth century and it prospered in the eighteenth century. In any census of the times, it is a fair presumption that the saints will out-number the sceptics. Moreover, the revival is something that has to be analyzed in contemporary terms. What John Maynard Keynes once said of ranting politicians in the twentieth century works for ranting preachers in the eighteenth: “Mad men in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back.” Faith, like thought, is an historical event that occurs in a specific historical context and ultimately it must be explained in terms of that context. It may be our deepest wish to think like St. Paul, but it is hard to do so in ways that St. Paul would have understood. Few men can insulate themselves against the intellectual influence of their time. In the case of John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards, the recognition of that influence is critical for the interpretation of their thought.
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Gelfgren, Stefan. "How the Nineteenth-century Evangelical Revival Strengthened Faith and Undermined Christendom." Temenos - Nordic Journal for Study of Religion 59, no. 2 (December 19, 2023): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.112471.
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This article deals with the paradoxical relationship between the nineteenth-century Evangelical Revival and secularization. It is argued here that the revival and its worldview played a role in increasing pluralism and choice in the nineteenth century – a process often related to secularization. The Evangelical movement both attempted to oppose modernity and rationalism and emphasized religious freedom, voluntarism, and individualism. It therefore induced and popularized self-reflection, doubt, and deconversion. It also favoured religious democracy in opposition to a state-imposed religious monopoly (at least in northern Europe). Furthermore, by dividing people into believers and nonbelievers, it emphasized religious polarization. This contributed to an undermining of established religious structures, fragmenting and pluralizing the religious landscape and giving people the option to abstain completely from religious commitment. The Swedish confessional (inner mission) revivalist denomination Evangeliska Fosterlands-Stiftelsen (EFS – approx. the Swedish Evangelical Mission Society), founded in 1856, is used as a case. The popular literature they published and distributed manifested an evangelical worldview. In this article four themes, based on the popular literature, are used to study empirically the changing role of religion in relation to nineteenth-century revivalism: ‘the dualistic worldview’; ‘conversion’; ‘activism’; and ‘self-reflection’.
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Wellings, Martin. "Renewing Methodist Evangelicalism: the Origins and Development of the Methodist Revival Fellowship." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000365x.
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When the Wesleyan, Primitive and United Methodist Connexions combined in 1932 to form the Methodist Church of Great Britain, much was made of their shared evangelical heritage. The doctrinal clause of the founding Deed of Union affirmed that the Connexion ‘ever remembers that in the Providence of God Methodism was raised up to spread Scriptural Holiness through the land by the proclamation of the Evangelical Faith and declares its unfaltering resolve to be true to its Divinely appointed mission.’
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Kofod-Svendsen, Flemming. "Carl Olof Rosenius’ teologi med særligt henblik på hans kirkesyn." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 79, no. 1 (February 10, 2016): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v79i1.105775.
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Carl Olof Rosenius, son of a vicar, grew up in Northern Sweden, where his family was active in a revival movement inspired by Lutheran theology. Early in life he decided to become a clergyman, but due to sickness and bad financial circumstances he never managed to complete his theological studies. He became a lay preacher and a very influential editor of the edifying magazine Pietisten [The Pietist]. Through this he became the spiritual leader of the emerging revival movement known as new evangelism. His theology was strongly influenced by Luther’s understanding of law and gospel. He had a particular spiritual gift to minister the gospel to awakened and seeking persons so they might come to live an evangelical Christian life. He wanted to promote a revival movement within the Swedish Church and rejected all separatism and the idea of forming a free church, just as he was against lay people’s celebration of Holy Communion. He rejected the incipient Baptist Movement and broke with Evangelical Alliance. Some of his disciples chose to form free churches.
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White, Eryn M. "‘I Will once more shake the heavens’: the 1762 Revival in Wales." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003557.
