Academic literature on the topic 'Euthanasia in the press Australia'

AbstractA survey published in the Medical Journal of Australia in 1997 showed that the incidence of non-voluntary euthanasia in Australia was higher than in the Netherlands. Euthanasia is illegal in Australia, while it is openly practiced in the Netherlands. It has been suggested that the results of the survey undermine the slippery slope argument against legalising euthanasia. This is wrong. Although at the time of the survey, euthanasia was formally prohibited by the law in Australia, the medical and legal culture was such that doctors could practice euthanasia with impunity — in certain circumstances euthanasia by doctors was effectively condoned. This is in fact supported by the findings of the survey. The survey suggests that there were approximately 6,700 cases of euthanasia in Australia in the year from July 1994 to June 1995 — not one of which was prosecuted, let alone resulted in a conviction. Ultimately the survey merely shows that in a climate where voluntary euthanasia is tolerated, wide scale abuses (in the form of non-voluntary euthanasia) occur. Paradoxically the results of the survey give further support to the slippery slope argument.

Abstract:No single issue has dominated health practitioners’ ethical debates in 2014 in Australia, but a controversial decision on gene patenting and the media focus on “Dr. Death,” euthanasia campaigner Dr. Philip Nitschke, have given new life to these two familiar (and global) debates. Currently a dying with dignity bill, drafted by the Australian Green Party, is under examination. The Senate inquiry into the bill received more than 663 submissions, with 57% opposed and 43% in support of the bill, which has now been referred to a Senate committee. Will this be another of Australia’s failed attempts to legalize euthanasia? The trial of Dr. Nitschke begins on November 10, 2014.

In May 1995, the Northern Territory of Australia became the first legislative jurisdiction in the world to introduce legislation specifically sanctioning active voluntary euthanasia. Shortly after the introduction of the legislation many of Australia's political leaders announced that they would support similar legislation in their jurisdictions and there nave already been attempts to pass such legislation elsewhere in Australia and in New Zealand.

SUMMARYAims - To examine earlier uses and abuses of artworks by individuals living with severe mental illnesses, and particularly schizophrenia by both the psychiatric and arts communities and prevailing stereotypes associated with such practices. Further, to explore alternative constructions of the artworks and roles of the artist with schizophrenia and other severe mental illnesses, which may be more consistent with amore contemporary recovery orientation, encompassing their potentials for empowerment, social inclusion as citizens and legitimacy of their cultural role in the community. Results - Earlier practices with regardto the artworks of captive patients of psychiatrists, psychotherapists, art therapists, occupational and diversional therapists, often emphasised diagnostic or interpretive purposes, or were used to gauge progress or exemplify particular syndromes. As artists and art historians began to take an interest in such artworks, they emphasised their expressive, communicative and aesthetic aspects, sometimes in relation to primitive art. These efforts to ascribe value to these works, while well-meaning, were sometimes patronising and vulnerable to perversion by totalitarian regimes, which portrayed them as degenerate art, often alongside the works of mainstream modernist artists. This has culminated in revelations that the most prominent European collection of psychiatric art still contains, and appears to have only started to acknowledge since these revelations, unattributed works by hospital patients who were exterminated in the so-called “euthanasia” program in the Nazi era. Conclusions - Terms like Psychiatric Art, Art Therapy, Art Brut and Outsider Art may be vulnerable to abuse and are a poor fit with the aspirations of artists living with severe mental illnesses, who are increasingly exercising their rights to live and work freely, without being captive, or having others controlling their lives, or mediating and interpreting their works. They sometimes do not mind living voluntarily marginal lives as artists, but they prefer to live as citizens, without being involuntarily marginalised by stigma. They also prefer to live with culturally valued roles which are recognised as legitimate in the community, where they are also more likely to heal and recover.Declaration of Interest: This paper was completed during a Visiting Fellowship, Department of Social Medicine, School of Public Health, & Department of Medical Anthropology, Faculty of Arts & Sciences, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, USA. A condensed version of this paper is published in “For Matthew & Others: Journeys with Schizophrenia”, Dysart, D, Fenner, F, Loxley, A, eds. Sydney, University of New South Wales Press in conjunction with Campbelltown Arts Centre & Joan Sutherland Performing Arts Centre, Penrith, 2006, to accompany with a large exhibition of the same name, with symposia & performances, atseveral public art galleries in Sydney & Melbourne, Australia. The author is also a printmaker, partly trained at Ruskin School, Oxford, Central St. Martin's School, London, and College of Fine Arts, University of New South Wales, Sydney.

