Journal articles on the topic 'Eusebius of Alexandria'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Eusebius of Alexandria.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 48 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Eusebius of Alexandria.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Fernández Hernández, Gonzalo. "El concilio alejandrino de 339 y sus consecuencias." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 21 (February 10, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i21.6795.
Full textAbstract:
<span>This article deals with the alexandrian council in year 339 A. D. and its consequences. Sources: Athanasius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, George Cedrenus, Socrates and Theodoret of Cyr.</span>
2
Zaytseva, Irina Valeryevna. "Problems in the development of the Episcopate of Cyril of Alexandria." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2019): 160–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201984207.
Full textAbstract:
The paper deals with problems of the development of the Episcopate under one of the greatest person of the Alexandrian Church - Cyril of Alexandria. The paper analyzes the Historia Ecclesiastica by Socrates Scholasticus, the works of Eusebius Caesarea and John of Nikiu, that outlines the key issues of the establishment of power relations in the Alexandrian Episcopate in IV-V centuries. The research has shown that the Cyrils inauguration was prompted by the practice of continuity, which was developed in the Church Hierarchy, beginning with Athanasius of Alexandria, when power was handed down from uncle to nephew. After following his uncle Theophilus of Alexandria in a position by descent Cyril of Alexandria faced a number of important issues that needed quick response and significant resources: a power struggle with his rival Archdeacon Timotheus, continuing the practice of getting rid of heresy in the Nicene Christianity, and a need to establish a unified intellectual Christian environment. To solve these tasks was possible by a mass of public support as well as by using military force of the commander of the Emperors troops. The paper also emphasizes an escalating confrontation between the Alexandrian Bishop, followers of Novatian and a large Jewish community.
3
Kyriacou, Chrysovalantis. "On the Origins of the Alexandrian School: Rhizomes, Episcopal Legitimation, and a Tale of Two Cities." Religions 14, no. 4 (April 3, 2023): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040482.
Full textAbstract:
This article revisits an important and much-discussed question: how and why was Christian learning in second- and third-century Alexandria institutionalised, leading to what came to be known as the “Catechetical School”? Its contribution to scholarship lays in that it focuses on cultural, ideological, and ecclesiastical developments under the Antonines and the Severans, placing the Alexandrian case within a broader context. Building on Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the rhizome, our examination seeks to map the complex web of interactions among the Christians themselves, as well as between Christians and non-Christians, so as to understand more deeply the mechanics behind the institutional establishment of the Alexandrian School. Berger and Luckmann’s theory on the relationship between institutions and knowledge frames our analysis of episcopal legitimation and the reception of the Alexandrian School’s origins by Eusebius of Caesarea. As will be argued, the early history of the School is largely “a tale of two cities”, in the sense that parallel and transverse processes in Alexandria and Rome reflect the plurality of Christian responses to pressing challenges.
4
Crawford, Matthew R. "Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship." New Testament Studies 61, no. 1 (December 3, 2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688514000216.
Full textAbstract:
In the early third and fourth centuries respectively, Ammonius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Caesarea engaged in cutting-edge research on the relationships among the four canonical gospels. Indeed, these two figures stand at the head of the entire tradition of comparative literary analysis of the gospels. This article provides a more precise account of their contributions, as well as the relationship between the two figures. It argues that Ammonius, who was likely the teacher of Origen, composed the first gospel synopsis by placing similar passages in parallel columns. He gave this work the title Diatessaron-Gospel, referring thereby to the four columns in which his text was laid out. This pioneering piece of scholarship drew upon a long tradition of Alexandrian textual scholarship and likely served as the inspiration for Origen's more famous Hexapla. A little over a century later, Eusebius of Caesarea picked up where Ammonius left off and attempted to accomplish the same goal, albeit using a different and improved method. Using the textual parallels presented in the Diatessaron-Gospel as his ‘raw data’, Eusebius converted these textual units into numbers which he then collated in ten tables, or ‘canons’, standing at the beginning of a gospel book. The resulting cross-reference system, consisting of the Canon Tables as well as sectional enumeration throughout each gospel, allowed the user to find parallels between the gospels, but in such a way that the literary integrity of each of the four was preserved. Moreover, Eusebius also exploited the potential of his invention by including theologically suggestive cross-references, thereby subtly guiding the reader of the fourfold gospel to what might be called a canonical reading of the four.
5
Jourdan, Fabienne. "Le Logos et l'empereur, nouveaux Orphée « Postérité d'une image entrée dans la littérature avec Clément d'Alexandrie »." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 4 (2008): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x247656.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the Protrepticus, Clement of Alexandria suggests Orpheus' song is a prefiguration of the power of the Word. In the fourth century A. D., Eusebius and Themistius will apply this interpretation of Orpheus' song respectively to the Logos and to the Emperor. In the image proposed by Eusebius the Alexandrian's influence is obvious, whereas its transformation in Themistius illustrates its political evolution. An examination of these two different applications shows not only Clement's role in the transfer of a symbolic figure, but also the originality of its first Christian transposition in the Protrepticus.