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The Evangelical Revival in eighteenth-century Wales actually consisted of a number of separate ‘great collective spiritual outpourings’, as John Walsh described them, which seem to have been completely spontaneous and unplanned. By the nineteenth century, periodic revivals had become accepted as a characteristic of Welsh Nonconformity, but were perhaps increasingly less spontaneous. Historians have suggested that arranged revivals became more common in a Welsh context as a result of the influence of the ideas of Charles Finney in the 1830s and 1840s. Daniel Rowland’s first biographer, John Owen, condemned this as a ‘forcing system’ which he thought was ‘calculated only to increase the number of unsound professors’. In contrast, Owen emphasized the genuine unplanned nature of the eighteenth-century revivals. This paper examines the origins and influence of one of those unplanned revivals which occurred between 1762 and 1764, the first general renewal of Calvinistic Methodism in Wales after its initial beginning in the 1730s and the model for the future revivalist tradition.
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Curtis, Jesse. "White Evangelicals as a “People”: The Church Growth Movement from India to the United States." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 1 (2020): 108–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.2.
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ABSTRACTThis article begins with a simple question: How did white evangelicals respond to the civil rights movement? Traditional answers are overwhelmingly political. As the story goes, white evangelicals became Republicans. In contrast, this article finds racial meaning in the places white evangelicals, themselves, insisted were most important: their churches. The task of evangelization did not stop for a racial revolution. What white evangelicals did with race as they tried to grow their churches is the subject of this article. Using the archives of the leading evangelical church growth theorists, this article traces the emergence and transformation of the Church Growth Movement (CGM). It shows how evangelistic strategies created in caste-conscious India in the 1930s came to be deployed in American metropolitan areas decades later. After first resisting efforts to bring these missionary approaches to the United States, CGM founder Donald McGavran embraced their use in the wake of the civil rights movement. During the 1970s, the CGM defined white Americans as “a people” akin to castes or tribes in the Global South. Drawing on the revival of white ethnic identities in American culture, church growth leaders imagined whiteness as pluralism rather than hierarchy. Embracing a culture of consumption, they sought to sell an appealing brand of evangelicalism to the white American middle class. The CGM story illuminates the transnational movement of people and ideas in evangelicalism, the often-creative tension between evangelical practices and American culture, and the ways in which racism inflected white evangelicals’ most basic theological commitments.
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HAYKIN, MICHAEL A. G. "“The Glorious Work of the Reformation”: Andrew Fuller and the Imitation of Martin Luther." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.1.2017.art7.
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Abstract: While a high view of the life and work of Martin Luther was maintained only in certain quarters of Anglophone Christianity by the close of the seventeenth century, the eighteenth-century Evangelical revival led to a profound rediscovery of him. This article examines the way one such Evangelical, the Baptist Andrew Fuller, who does not appear to have read Luther directly, regularly cited him as a model to be imitated when it came to preaching and courageous action.
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Armstrong, Chris. "The Rise, Frustration, and Revival of Evangelical Spiritual Ressourcement." Journal of Spiritual Formation and Soul Care 2, no. 1 (May 2009): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/193979090900200107.
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Randall, Ian M. "Baptist Revival and Renewal in the 1960s." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003703.
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According to Callum Brown in The Death of Christian Britain, from 1963 Christianity in Britain went on a downward spiral. More generally, Brown sees the 1960s as the decade in which the Christian-centred culture that had conferred identity on Britain was rejected. This claim, however, which has received much attention, needs to be set alongside David Bebbington’s analysis of British Christianity in the 1960s. In Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, Bebbington notes that in 1963 charismatic renewal came to an Anglican parish in Beckenham, Kent, when the vicar, George Forester, and some parishioners received the ‘baptism of the Holy Spirit’ and began to speak in tongues. During the next quarter of a century, Bebbington continues, the charismatic movement became a powerful force in British Christianity. Both Brown and Bebbington view the 1960s as a decade of significant cultural change. Out of that period of upheaval came the decline of cultural Christianity but also the emergence of a new expression of Christian spirituality – charismatic renewal. Within the evangelical section of the Church this new movement was an illustration of the ability of evangelicalism to engage in adaptation. To a large extent evangelical Anglicans were at the forefront of charismatic renewal in England. The Baptist denomination in England was, however, deeply affected from the mid-1960s onwards and it is this which will be examined here.
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Ward, Kevin. "The East African Revival of the Twentieth Century: the Search for an Evangelical African Christianity." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003727.