When the Australian Labor Party member for Kalgoorlie, Ian Taylor, presented his Private Member's Bill - the Medical Care of the Dying Bill (1995), he laid the foundation for this thesis. Mr Taylor introduced his Bill to the Western Australian Legislative Assembly on 28 March 1995. The Bill codified the terminally ill patient's right to refuse medical treatment, which clarified common law. This thesis attempts to overcome the dearth of literature in Western Australian lobbying concerning conscience-vote issues. It also identifies the key issues in understanding political lobbying, the form of pressure group activity that takes place and why certain groups respond in different ways. The pressure groups selected for this case study are examined, classified and evaluated resulting in a prescription for lobby group activity for similar conscience-vote issues. According to the Bill's sponsor, Ian Taylor, the legislation was needed to deal with the inconsistencies in common law of the medical treatment of terminally ill people. The Law Reform Commission in its 1991 Report on Medical Treatment for the dying, stated that there was a need to deal with the issue in Western Australia. Due to the advances in medical treatment practices in the past 50 years, doctors can prolong the life of patients for whom there is no cure. The major problem, however, is the Criminal Code: doctors and care providers can be at risk of prosecution and conviction if the patient's wishes are respected and medical treatment is withdrawn, leading to the patient's death. At present there is a general common law right to refuse medical treatment. According to Mr Taylor, the difficulty lies in the fact that in Western Australia, the common law is overridden by the Criminal Code. The Bill also highlighted the role of palliative care and the treatment of the dying. The opinion of most pressure groups was that the rights of terminally ill patients should be protected and enhanced. Of the groups selected for this case study, only the Coalition for the Defence of Human Life objected to the Bill. Other groups supported the principles of the Bill, while some hoped for voluntary euthanasia legislation and others gave tacit approval. Of all the groups the L. J. Goody Bioethics Centre distinguished itself as a key organisation which tended to monopolise political influence. Media exposure of the issue was high, particularly in The West Australian. The "right to die" issue was canvassed and often was reported with references to euthanasia. At the same time the Northern Territory legislation, the Rights of the Terminally Ill Bill (1995), was receiving much media attention. The issue of euthanasia was necessarily discussed in the context of national and international arenas. The political masters of thought on citizen participation and group theory were introduced early in the thesis. John Locke, Jean -Jacques Rousseau, James Madison, Alexis de Tocqueville, Thomas Paine and John Stuart Mill provided valuable insight into the nature of modern political thought on this interesting aspect of political activity. Contemporary political writers such as Trevor Matthews. Dean Jaensch and Graham Maddox were also consulted. The eight pressure groups selected for the study were the: • West Australian Voluntary Euthanasia Society Inc. • Coalition for the Defence of Human life • Australian Medical Association (WA Branch) • Australian Nursing Federation (WA Branch) • L. J. Goody Bioethics Centre • Silver Chain Nursing Association Inc. • Uniting Church of Australia • Anglican Church of Australia Information from the groups formed a significant part of this thesis. An attempt was made in the conclusion to ascertain the effectiveness of the various strategies utilised by the pressure groups and provide an insight into lobbying practices. Ultimately, though, the contentious Bill was not given a third reading. Nor was it debated in the Legislative Council. At one stage it was considered likely that the Bill would be recommitted to parliament. The monitoring of the Medical Care of the Dying Bill (1995) undertaken in this thesis, indicates that this would have been a lengthy and divisive process.