6
Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.
Full textAbstract:
Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic languages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved version of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
7
Crawford, Matthew R. "Reconsidering the Relationship Between (Pseudo-)Didymus’s De Trinitate and Cyril of Alexandria’s Contra Julianum." Journal of Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 236–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flaa014.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cyril of Alexandria’s apologetic treatise Contra Julianum drew upon a wide range of earlier Christian literature, including works by Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, Pseudo-Justin Martyr, and others. The literary relationship between Contra Julianum and the De Trinitate attributed to Didymus the Blind is, however, contested. In this article I re-examine the parallel passages between these two works and argue that Cyril drew directly upon the De Trinitate as he composed Contra Julianum, using that prior work in three different ways. In the light of this finding, I argue that this literary dependency sheds some light on the intellectual and perhaps also social milieu out of which Contra Julianum arose, namely the long tradition of Christian authors who appropriated non-Christian sources for apologetic purposes, including such figures as Origen and Didymus.
8
Longosz, Stanisław. "Dramatyzowane homilie patrystyczne zalążkiem dramatu chrześcijańskiego." Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 389–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3508.
Full textAbstract:
The author of this paper tries to prove that the origins of Christian drama shouldn’t be sought in Latin liturgical drama crystalized in 9th and 10th century – as it is commonly accepted – but rather much earlier: in Eastern dramatized patristic homilies of 5th, 6th and 7th century. All fully dramatized homilies of those days are arranged in three groups: The homilies about John the Baptist and the Baptism of Jesus Christ; The homilies about descending of Jesus Christ into the abyss and liberation of those who are righteous from hell; Homilies about the Annunciation of Blessed Virgin Mary – most numerous texts. In this article only homilies from group 1 and group 2 are analyzed. The eight most dramatized speeches from these two groups were chosen. From these homilies some fragments or full parts of dialogs are chosen and quoted, as examples of dramatic action, shown in the clearest way (containing the fullness of psychological expression and motion, rhetorically built dialogs of Biblical characters). These parts are explained and commented in the context of the idea of drama proposed by Origen (Commentarius in Cantica Canticorum. Prologus 1, 1-3; I 1, 1-2). From Group 1, the author of this article presents two homilies: Homilia in Sanctam Theophaniam (which authorship is mistakenly assigned to St. Gregory the Wonderworker) and Homilia de baptismo Christi [CPG 5520] of Pseudo- Eusebius of Alexandria. From Group 2 six speeches are chosen. Five of them are written by Pseudo- Eusebius of Alexandria. They make specific cycle, known as Eusebian cycle of descending Christ into the abyss. This cycle – in its contents and structure – is a rhetorical amplification of apocryphal Evangelium Nicodemi (17-27) and Quaestiones S. Bartholomaei Apostoli (I 1-9). These homilies are summarized by the author of this paper. These five Eusebian homilies are completed with well-known Homilia de divini corporis sepultura et de Christi adventu in infernum [CPG 3768] of anonymous author. This last one is quoted on the Holy Saturday in the Liturgy of the Hours (II 386-388). According to some modern authors (i.e. G. La Piana), all these six homilies seem to set up the Christian Passion Drama in three acts (A-C). The structure of this drama is as follows. At the beginning we have well documented theological introduction about descensus in inferos. Then we have three acts with following homilies (first five of them are written by Pseudo-Eusebius of Alexandria): A. Descending of John the Baptist to the abyss to prepare those who are righteous for the coming of Christ: Homilia in illud: „Tu es qui venturus es, an alium exspectamus” [CPG 5521] and Homilia de adventu Joannis in infernum et de ibi inclusis [CPG 5522]; B. The Judas’ betrayal, imprisonment of Jesus and the dread of rulers of the underworld – Satan and Hades – after they have heard about coming of Christ: De proditione Judae [CPG 5523] and Homilia in Diabolum et Hadem [CPG 5524]; C. The Passion and Death of Christ and his descending into the abyss: Homilia de Christi passione [CPG 5526] and Homilia in divini corporis sepultura et de Christi adventu in infernum [CPG 3768]. The numerous and widely presented fragments of dramatized homilies – completed with highly quoted literature of subject – seem to convince clearly, that the origins of Christian drama (reconstructed in unspecified way during the liturgy in the Church) could be reasonably sought as far as in patristic dramatized homily of 6th and 7th century.
9
Flores Colín, Miguel Santiago. "Las listas episcopales en Eusebio de Cesarea: entre teología e historia." Nova Tellus 39, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.2.79285.