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African Christian history in the twentieth century furnishes many examples of what can justifiably be described as revival or renewal. To the extent that Christian evangelization in sub-Saharan Africa was propelled by the European missionary movement, it is not surprising that an important element in revival should be a concern to ground the Gospel in an African milieu, expressive of African cultures and sensibilities, and driven by an autonomous African agency. The missionary forms in which Christianity was expressed came under critical scrutiny. This essay is an examination of the East African Revival, a movement which originated in the Protestant mission churches in the 1930s and which continues to be a major element in the contemporary religious life of Christian churches throughout the region. There has been considerable scholarly debate about whether the East African Revival should best be seen as an ‘importation’ and ‘imposition’ of a western Evangelical revival culture in an African setting, or as marking the emergence of a distinctive ‘African’ religious sensibility expressed within Christian forms. In endeavouring to avoid the implicit essentialism which such polarities often convey, the essay aims to show how the East African Revival can fruitfully be understood as belonging both to the larger Protestant revivalist tradition, while springing out of the distinctive responses of East Africans to the Christian message as they experienced it from within African cultures which were themselves being transformed by colonialism and modernity.
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Welch, Shawn. "A Pragmatic Piety: Experience, Uncertainty, and Action in Charles G. Finney’s Evangelical Revivalism." Open Theology 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2022-0210.
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Abstract This article focuses on the evangelical theology and revival practice of Charles Grandison Finney, popular in his time yet critically under-explored in American philosophy, specifically regarding his role in the emergence of American pragmatism. Spearheaded by American philosophers like Charles Sanders Peirce and William James, pragmatism argues that the significance of abstract concepts lies in their practical consequences in lived experience, as opposed to their internal logic or conformity to intellectual traditions. Whereas this philosophical method is often seen as predominantly secular in its origins, this article approaches pragmatic thinking and practice from the point of view of the spiritual conversion strategies of Charles Finney and antebellum evangelical culture more broadly. I expand on what Leonard I. Sweet has called Finney’s “pragmatic philosophy of revivalism,” addressing his theology and revival practice to disclose its latent pragmatic tendencies and those within antebellum evangelical culture. I argue that by looking at Finney as an early practitioner of this method, we must reappraise his and evangelicalism’s role in the emergence of philosophical pragmatism, challenge its putative secularity, and – as Charles Taylor has recently demonstrated – reassess what academic disciplines mean when they cite the presumed distinction between the religious and the secular.
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Stead, Geoffrey. "Peace and the Apocalypse: Stanley Hauerwas and Miroslav Volf on the Eschatological Basis for Christian Nonviolence." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 71, no. 3 (September 12, 1999): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07103006.
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This article describes how evangelists of a little-known European Protestant Brotherhood made an incursion into West Yorkshire during the eighteenth-century Evangelical Revival. It shows how they introduced novel aspects of heart-religion associated with the spiritual ideas of Count Zinzendorf. These are examined in some detail. Although only a limited number of people felt able to respond, evidence is provided of the effectiveness of this ministry. The article adds to knowledge by detailing the allurement of a mystical evangelical style from an alien source among northern artisans.
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NOCKLES, PETER. "Reactions to Robert Southey's Life of Wesley (1820) Reconsidered." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046910001223.
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This article analyses the varying contemporary and later responses to Robert Southey's Life of Wesley (1820). Acclaimed for its literary qualities, its appearance in the shadow of the Evangelical Revival and the growing Methodist movement meant that its biographical perspective was long obscured by the nineteenth-century ‘Wesley legend’. Methodist reviewers such as Henry Moore and Richard Watson, repelled by his critique of ‘enthusiasm’ as well as his claim that Wesley was motivated by power and ‘ambition’, questioned Southey's theological credentials and religious orthodoxy. A more nuanced view of Southey's biography was provided by Anglican commentators such as Reginald Heber and Alexander Knox who, while sympathetic to Wesley and the Evangelical Revival, supported many of Southey's judgements from a High Church Anglican standpoint. This article sets Southey's biography within the context of his own theological and political evolution, exploring the issues of authorial motivation and the longer-term literary and historical impact and legacy of his biography.