This thesis undertakes a study of the research question: 'What is the nature of Australia's print media ownership and what is its impact on the diversity of print media, the diversity of views presented by the print media, and the incidence of bias within the print media in Australia?' This research question was developed after a study of submissions to Australia's 1991-1992 House of Representatives Select Committee on the Print Media, more commonly known as the Print Media Inquiry, revealed a dichotomy between submissions presented by proponents of a pluralist press and submissions presented by proponents of a market-based press. An examination of literature on pluralist and market-based press theories, and a comparison of these theories with the attributes of the Australian print media, shows that Australia's press is exclusively market-based and that the country's major newspaper owners have formed a powerful press oligopoly. Further, these owners act as members of an oligopoly tend to act. That is, they rationalise their operations where possible, draw substantial benefits from economies of scale, and are protected from the entry of competition into their markets. The formation of this print media oligopoly has led to some 88.4 percent of the country's national and capital city daily newspaper circulation being concentrated in the hands of two newspaper proprietors, Rupert Murdoch, who controls News Limited, and Conrad Black, who controls the Fairfax group (Communications Update, 1995, p.22). This concentration, the highest in the western world (Henningham, 1993, p.59), is claimed to adversely affect the print media industry, particularly in terms of a lack of print media diversity and a lack of diversity of views presented by the print media to the public. In 1991 moves by the Tourang Consortium (comprised, among others, of media magnates Kerry Packer and Conrad Black) to purchase the Fairfax group of companies caused a political outcry and were responsible, for the most part, for the Federal Labor Government's establishment of the Print Media Inquiry. The Inquiry was a wide-ranging review of the state of the nation's print media industry. It received 164 written submissions and 72 oral submissions from newspaper owners, industry personnel, union representatives, media researchers, academics, and the wider community. An examination of these submissions shows that most can be categorised as supporting either a pluralist or a marketbased view of how Australia's print media should operate. The principal concerns expressed to the Inquiry by proponents of a pluralist press were that Australia's print media ownership had resulted in a lack of diverse print media, mainly through the erection of barriers to the entry of competition, a lack of diversity in the views presented by the print media, and bias in the presentation of those views. Proponents of a market-based press argued, conversely, that Australia's print media were so diverse that no one person could effectively access all of them, that barriers to entry to the industry were confused with a guarantee of entry, and that a diversity of views was assured, as newspaper owners were required to appeal to as broad a readership base as possible to remain profitable. The House of Representatives Select Committee conducting the Print Media Inquiry ultimately concluded (although not unanimously) that Australia's concentrated print media ownership had not resulted in 'biased reporting, news suppression, or a lack of diversity' in the Australian print media industry (Simper, 1992, p.17), a conclusion that led to the Inquiry being labelled a farce, a political sop, and a whitewash. The results of three case studies undertaken for this thesis, however, supported both the findings of the House of Representatives Select Committee on the Print Media and claims by proponents of Australia's market-based press that barriers to entry were not erected by existing print media owners, that a diversity of views was presented by the print media, and that newspaper owners provided a reasonable balance in the editorial of their newspapers. The first case study, an examination of the establishment and subsequent failure of the Brisbane Weekend Times newspaper in 1993, found support for claims made by News Limited to the Print Media Inquiry that, in arguing that Australian press owners had erected barriers to the entry of competition, critics of the market-based press had confused ease of entry to the industry with a guarantee of entry. In examining start-up and delivery costs, the costs of news sources, readers' habits and advertiser support, the ability for the fledgling newspaper to absorb losses, and the influence of News Limited in the newspaper's proposed market, the case study found that the primary reason for the failure of the Brisbane Weekend Times was that its owner had insufficient capital to sustain its publication, rather than any specific barriers which the Australian press oligopoly had itself erected to preclude competition. The second case study, an examination of 254 news stories appearing in Fairfax's Melbourne Age and Sydney Morning Herald and News Limited's Melbourne Herald Sun and Sydney Daily Telegraph Mirror during a composite week from 6 September 1995 to 17 October 1995, found support for claims that Australia's newspaper owners encouraged a diversity of views to ensure they appealed to general rather than niche audiences. The study linked diversity with the incidence of identical, near-identical, and non-identical political news stories that appeared in the above newspapers during the period defined. It found that, of the total news stories studied for both newspaper groups, 7.08 percent were identical, 34.64 percent were near-identical, and 58.28 percent were nonidentical, and concluded that a diversity of views (on matters political at least) did exist in the newspapers examined. The third case study, an examination of the incidence of political bias towards or against the Australian Federal Government in the above newspapers over the same composite week, found support for claims that Australia's newspaper owners provided a reasonable balance in the editorial of their newspapers. Averaging the results returned by three coders used for this examination, the study found that, for the total number of news stories analysed, 41.67 percent were coded as having a neutral bias, 40.47 percent were coded as having bias against the Federal Government, and 17.86 percent were coded as having a bias towards the Federal Government. However, the case study concluded that bias itself was difficult to ascertain, as a single definition of bias upon which to code the stories could not be obtained. In its conclusions the thesis contends that: Australia's newspaper ownership structure fulfils the criteria of an oligopoly and the owners of Australia's press act as members of an oligopoly tend to act, that is, they rationalise their operations where possible, draw substantial benefits from economies of scale, and are protected by the difficulty competitors have in entering the market; and the formation of this press oligopoly has effectively precluded the development of a truly pluralist press in Australia; however the results of three case studies undertaken for the thesis suggest that Australia's print media oligopoly does not lead, intrinsically, to the erection of barriers to entry, a reduction in the diversity of views presented by the print media, or an increase in the incidence of bias presented in those views. In a discussion of these conclusions, however, it is recognised that there are limitations to the overall study of this research question. These include the worldview brought to the writing of the thesis, where the discussion of Australia's print media is itself based in the socio-political structure within which the Australian press operates; the population sample for the second and third case studies, which has been restricted to news stories that deal exclusively with matters of federal politics; and the term print media, which has been limited to newspapers only, and does not include other printed media such as newsletters, magazines, or niche publications.