Full textAbstract:
The status quaestionis on the Episcopal Lists of Eusebius of Caesarea has different positions. The complete Episcopal Lists offer specific information which, compared with current systematic studies, show that the historical strictness of the Father of Christian Historiography is directly related with his Theological intention and not disassociated as has been argued. The research contributes with the inclusion of the Church of Caesarea as an example of the Episcopal Lists, along with the Churches of Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria.
10
GILLIAM, PAUL R. "William Whiston: No Longer an Arian." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 755–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915001566.
Full textAbstract:
This article contends that William Whiston (1667–1752) has been misidentified as an Arian for more than three hundred years. Though Whiston was labelled an Arian by his theological opponents, and early in his career naively accepted the Arian label for his own Christological beliefs, he consistently demarcated his own beliefs from those of Arius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Nicomedia. Furthermore, Whiston agreed with the Council of Nicaea's decision to rule Arius’ understanding of the relationship of the Son to the Father out of bounds. Thus, William Whiston should no longer be called an Arian.
11
CRAWFORD, MATTHEW R. "The Influence of Eusebius’ Chronicle on the Apologetic Treatises of Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 4 (June 9, 2020): 693–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000664.
Full textAbstract:
In the early fifth century, both Cyril of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo used Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicle in the writing of their respective apologetic treatises – Against Julian for Cyril and The city of God for Augustine. The present study compares the use that these two authors made of their predecessor and argues for two continuities between these acts of reception: the use of synchronisms between biblical and non-biblical history and the tracing of Mosaic monotheism through time. In both these respects, Cyril and Augustine were carrying forward themes of Christian apologetic that reached back to the second-century apologists.
12
Gavrilyuk, Paul L. "Christopher Beeley, The Unity of Christ." Scottish Journal of Theology 68, no. 3 (July 7, 2015): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930615000149.
Full textAbstract:
Professor Beeley has contributed a new chapter to the history of the doctrine of communicatio idiomatum. He has written a provocative book, whose argument is both revisionist and orthodox. Beeley proposes to revise the accepted christological narrative by questioning the significance and theological genius of Athanasius of Alexandria. In Beeley's judgement, Athanasius' contribution pales in comparison with such giants as Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzen and Maximus the Confessor. Beeley finds especially in Nazianzen's Christology the most profound and consistent rendering of the unity of Christ, a golden standard for expressing communicatio idiomatum. According to Beeley, Gregory's achievement was only partially matched by the Christologies of Cyril of Alexandria and Leo of Rome. Gregory's Christology is the apex of the Origenist tradition, its most complete and compelling expression. A permanent contribution of Beeley's work is the restoration of Gregory the Theologian to the diptychs of contemporary Western patristic scholarship, in which Nazianzen has been overshadowed by another Cappadocian, Gregory of Nyssa.
13
Morales, Xavier. "Sabellius libyen, Libye sabellienne ?" Augustinianum 62, no. 1 (2022): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20226212.
Full textAbstract:
Was Sabellius really a Libyan? Examining contemporary sources and ancient historiography on one of the most enigmatic heretics in the history of dogmas, the article shows that the Libyan origin of Sabellius is unlikely, and that it is an exaggeration to claim that Libya was a Sabellian home in the third century. Eusebius of Caesarea is probably guilty of having identified the adversaries of Dionysius of Alexandria located in Ptolemais as disciples of Sabellius, and the testimony of Origen on the theology of the identification between the Father and Christ is too abstract to deduce that this theology was as widely diffused in the East as it has previously been held.
14
Brzozowska, Zofia. "Sophia – God’s wisdom. Quality, energy or separate divine person in the theology of the eastern church (to the 15th century)." Hybris 20, no. 1 (March 30, 2013): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1689-4286.20.02.
Full textAbstract:
The representation of Sophia – personified God’s Wisdom, based on the text of old-testament Sapiental Books, took quite an important place in the spiritual culture of Byzantium. What should be noted is the Empire inhabitants’ striving to identify Wisdom with one of the persons of Trinity. A vast majority of the Church Fathers and later East Christian thinkers inclined towards christological interpretation of Sophian images. The Second Hypostasis – the Word Incarnate, was identified with Sophia by Justin Martyr, Athenagoras of Athens, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Methodius of Olympus, Eusebius of Caesarea, Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius of Alexandria, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret of Cyrus, Anastasius of Sinai, Patriarch Germanus of Constantinople, St. Theodore of Stoudios, Symeon the Metaphrast, St. Simeon the New Theologian, and Philotheos Kokkinos – author of three extensive educational works devoted to Sapiental metaphors, presented in the Book of Proverbs. Several other apologists preferred to identify God’s Wisdom with the Holy Spirit (Theophilus of Antioch, Irenaeus of Lyons, Paul of Samosata). At the same time in the Byzantine theology emerged a completely abstract interpretation of Sophia, based on the views of Saint Basil the Great, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor. Its highlight was to be a theory, proposed by Gregory Palamas in the fourteenth century, according to which Sophia should be understood primarily as one of the uncreated energies of God.