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Atkins, Gareth. "Reformation, Revival, and Rebirth in Anglican Evangelical Thought, c.1780–c.1830." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003569.
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For Anglican Evangelicals, terms like ‘awakening’ and ‘revival’ pointed rather to reinvigoration and the recovery of old glories than to some new and disturbing disjunction. Those seeking change, remarked Rowland Hill, would do well to follow the example of the reformers, who ‘did not innovate, but renovate, they did not institute, they only reformed.’ Nevertheless, this still left many – like Hill -balancing their urge to reform on the one hand with the importance of Anglican ‘regularity’ on the other. Several initiatives bore the mark of this tension. For example, the foundation of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1799 owed much to frustration with the inactivity of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG). The new society was ‘founded upon the Church-principle, not the High Church principle’, remarked John Venn, who stressed that it was possible to express Gospel zeal within a solidly Anglican framework. As the Missionary Magazine commented perceptively, ‘a set of people will no doubt contribute to this whose predilection for the Church and dislike to Methodists and Dissenters, would have effectively kept them from aiding the [London Missionary Society]’. The Christian Observer, founded in 1802 to be the periodical mouthpiece of ‘moderate’ Evangelicalism, evinced the same concerns in its first number, when it promised ‘to correct the false sentiments of the religious world, and to explain the principles of the Church’. As the leading Evangelical ‘regulars’ maintained, only this uneasy balancing act could bring far-reaching change.
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Brown, Raymond. "Church Planting in the Evangelical Revival a Cambridgeshire Baptist Perspective." Baptist Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 2016): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2016.1156860.
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IAN DICKSON, J. N. "Evangelical Religion and Victorian Women: The Belfast Female Mission, 1859–1903." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 4 (October 2004): 700–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904001460.
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In 1859, following the evangelical revival in Ulster, a Female Mission was founded in Belfast as an evangelistic agency and philanthropic enterprise. It was one of many voluntary societies. Upper-class evangelical women employed the services of lower-class women of similar religious energy to work among the poor of the city. This article explores the surviving documentation of the mission to assess its work, and, more important, to ascertain if involvement in this limited public sphere was a catalyst in the broader liberation of evangelical women. The issues go beyond the relationship of inner faith and public expression in popular religion to the notion that evangelicalism, as a heightened form of Christian belief and action, was a trajectory as well as a boundary in nineteenth-century society.
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Stoneman, Timothy H. B. "Preparing the Soil for Global Revival: Station HCJB's Radio Circle, 1949–59." Church History 76, no. 1 (March 2007): 114–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070010143x.
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The second half of the twentieth century witnessed a fundamental shift in the character of the Christian religion—namely, a massive expansion and shift of its center of gravity southward. During this period, Christianity experienced a transformation from a predominantly Western religion to a world religion largely defined by non-Western adherents in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. From 1970 to 2005, the size of the Southern Church increased two and a half times to over 1.25 billion members. By the early twenty-first century, 60 percent of all professing Christians lived in the global South and East. The most dynamic source of church growth during this period was Independent (evangelical or Pentecostal) Protestant groups, which increased at nearly twice the rate of other Christian affiliations. The spread of evangelical Protestantism represents a truly global phenomenon and has included large populations in East and Southeast Asia, the South Pacific, sub-Saharan Africa, and the Americas.
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Lambert, Frank. "The Great Awakening as Artifact. George Whitefield and the Construction of Intercolonial Revival, 1739–1745." Church History 60, no. 2 (June 1991): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167527.
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Throughout the 1720s and 1730s evangelical preachers sparked revivals from New England to New Jersey. In his long pastorate at Northampton, Massachusetts, Solomon Stoddard reported five “harvests” of souls in the Connecticut Valley. His grandson Jonathan Edwards succeeded him and led a spiritual awakening in 1734 and 1735 resulting in the “Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northampton and Neighboring Towns and Villages.” In the late 1720s the pietist minister Jacob Frelinghuysen inspired a renewal of piety among the Dutch Reformed in New York. At the same time the Presbyterian evangelists William and Gilbert Tennent reported revivals in the churches they had established between New Brunswick, New Jersey and Staten Island, New York.1 While sharing a common message, these evangelical revivals remained local, private affairs, contained within specific geographic and denominational boundaries. Although each proclaimed the necessity of a spiritual new birth and the primacy of divine grace in salvation, theawakenings did not expand into a larger, united movement.