Since passing its Death with Dignity Act into law in 1997, Oregon remains the only state in America to make physician-assisted suicide an explicit legal right. Currently, the legality of physician-assisted suicide falls under the jurisdiction of each individual state. Had the United States Supreme Court ruled differently in a recent case, however, the issue would have transferred to federal jurisdiction. The Death with Dignity National Center (DDNC) takes responsibility for developing the original Death with Dignity Act and has since moved on to proposing similar legislation in other states. It also champions statesâ rights, fearing that placing physician-assisted suicide under federal jurisdiction would severely hinder its goals. The DDNC has led the legal movement for making physician-assisted suicide an end of life choice available in each state, as well as for keeping that decision at the state level. Utilizing a content analysis, this study coded for frames used by the DDNC in its press releases and frames used in newspaper coverage of death with dignity across the same period of time. It was found that press releases about and newspaper coverage of the death with dignity social movement shared significant correlations in terms of the frames each used, as well as the level of substance given to these frames. Few significant correlations were found, however, for frame valence. It seems as though discussion of this social movement utilizes the same substantive or ambiguous frames, but cannot decide whether these frames are positive, neutral, or negative.
Master of Arts

This thesis provides a study of book publishing as it contributes to the production of a regional literature, using Western Australian publishing and literature as illustrative examples of this dynamic. 'Regional literature' is defined in this thesis as writing possessing cultural value that is specific to a region, although the writing may also have national and international value. An awareness of geographically and culturally diverse regions within the framework of the nation is shown to be derived from representations of these regions and their associated regional characteristics in the movies, television and books. In Australia, literature has been the primary site for expressions of regional difference. Therefore, this thesis analyses the impact of regionalism on the processes of book production and publication in Western Australia’s three major publishing houses— a trade publishing house (Fremantle Press), an Indigenous publishing house (Magabala Books), and an academic publishing house (University of Western Australia Press). Book history, print culture studies and publishing studies, along with literary studies and cultural studies, roughly approximate a disciplinary map of the types of research that constitute this thesis. By examining regional literature in the context of its 'field of cultural production', this thesis maintains that regionalism and regional literature can avail themselves of a fresh perspective that shows them to be anything but marginal or exclusive. Regionalism has been a topic of peripheral interest, at least as far as scholarly research and academia are concerned, because those who are most likely to be affected by and thus interested in the topic, are also those who are most disempowered as a result of its attendant dynamics. However, as this thesis clearly demonstrates, access (or a lack thereof) to the field of cultural production (which in the case of print culture includes writers, literary agents, editors, publishers, government arts organisations, the media, schools, book clubs, and book retailers, just to name a few) plays a significant role in establishing and shaping an identity for marginalised 3 constituencies. The implications for this research are far-ranging, since both Western Australia and Australia can be understood as peripheries dominated in their different spheres (the 'national' and the 'international', respectively) by literary cultures residing elsewhere. Furthermore, there are parallels between this dynamic and the dynamic