15
Pérez-Jiménez, Aurelio. "Plutarch’s Parallel Lives and the Greek Christian Fathers of the 2nd Century, with special attention to Clement of Alexandria." Ploutarchos 20 (December 28, 2023): 27–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_20_2.
Full textAbstract:
It is well known the Plutarch’s influence on the Christian thought of the imperial era, especially in authors such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, the three Capadocian Fathers, John Chrysosthomos, Theodoretus, Cyrillus of Alexandria, or Synesius of Cyrene, who not only cite (with the exception of Clement) him, but even, without explicit citing, are directly inspired by some Plutarch’s theological and ethical treatises. In this sense, the use of the Moralia by Greek Christian Apologists and other Fathers of the Church has received sufficient attention from modern bibliography, especially in the last decades of the 20th Century and so far in the 21st Century. Less researched has been, however, the imprint left by the Parallel Lives on the Greek Christian authors of the first five centuries of our Age. My article will focus on this aspect of Plutarch’s reception, although restricted to the 2nd century AD. The first Section will provide an overview (based on modern literature about this topic and on the reading of Christian texts) of the importance of references in Ancient Christian Literature to the characters of Plutarch’s Lives or to specific passages in them. In the first and second Sections I will focus on the possible references to this Plutarch’s work in the 2nd Century apologists, Tatian, Athenagoras and Theophilus (first Section), and in Clement of Alexandria (second Section).
16
Flower, Richard. "Witnesses for the Persecution." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 3 (2019): 337–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.3.337.
Full textAbstract:
During the reign of Constantius II (337–361), a number of Christian bishops were exiled from their sees, reportedly for their opposition to the emperor's “Homoian” theological position. Several of them (Athanasius of Alexandria, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Cagliari, Eusebius of Vercelli) responded to their institutional insecurity and geographical isolation by writing accounts of their experiences in a range of textual forms: letters to individuals or groups, historical narratives with quoted documents, or formal invectives. This article explores the variety of ways in which these examples of exilic literature construct different forms of communities in order to weave supportive narratives around the authors and their allies: Hilary and Lucifer emphasized their possession of parrhesia both within and through their texts; Athanasius constructed a network of opposition to heresy with himself as its focus; Eusebius presented himself as the lynchpin of a north Italian community which he could still lead from exile in Palestine. Through inscribing particular roles onto both their readers and other figures discussed within the texts, these exiled authors sought to foster their own reputations as leaders of these communities and arbiters of membership, thereby bolstering their positions at a time when their authority was under serious threat.
17
Jacobs, Andrew S. "The Disorder of Books: Priscillian's Canonical Defense of Apocrypha." Harvard Theological Review 93, no. 2 (April 2000): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016746.
Full textAbstract:
Historians of ancient Christianity derive a certain satisfaction from the fact that Athanasius of Alexandria, the fervent architect of Nicene Christianity, should also be the first known ecclesiastical authority to “list precisely the twenty-seven books that eventually formed the generally accepted canon of the New Testament.” This intersection of canon and creed abets the notion that Christianity matured and solidified in the latter half of the fourth century; henceforth heresy and extracanonical reading would together constitute evidence of theological backsliding, or, worse, deliberate and malicious distortion of an agreed-upon truth. If Eusebius at the beginning of the fourth century is frustratingly vague on what is and is not “canonical,” his reticence from within a period of dogmatic flux is understandable. In contrast, Athanasius toward the century's end is reassuringly firm, scripturally and doctrinally. From Easter of 367 onward, according to such a narrative, heresy and apocrypha would become coterminous, and a messy chapter of Christian history could be closed.
18
Johnson, Nathan C. "The Mind of Matthew, or the Text? Retrieving Eusebius’ Intertextual Proposal on the Crux Interpretum of Matthew 28:1." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 7, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2020-0005.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe translation of Matthew 28:1 is notoriously difficult (ὀψὲ δὲ σαββάτων τῇ ἐπιφωσκούσῃ εἰς μίαν σαββάτων). Following a survey of proposals that place the discovery of Jesus’ resurrection at dawn or during the night, and finding these solutions wanting, this article highlights overlooked evidence in this passage’s long reception history. Some of this evidence is intratextual, namely, passages which could favor a day-night schema (Matt 4:2; 12:40) or in which Matthew discusses commerce and travel at night (Matt 14:15; 25:1-13). The second, intertextual set of evidence is found in the works of Eusebius, Didymus of Alexandria, Jerome, and Theodoret. These patristic authors provide a forgotten proposal whereby the resurrection is connected with the “dawn” of Ps 21:1 LXX. Since Matthew’s Passion Narrative appeals to this psalm in so many other instances, this patristic insight helpfully reframes the debate on this crux around the text and its reception history (intentio operis) rather than the elusive category of authorial intent (intentio auctoris).