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Ikechukwu Ukaoha, Eugene. "Tenets of Wesleyan Evangelical Revival in Mainline Protestant Churches in Nigeria." Sociology and Anthropology 6, no. 12 (December 2018): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/sa.2018.061201.
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Prickett, Stephen. "Memories, Dreams and Selections." Christianity & Literature 66, no. 2 (March 2017): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333116680777.
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This essay addresses a shift in the way religion was approached in the literature of the Romantic period, when religion itself was changing its shape and meaning in quite radical ways. The religious revival of the period was so protean in its forms that it is almost impossible to list all its characteristics. But for many Romantics, this was no revival of 17th-century piety, even though it claimed similar biblical inspiration. This revival was as much aesthetic as devotional. The most potent literary model was no longer classical but biblical. In Blake’s words the Bible was now “The Great Code of Art.” Behind this, however, was a second even more significant factor: a new inwardness. Religious observance was not enough. Nor, even, was evangelical conviction of sin and forgiveness. The religion of the heart was not just one of inspiration but of creativity.
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Conforti, Joseph. "Mary Lyon, the Founding of Mount Holyoke College, and the Cultural Revival of Jonathan Edwards." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 3, no. 1 (1993): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1993.3.1.03a00040.
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Recent studies of the Second Great Awakening have stressed the strong appeal of evangelical religion to female worshippers. The revival has been portrayed as a “women's awakening” that nurtured “bonds of womanhood,” promoted female benevolence, and shaped antebellum canons of domesticity. Mary Lyon (1797-1849) and the founding of Mount Holyoke Seminary, which opened in 1837, have not gone unnoticed by historians of a women's awakening. In a follow-up essay to her important study of Catherine Beecher, for example, Kathryn Kish Sklar established the educational significance of Mount Holyoke and situated Lyon's efforts in the context of the Second Great Awakening. Mount Holyoke's innovations included secure financial support funded by the evangelical community at large; a resultant low cost that enabled students from modest and even poor backgrounds to enroll; and an intellectually rigorous curriculum that eschewed “ornamentations” such as dancing and the cultivation of gentility.
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Yeager, Jonathan. "Puritan or enlightened? John Erskine and the transition of Scottish Evangelical theology." Evangelical Quarterly 80, no. 3 (April 21, 2008): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08003003.
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John Erskine was an eighteenth-century Scottish Evangelical who shared many of the theological beliefs of the Puritans while appropriating the techniques of the Enlightenment. He was thoroughly Calvinistic in affirming the total depravity of mankind, a denial of works and freewill in salvation, divine election and imputed righteousness. But, his method of preaching was more congenial to the Enlightenment since he abandoned the metaphysical speculations of the Puritans in favour of a simple, but clear message from the pulpit. He believed that the success of the Evangelical Revival depended on its leaders adopting these measures, so he became a leading propagator of books in order to enlighten his correspondents and assist them in making the gospel message more attractive in the current age.
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Gilley, Sheridan. "Catholic Revival in the Eighteenth Century." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 7 (1990): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001356.