responsible for producing postcolonial literatures. The three publishing houses detailed in this thesis are disadvantaged by many of the factors associated with their distance from the traditional centres of book publishing, while at the same time producing a regional literature that serves as a platform from which the state broadcasts its distinctive contributions to the cultural landscape and to a wider understanding of concepts such as space, place and belonging. These publishing houses changed the way in which Australians and others have come to know and think about 'Australia', re-routing public consciousness and the national imagination.

L'idea di questa tesi nasce da una serie di circostanze, prima tra tutte la professione dell'autore che per quindici anni ha svolto in Italia l'attività di giornalista, lavorando prima al Messaggero di Roma, come cronista, e successivamente alla Rai - Radiotelevisione Italiana in qualità di redattore di 'giudiziaria' . Inoltre, l'autore di questa tesi, ha fatto una interessantissima esperienza professionale sia come critico cinematografico e sia come 'pastonista politico' presso la redazione romana del Giornale Nuovo - coordinata in quegli anni da Cesare Zappulli - quando era direttore il grande e indimenticabile Indro Montanelli, prima cioè che quell'arruffapopoli di Berlusconi affondasse completamente il giornale, trasformandolo nel bollettino parrocchiale di quel guazzabuglio politico che è 'Forza Italia' Questo non è il nostro primo cimento nel campo della storia del giornalismo in quanto segue una tesi di Master, conseguita al dipartimento di Storia dell'University of Queensland e che ha avuto come relatore il Dr. Don Dignan, dal titolo 'Press and Consensus in Fascist Italy'. In questa prima tesi è stata affrontata la fascistizzazione della stampa italiana tra il 1922 ed il 1940 e il modo in cui Mussolini, che capì esattamente l'importanza dei media e del controllo dell'informazione, creò quella corrente di consenso che permise al fascismo di governare indisturbato per tutto il 'ventennio'. In quella tesi di Master è stato anche affrontato e studiato il modo in cui i giornalisti (gli sceneggiatori del regime) ed i giornali, sia essi 'indipendenti' e di partito, manipolarono le notizie per darle in pasto ai propri lettori, con tutte quelle interpolazioni, ridondanze ed ombre che identificano il modo tuttora esistenze di concepire e fare un giornale. Nella nostra tesi di Ph.D. seguiremo una traccia similare, cercando di vedere e di analizzare se anche la stampa etnica ha usato, direttamente o indirettamente, forme di manipolazioni, di interferenze o di ridondanze nel creare e porgere le notizie al lettore italo-australiano. Inoltre è nostro intento accertare fino a che punto questa stampa ha creato un consenso verso particolari scelte politiche, sociali e di costume e se questo consenso è stato accettato dai lettori etnici, e in che misura. In altre parole il quesito che in linea di massima ci poniamo è identificare che influenza ha avuto la stampa etnica sulla comunità italiana. I problemi che questo tipo di ricerca implica sono stati numerosi, soprattutto dovuti al fatto che non esiste una letteratura specifica e non vi sono studi, nel campo del giornalismo italo-australiano, dei primi quaranta anni del novecento. Inoltre la maggior parte dei giornali pubblicati in quegli anni sono andati distrutti. Si è cercato inoltre di delineare una immagine dei problemi e delle aspirazioni della comunità italo-australiana attraverso l'analisi della stampa etnica, visto che la maggior parte degli autori hanno affrontato, fino ad oggi, questo tema usando documenti ufficiali o racconti e testimonianze di persone vissute nel periodo analizzato dalla nostra tesi. Abbiamo cercato, quindi, di dare una nuova luce e, quando è stato possibile, di dare la giusta dimensione agli avvenimenti accaduti dato che quanto veniva pubblicato sulle colonne dei giornali era scritto a 'caldo', senza influenze burocratiche e senza il filtro del tempo e delle memorie che spesso distorcono la realtà creando affabulazioni lontane dalla realtà.