19
Boersma, Hans. "The Sacramental Reading of Nicene Theology: Athanasius and Gregory of Nyssa on Proverbs 8." Journal of Theological Interpretation 10, no. 1 (2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26373984.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Both Arian and pro-Nicene theologians saw in the Wisdom of Prov 8 a reference to Christ. This agreement, however, did not produce unanimity about the manner of Christological exegesis. Theologians such as Eusebius of Caesarea and Eunomius of Cyzicus tried to determine the "plain" or "literal" meaning of the text. As a result, they saw in the passage references to a shadowy figure, called "Wisdom," whom God had "created," "established," or "begotten" (Prov 8) long before time began—a figure that became incarnate in Jesus Christ. By contrast, the reading strategy of Marcellus of Ancyra, Athanasius of Alexandria, and Gregory of Nyssa was grounded in the sacramental conviction that the genre of the book of Proverbs demands that we recognize a "hidden" meaning, one that becomes clear to us only in and through God's economic self-revelation in Jesus Christ. A strictly literal, nonsacramental reading of Prov 8 was problematic, according to the pro-Nicene theologians, in that it fails to note the sacramental reality (res) of Christ and his church as really present in the Wisdom passages of the book of Proverbs. By refusing to allegorize, the Arian tradition was unable to discern within the book of Proverbs the doctrinal truth of God's full self-disclosure in Jesus Christ.
20
Boersma, Hans. "The Sacramental Reading of Nicene Theology: Athanasius and Gregory of Nyssa on Proverbs 8." Journal of Theological Interpretation 10, no. 1 (2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.10.1.0001.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Both Arian and pro-Nicene theologians saw in the Wisdom of Prov 8 a reference to Christ. This agreement, however, did not produce unanimity about the manner of Christological exegesis. Theologians such as Eusebius of Caesarea and Eunomius of Cyzicus tried to determine the "plain" or "literal" meaning of the text. As a result, they saw in the passage references to a shadowy figure, called "Wisdom," whom God had "created," "established," or "begotten" (Prov 8) long before time began—a figure that became incarnate in Jesus Christ. By contrast, the reading strategy of Marcellus of Ancyra, Athanasius of Alexandria, and Gregory of Nyssa was grounded in the sacramental conviction that the genre of the book of Proverbs demands that we recognize a "hidden" meaning, one that becomes clear to us only in and through God's economic self-revelation in Jesus Christ. A strictly literal, nonsacramental reading of Prov 8 was problematic, according to the pro-Nicene theologians, in that it fails to note the sacramental reality (res) of Christ and his church as really present in the Wisdom passages of the book of Proverbs. By refusing to allegorize, the Arian tradition was unable to discern within the book of Proverbs the doctrinal truth of God's full self-disclosure in Jesus Christ.
21
Dudzik, Pavel. "Nicene terminology defended by Athanasius of Alexandria in "De Decretis Nicaenae synodi" and the possible influence of Eusebius’ "Epistula ad Caesarienses"." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3613.
Full textAbstract:
Celem artykułu jest porównanie dwóch narracji teologicznych – zawartych w Epistula ad Caesarienses Euzebiusza z Cezarei i De decretis Nicaenae synodi Atanazego Aleksandryjskiego – prezentujących orzeczenia Soboru Nicejskiego i mających na celu doprowadzenie do uznania Credo nicejskiego. W niniejszym opracowaniu została dokonana przede wszystkim analiza rozdziałów 19. i 20. De decretis Nicaenae synodi, w których mogą być obecne sugestie polemiczne w stosunku do sformułowań z listu Euzebiusza. Obiektem badań jest także zawarta w De decretis Nicaenae synodi 24 dwustopniowa struktura definicji ÐmooÚsioj, która może mieć swoje źródła w liście Euzebiusza. Godny prześledzenia jest także fragment 25. dzieła Atanazego zawierający ukryte aluzje do wzmianki o nicejskich poprzednikach w piśmie Euzebiusza. Na podstawie analiz tych fragmentów wydaje się, że Atanazy dokładnie rozważył argumenty i słabe punkty wywodów Euzebiusza i stało się to podstawą do jego własnej narracji teologicznej broniącej nicejskiego wyznania wiary.
22
Meconi, David. "Christ as Mediator: a Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By Jon M. Robertson." Heythrop Journal 50, no. 4 (July 2009): 707–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2009.00501_11.x.
Full text
23
Teal, A. "Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By JON M. ROBERTSON." Journal of Theological Studies 59, no. 2 (July 26, 2008): 797–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln080.
Full text
24
Hill, Kevin Douglas. "Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra and Athanasius of Alexandria - By Jon M. Robertson." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 1 (March 2009): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01318_39.x.