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In his famous essay on von Ranke‘s history of the Popes, Thomas Babington Macaulay remarked that the ‘ignorant enthusiast whom the Anglican Church makes an enemy… the Catholic Church makes a champion’. ‘Place Ignatius Loyola at Oxford. He is certain to become the head of a formidable secession. Place John Wesley at Rome. He is certain to be the first General of a new Society devoted to the interests and honour of the Church.’ Macaulay’s general argument that Roman Catholicism ‘unites in herself all the strength of establishment, and all the strength of dissent’, depends for its force on his comparison of the Catholic Regular Orders with the popular preachers of Nonconformity. As the son of a leader of the Clapham Sect, his witness in the matter has its interest for scholars of the Evangelical Revival, and has been echoed by Ronald Knox in his parallel between Wesley and the seventeenth-century Jesuit, Paolo Segneri, who walked barefoot 800 miles a year to preach missions in the dioceses of northern Italy. More recently the comparison has been drawn again by Owen Chadwick, with the judgement that the ‘heirs of the Counter-Reformation sometimes astound by likeness of behaviour to that found in the heirs of the Reformation’, and Chadwick’s volume on the eighteenth-century Popes contains some fascinating material on the resemblances between the religion of the peoples of England and of Italy. An historian of Spanish Catholicism has compared the Moravians and the mission preachers of eighteenth-century Spain, not least in their rejection of modern commercialism, while an American scholar has traced some of the parallels between nineteenth-century Protestant and Catholic revivalism in the United States. Not that Wesleyan historians have been attracted to study the great movements of revival religion in the Catholic countries in Wesley’s lifetime—a neglect which is hardly surprising. One point of origin of the Evangelical revival was among refugees from Roman Catholic persecution, and for all the popular confusion, encouraged by men like Bishop Lavington, between Methodists and Papists, and for all Wesley’s belief in religious toleration and tenderness for certain Catholic saints and devotional classics, he was deeply hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, as David Hempton has recently shown. Yet there are many points of likeness as well as difference between the enthusiasts of Protestant and Catholic Europe, and both these need to be declared if Catholics and Protestants are ever to attempt to write an ecumenical history.
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Ringvee, Ringo. "Charismatic Christianity and Pentecostal churches in Estonia from a historical perspective." Approaching Religion 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2015): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67563.
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This article focuses on the history of Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity in Estonia from the early twentieth century to the early twenty-first century. From the 1870s onwards a series of religious revivals in Estonia created the context for the emergence of the Pentecostal movement in the early twentieth century. Proto-Pentecostalism at the beginning of the century transformed into a fully-fledged Pentecostalism in the 1920s with the involvement of foreign missionaries from Sweden as well as from Finland. The Finnish connection became important in the late 1960s with the emergence of a charismatic Pentecostal revival in the evangelical Christian churches, as well as amongst the Baptists in Tallinn. By the late 1970s the prayer revival had transformed into a healing ministry and this had an impact on the charismatic movement in the Soviet Union. The foreign impact on Pentecostal and charismatic movements in Estonia has also been important from the late 1980s onwards. There has been considerable diversification of the charismatic and Pentecostal traditions in Estonia since the 1990s, and the trends have reflected general changes in charismatic Christianity. Although internally diverse the charismatic Christianity (including the Pentecostals) may well be by now the second largest Protestant tradition in Estonia.
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Paas, Stefan. "‘Notoriously Religious’ or Secularising? Revival and Secularisation in Sub-Saharan Africa." Exchange 48, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341508.
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Abstract In scholarly literature there is an ongoing debate about the definition and scope of secularisation. This article discusses the question of secularisation in Africa as a post-Christian phenomenon. Particularly, the role of recent Pentecostal revivalism in Sub-Saharan Africa is examined. After some clarification of terms and concepts, the historical relationship between (evangelical) revivalism and secularisation is presented. This template is then used to discuss recent potentially secularising trends in Sub-Saharan Africa. The article concludes with some comparisons and suggestions for further research.
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Noble, Thomas A. "John Wesley as a theologian:." Evangelical Quarterly 82, no. 3 (April 30, 2010): 238–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08203004.
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The twentieth century saw a revival of interest in John Wesley as a theologian, but whereas the standard treatments of his theology have arranged his thought in the customary shape of Systematic Theologies, this article takes the shape of Wesley’s theology from the way he arranged and prioritized his doctrines pastorally in his Standard Sermons. This demonstrates that he began with the evangelical doctrine of the Reformation on Justification and the Atonement (focusing on Christ), understood regeneration and assurance in relation to the Holy Spirit, and saw the sovereign grace of God the Father as extending to ‘all his works’. The underlying structure is Trinitarian. His much misunderstood doctrine of ‘perfection’ was inherited from the Fathers and was his most creative contribution to Evangelical theology, but needs further development and clarification.