AbstractToday, physician-assisted suicide and/or euthanasia are legal in several European countries, Canada, several jurisdictions in the United States and Australia, and may soon become legal in many more jurisdictions. While traditional Hippocratic and religious medical ethics have long opposed these practices, contemporary culture and politics have slowly weakened opposition to physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia. Our chapter examines how assisted suicide and euthanasia have been presented in cinema, one of the most powerful influences on culture, by Nazi propagandists during the German Third Reich and by Western filmmakers since the end of World War II.Almost all contemporary films about assisted suicide and euthanasia, including six winners of Academy Awards, promote these practices as did Ich klage an (I Accuse) (1941), the best and archetypal Nazi feature film about euthanasia. The bioethical justifications of assisted suicide or euthanasia in both Ich klage an and contemporary films are strikingly similar: showing mercy; avoiding fear and/or disgust; equating loss of capability with loss of a reason to live; enabling self-determination and the right-to-die; conflating voluntary with involuntary and nonvoluntary euthanasia; and casting opposition as out-of-date traditionalism. Economics and eugenics, two powerful arguments for euthanasia during the Third Reich, are not highlighted in Ich klage an and are only obliquely mentioned in contemporary cinema. One dramatic difference in the cinema of the two periods is the prominence of medical professionals in Ich klage an and their conspicuous absence in contemporary films about assisted suicide and euthanasia. A discussion of the medical ethos of the two time periods reveals how cinema both reflects and influences the growing acceptance of assisted suicide and euthanasia.

AbstractThe relatively short relationship between digital platforms and the news media has been characterized by constant evolution and conflict. As the economics of journalism have faltered and digital platforms have risen to become prominent gateways to the news, that relationship has increasingly caught the attention of policymakers. This chapter focuses on recent developments in three countries (Germany, France, and Australia) that have been particularly active in intervening in the relationship between digital platforms and the press. It highlights national government efforts to require platforms such as Google and Facebook to compensate news organizations for distributing their content. This chapter provides an overview of these efforts and their underlying political dynamics. It concludes with an assessment of the broader implications of the actions that these countries have taken and a consideration of future and alternative policy options.