Full text
25
Vinzent, Markus. "Jon M Robertson, . Christ as Mediator: A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. Oxford Theological Monographs. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. xi+249 pp. $110.00 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 89, no. 3 (July 2009): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/600274.
Full text
26
Hordern, J. H. "Two notes on Greek dithyrambic poetry." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.289.
Full textAbstract:
The fragment is preserved in two sources, Clement of Alexandria's Miscellanies, Strom. 5.14.112 (ii.402 Stählin), which gives the order of words printed above, and Eusebius' Praep. Evang. 13.680c, in which the second line is given as . The latter reading was preferred by Bergk, but there seems at first little reason to prefer one order over the other. I shall return to this issue shortly.
27
MOSSHAMMER, ALDEN A. "(A.P.) Johnson Ethnicity and Argument in Eusebius' Praeparatio Evangelica. Pp. xviii + 261. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Cased, £50. ISBN: 978-0-19-929613-2. (D.M.) Gwynn The Eusebians. The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the ‘Arian Controversy'. Pp. xiv + 280. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Cased, £55. ISBN: 978-0-19-920555-4." Classical Review 58, no. 1 (January 2008): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0700203x.
Full text
28
Prikhodko, Maksim. "“Life of Constantine” by Eusebius of Caesarea as “sacred history”: a typology of Moses — Constantine." St. Tikhons' University Review, no. 109 (October 31, 2023): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2023109.9-27.
Full textAbstract:
In the article, the conceptual model of the holy emperor in one of the first monuments of Christian hagiographic literature, “Life Constantine” by Eusebius of Caesarea, is investigated. The analysis is based on the typological comparison of Emperor Constantine with the biblical figure of Moses, conducted by Eusebius. As part of this comparison, the development of a “sacred image” in history is traced, which forms a kind of “sacred history” beyond the biblical framework. Philo of Alexandria’s view of the unity of the laws of nature and the written legislation of Moses as having a single source - the Logos of God, Eusebius extends to the conformity of the biblical character and the contemporary historical figure of the emperor. Following the Logos, Constantine performs the same pattern Moses fulfilled in his life. In the development of the typological line of Moses-Constantine, three moments of the formation of the figure of Constantine in sacred history are traced: receiving the kingdom, accepting the ministry of the priesthood, and gaining the gift of prophecy. The descriptive convergence of the biblical story and modern (to the author) history means not so much the dependence of one narrative on the other but their general dependence on the Logos acting in history as the Law of nature, which guides the course of history and shapes its events. Eusebius reflects in the biography of the emperor the Principle, which equally acts both in the sacred events of the history of Moses and in the relatively recent events for Eusebius Constantine. In this single Beginning, the biblical story, perceived “by ear” and therefore having the “look of a myth”, acquires visible features, and current reality is endowed with the meaning of the sacred biblical story. The “Life of Constantine” thus demonstrates the mechanism of fixation in the memory of sacred events that make up a particular, sacred line of history.
29
CEDILNIK, Alenka, and Dominic MOREAU. "Macedonius of Constantinople, a True Eusebian? Contribution (IV) to the Christian Prosopography of the Dioecesis Thraciarum." Classica et Christiana 19, no. 1 (2024): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/cetc-2024-19.1.149.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deal with the figure of Macedonius, which was the second pro-Arian head of the Church of Constantinople, from 342 to 360, but with two periods of interruption, during which the pro-Nicene Paul regained his see. Macedonius became bishop because of the support he received from the Eusebians and kept his position as long as his conduct was in line with the efforts of this poli-tico-religious faction. This meant asserting the pro-Arian doctrine of this group, as well as strengthening and expanding the sphere of influence of the episcopal see of Constantinople. As part of his efforts to achieve both goals, he introduced persecution of pro-Nicenes and, as it seems, had a significant influence in the appointment of George of Cappadocia to the see of Alexandria.
30
Barry, Jennifer. "Damning Nicomedia." Studies in Late Antiquity 3, no. 3 (2019): 413–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2019.3.3.413.
Full textAbstract:
All Christian flights were not created equal. With the aid of pro-Nicene authors, Athanasius of Alexandria's multiple flights quickly became the standard for an orthodox exile. The charge of cowardice, or worse, heresy, was not so easily dismissed, however. While the famed Athanasius would explain away such charges in his own writings, as did many of his later defenders, not all fleeing bishops could escape a damning verdict. In this article, I explore how the enemies of Nicaea, re-read as the enemies of Athanasius, also found themselves in exile. Their episcopal flights were no testament to their virtue but within pro-Nicene Christian memory of fifth-century ecclesiastical historians, the exiles of anti-Nicene bishops, such as Eusebius of Nicomedia, were remembered as evidence of guilt. To show how this memory-making exercise took place we will turn to the imperial landscape and assess how the space someone was exiled from greatly shaped how exile was deemed either orthodox or heretical.