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Maddox, Randy L. "The Coming Great Revival: Recovering the Full Evangelical Tradition by William Abraham." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 50, no. 3 (1986): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.1986.0030.
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Ebel, J. H. "Jesus Freak and the Junkyard Prophet: The School Assembly as Evangelical Revival." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 77, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 16–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfp008.
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Bebbington, D. W. "Culture and Piety in the Far West: Revival in Penzance, Newlyn, and Mousehole in 1849." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003612.
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A brief but classic account of a Cornish revival is to be found in Salome Hocking’s book Some Old Cornish Folk, published in 1903. Writing semi-fictionally but also semi-ethnographically about a number of years before, the author, herself sprung from Cornish Methodism, described the thronging penitents, the exuberant singing and the ‘thrill of excitement’ that went through the village. Crucially she commented on the circumstances. The revival, she explained, had arisen ‘at a time when no one was thinking about it, and no special services were being held. It seemed to have nothing to do with the preacher either…’ The event, she was suggesting, was entirely spontaneous. Although it was triggered by a young girl going forward to kneel as a convert below the pulpit, the subsequent stir was not the result of any earlier contrivance. The awakening was unexpected, not planned. Much of the writing about revivals – periodic episodes of religious enthusiasm attended by mass conversions in evangelical Protestantism – revolves around this distinction. Nineteenth-century advocates of revivals, in America as well as in the British Isles, contrasted the older pattern in which ‘Christians waited for them as men are wont to wait for showers of rain’ with the later way in which the episodes were promoted by ‘systematic efforts’. Subsequently historians have taken up the theme. John Kent, the leading commentator on English revivals of the Victorian era, while recognizing the existence of planning among some early nineteenth-century Methodists, places the dividing line between the prevalence of contagious spontaneity, and the use of devices to achieve conversions, after 1860.
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Holmes, Andrew R., and Stuart Mathieson. "Evangelical “Others” in Ulster, 1859–1912: Social Profile, Unionist Politics, and “Fundamentalism”." Church History 90, no. 4 (December 2021): 847–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002894.
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AbstractThis article considers the existence of a distinctive form of fundamentalism in the northern-Irish province of Ulster. It does so by examining the Protestant minorities that grew significantly in the decades after the Ulster revival of 1859. These evangelical others are important because their members were more likely to have fundamentalist tendencies than those who belonged to the main Protestant churches. The existing scholarship on fundamentalism in Northern Ireland focuses on Ian Paisley (1926–2014), who was a life-long adversary of Irish republican separatism and a self-identified fundamentalist. Yet, the focus on Paisley draws attention away from the potential origin of fundamentalism in the early twentieth century that is associated with religious revival in the early 1920s and the heresy trial of a “modernist” Presbyterian professor in 1927. George Marsden's classic study defined fundamentalism as an American phenomenon, yet, with Paisley and developments in the 1920s in mind, he noted that “Ulster appears to be an exception.”1 To what extent was that true? Was there a constituency of potential fundamentalists in the north of Ireland in the early twentieth century? If there was, did the social and political circumstances of the region and period produce a distinctive Ulster variety of fundamentalism?
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Rich, Jeremy. "Zaire for Jesus: Ford Philpot’s Evangelical Crusades in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1966-1978." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 1 (2013): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341242.
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Abstract This essay explores how Congolese Protestants developed a partnership with Kentucky-born Methodist evangelist Ford Philpot from 1966 to 1978. Philpot’s revival tours allowed Congolese clergy to negotiate as equals with U.S. Protestants, marking a major change from the dominant role of missionaries prior to independence in 1960. During and after Philpot’s crusades Congolese Protestants wrote Philpot about their spiritual views and their troubles in Mobutu’s Zaire. Instead of being merely passive followers of Philpot’s evangelical and charismatic preaching, Congolese sought to use him as a source of financial patronage as well as spiritual support. This essay questions common assumptions regarding U.S.-Congolese ties under Mobutu, and investigates how the rise of evangelical Christianity in postcolonial Africa was clearly shaped by cold war concerns as well as anxieties over national identity and the rise of African dictatorships.