In the last two decades, we have seen the rise of companies providing digital services. Big Tech firms have become all-pervasive, playing critical roles in our social interactions, in the way we access information, and in the way we consume. These firms not only strive to be dominant players in one market, but with their giant monopoly power and domination of online ecosystems, they want to become the market itself. They are gaining not just economic, but also political power. This can be illustrated by Donald Trump’s campaigns, in which he attempted to influence the sovereign will, as the sovereign power is vested in the people. The Trump campaigns' use of Facebook's advertising tools contributed to Trump's win at the 2016 presidential election. After criticism of that election, Facebook stated that it would implement a series of measures to prevent future abuse. For example, no political ads will be accepted in the week before an election. Another example of how Big Tech firms can effect the sovereign is by national legislator. For example, Australia had a dispute with digital platforms such as Facebook and Google. That was because Australia began to develop a News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Code. To persuade the Australian legislature to abandon the idea of this code, Facebook prevented Australian press publishers, news media and users from sharing/viewing Australian as well as international news content, including blocking information from government agencies. Such action demonstrated how large digital platforms can affect the flow of information to encourage the state and its legislature to change their position. Because of such pressure, Australia eventually made adjustments to the code in order to find a compromise with the digital platform. Also, when we are referring to political power, it should include lobbying and the European Union legislator. Tech giants are lobbying their interests to influence the European Union’s digital policy, which has the most direct effect on member states, given that the member states are bound by European Union law.

In the article investigational three magazines which went out after Second World war in Germany and Austria in the environment of the Ukrainian emigrants, is «Theater» (edition of association of artists of the Ukrainian stage), «Student flag» (a magazine of the Ukrainian academic young people is in Austria), «Young friends» (a plastoviy magazine is for senior children and youth). The thematic structure of magazines, which is inferior the association of different on age, is considered, by vital experience and professional orientation of people in the conditions of the forced emigration, paid regard to graphic registration of magazines, which, without regard to absence of the proper publisher-polydiene bases, marked structuralness and expressiveness. A repertoire of periodicals of Ukrainian migration is in the American, English and French areas of occupation of Germany and Austria after Second world war, which consists of 200 names, strikes the tipologichnoy vseokhopnistyu and testifies to the high intellectual level of the moved persons, desire of yaknaynovishe, to realize the considerable potential in new terms with hope on transference of the purchased experience to Ukraine. On ruins of Europe for two-three years the network of the press, which could be proud of the European state is separately taken, is created. Different was a period of their appearance: from odnogo-dvokh there are to a few hundred numbers, that it is related to intensive migration of Ukrainians to the USA, Canada, countries of South America, Australia. But indisputable is a fact of forming of conceptions of newspapers and magazines, which it follows to study, doslidzhuvati and adjust them to present Ukrainian realities. Here not superfluous will be an example of a few editions on the thematic range of which the names – «Plastun» specify, «Skob», «Mali druzi», «Sonechko», «Yunackiy shliah», «Iyzhak», «Lys Mykyta» (satire, humour), «Literaturna gazeta», «Ukraina і svit», «Ridne slovo», «Hrystyianskyi shliah», «Golos derzhavnyka», «Ukrainskyi samostiynyk», «Gart», «Zmag» (sport), «Litopys politviaznia», «Ukrains’ka shkola», «Torgivlia i promysel», «Gospodars’ko-kooperatyvne zhyttia», «Ukrainskyi gospodar», «Ukrainskyi esperantist», «Radiotehnik», «Politviazen’», «Ukrainskyi selianyn» Considering three riznovektorni magazines «Teatr» (edition of Association Mistciv the Ukrainian Stage), «Studentskyi prapor» (a magazine of the Ukrainian academic young people is in Austria), «Yuni druzi» (a plastoviy magazine is for senior children and youth) assert that maintenance all three magazines directed on creation of different on age and by the professional orientation of national associations for achievement of the unique purpose – cherishing and maintainance of environments of ukrainstva, identity, in the conditions of strange land. Without regard to unfavorable publisher-polydiene possibilities, absence of financial support and proper encouragement, release, followed the intensive necessity of concentration of efforts for achievement of primary purpose – receipt and re-erecting of the Ukrainian State.