31
Тимофеев, Борис. "Exegesis of St. Isidore of Pelusium: A Meeting Point Between the Alexandrian and Antiochian Exegetical Traditions." Theological Herald, no. 2(33) (June 15, 2019): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2019-33-80-90.
Full textAbstract:
Данная статья представляет собой попытку реконструкции экзегетического метода прп. Исидора Пелусиота. Прп. Исидор как богослов и экзегет формировался в контексте александрийской богословской традиции, однако при этом под влиянием личности и произведений свт. Иоанна Златоуста усвоил некоторые принципы антиохийской экзегезы, поэтому для реконструкции экзегетического метода прп. Исидора важно определить источники содержания и возможный масштаб влияния обеих традиций. Для этого необходимо провести поиск и анализ возможных заимствований. В комментариях на отрывки из исторических и законодательных книг Священного Писания преобладает влияние духовно-нравственной аллегорезы Филона и Оригена. В толкованиях мессианских пророческих текстов преобладает влияние толкований Диодора Тарсийского, Феодора Мопсуестийского и свт. Иоанна Златоуста. This article is an attempt to reconstruct the exegetical method of St. Isidore of Pelusium. St. Isidore as a theologian and exegete was formed in the context of the Alexandrian theological tradition, but at the same time under the influence of the person and works of St. John Chrysostom he became acquainted with the traditional approaches of the Antiochian exegetical school in the interpretation of Holy Scripture. In addition to the writings of St. John Chrysostom St. Isidore also read the works of other Antiochians: Eusebius of Ames, Diodorus of Tarsus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and others. As a result of this acquaintance, the monk incorporated into his hermeneutic system several Antiochian exegetical principles. Therefore, to reconstruct the exegetical method of St. Isidore of Pelusium one needs to consider the influence of both the Alexandrian and the Antiochian theological schools. It is important to determine the sources of the content and the possible scale of influence of both traditions. For this it is necessary to conduct a search and analysis of possible borrowings. In the commentaries on excerpts from the historical and legislative books of the Holy Scriptures, the influence of the spiritual and moral allegorisms of Philo and Origen prevails. In the interpretations of the Messianic prophetic texts - the influence of the interpretations of Diodorus of Tarsus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and St. John Chrysostom.
32
Toom, Tarmo. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the ?Arian Controversy? ? By D.M. Gwynn." Reviews in Religion & Theology 14, no. 3 (July 2007): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2007.00350_12.x.
Full text
33
Tarrant, Harold. "Olympiodorus and Proclus on the Climax of the Alcibiades." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 1, no. 1 (2007): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254707x194636.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines the late Neoplatonic evidence for the text at the crucial point of the Alcibiades I, 133c, finding that Olympiodorus' important evidence is not in the lexis, which strangely has nothing to say. Perhaps it was dangerous in Christian Alexandria to record one's views here too precisely. Rather, they are found primarily in the prologue and secondarily in the relevant theoria. Olympiodorus believes that he is quoting from the work or paraphrasing closely, but offers nothing that can be paralleled in either the manuscripts or the Eusebian (or Stobaean) versions. Since both the manuscript text and the Eusebian text fail to satisfy, the evidence deserves consideration. Even if he were not in possession of a text that was wholly correct, Olympiodorus does at least offer an overall interpretation of the passage which neatly unites the daemonic and erotic aspects of Socrates' activities, and offers a real reason for Alcibiades to return Socrates' love. He is encouraged to reflect upon the nature of the divine being (not just a daemo but a theos in this work) controlling Socrates, so that he may behold the likeness of his own, woefully obscured, inner self, and so acquire the self-knowledge necessary for true political success.The anonymous Prolegomena (unsurprisingly) are compatible with Olympiodorus, while Proclus' prologue again largely agrees with Olympiodorus' interpretation. For Proclus, Alcibiades must become an observer of Socrates knowledge and indeed of Socrates' whole life. 'For to desire to know the reason for Socrates' actions is to become the lover of the knowledge which is pre-established within him.' So the path towards a total understanding of his own inner intellective self lies via the contemplation of that being that is rooted within Socrates.I also examine earlier Platonist evidence for the text and find little that is not in harmony with late Neoplatonism.
34
Zibaev, Anton V. "The animal kingdom in the picture of world by Philostorgius." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 1 (March 21, 2023): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/23-1/02.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the place of the animal world in the picture of the world by Philostorgius. Being a prominent representative of the Alexandrian school and the heretical church historiography of the IV-V cent. AD, he approached this issue much more seriously, paying attention to the symbolism due to the appearance and relationship of a person with one or another biological species. All this correlates with the methods of biological descriptions in antiquity, some of which are also used by modern biologists. Careful handling of the biological terminology of Aristotle and Pliny is noticeable in the use of such a key concept of the Philostorgian worldview as ύ.Regarding animals, he uses this word in the sense of gender, which successfully correlates with Aristotle's History of Animals. It is concluded that the descriptions of animals in the Ecclesiastical History is an imitation of Natural History by Pliny the Elder and History of Animals by Aristotle. Trying to follow, on the one hand, Polybius in covering the political events of the Roman Empire; on the other hand, Eusebius of Caesarea in a story about the religious struggle between currents in Christianity, Judaism and pagan cults; Aristotle and Pliny the Elder, in an effort to represent the entire cosmos from Paradise and heaven, to the depths of the earth and Hell, Philostorgius created a religious and political work with elements of scientific descriptions, intended for an educated reader and aiming to educate a citizen of Rome, a diversified Eunomian.
35
Barnes, T. D. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the 'Arian Controversy'. By DAVID M. GWYNN." Journal of Theological Studies 58, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 715–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flm100.
Full text
36
Ehrman, Bart D. "Jesus and the Adulteress." New Testament Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1988): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022189.
Full textAbstract:
The story of Jesus and the Adulteress (John 7. 53–8. 11) is fraught with historical and literary problems, many of which have seemed insoluble. On only two points is there a scholarly consensus: the passage did not originally form part of the Fourth Gospel, and it bears a close resemblance to Synoptic, particularly Lukan, traditions about Jesus. The arguments for these judgments are overwhelming and do not need to be repeated here. In some respects these unanimous conclusions have themselves brought into sharp focus the thorny problems of the story's textual and pre-literary history: (1) Textual. Since the oldest and best textual witnesses of the Gospel of John do not contain the passage, how should the allusive references to it from the second and third centuries be evaluated? Did Papias know this story? If so, did he find it in the Gospel according to the Hebrews? Or was it Eusebius, who informs us of Papias's knowledge of this or a similar story, who found it there? What form of the story was known to the author of the Didascalia and his subsequent editor, the author of the Apostolic Constitutions? Did Origen know the story? If not, when was it first accepted into the Alexandrian canon? (2) Preliterary. How should this story be classified form-critically? And in whatSitz im Lebenof the early church would it have thrived? Does the story preserve authentic tradition from the life of Jesus? Scholarship has reached an impasse on these questions because the early evidence is so sparse. Martin Dibelius's famous pronouncement from a different context applies here as well: ‘Enlightenment is to be expected not from new hypotheses but only from new discoveries.’
37
Zelinskyi, Andrii. "Foreign Policy Orientation of the Bithynian King Ziaelas in Light of New Inscriptions from Kos." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 60 (December 10, 2021): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2021-60-02.
Full textAbstract:
The appearance of this article was prompted by the discovery of a new block of inscriptions from the island of Kos, published in the 50th volume of the journal Chiron by D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof. Among these inscriptions, dating to 243 BC, of particular interest are two royal letters concerning the recognition of the right of asylum possessed by the temple of Asclepius in Kos. The first letter belongs to the king of Bithynia Ziaelas, and the second – to the Seleucid queen Laodice I, the mother of Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax. Analysis of the contents of these documents compels us to rethink the commonly held assumptions about the foreign policy orientation of King Ziaelas from the second half of the 240s BC. Based on the already known earlier letter of Ziaelas to the citizens of Kos (IGXII, 4, 1, 209), together with the evidence of the Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea (Euseb. Chron. Schoene, I, 251), many researchers believe in the existence of a long-term alliance between this Bithynian king and Ptolemy III Everget, formed at the beginning of the second half of the 240s BC and lasting at least until the mid-230s BC. Instead, given the observations made on the basis of the new royal letters by D. Bosnakis, K. Hallof, and the author of this article, we can speak of only a very shortlived political partnership between Ziaelas and Ptolemy III. Afterwards, Ziaelas quickly returned to the Seleucid political orbit. This conclusion follows from the absence of references to Ptolemy III in the new letter of the Bithynian king, combined with indications of contacts between the latter and Laodice I, openly hostile to Everget. This move by Ziaelas was probably dictated by the lack of tangible military or political support from the Alexandrian ruler. The fact of the rupture of the short-lived relationship between Ziaelas and Ptolemy III, together with the testimony of the already known sources, suggests that the king of Bithynia continued permanently in the Seleucid sphere of influence.
38
Graumann, Thomas. "Christ as mediator. A study of the theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandria. By Jon M. Robertson. (Oxford Theological Monographs.) Pp. xiv+249. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £60. 978 0 19 921260 6 - The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus. Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451). By Paul B. ClaytonJr. (Oxford Early Christian Studies.) Pp. ix+355. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £75. 978 0 19 814398 7." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 2 (March 24, 2009): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908007707.
Full text
39
Paciorek, Piotr M. "Czas kresu czasów w literaturze apokaliptycznej." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 383–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3592.
Full textAbstract:
In this article titled “The Time of the End of Times in the Apocalyptical Literature” the author presents the study about the biblical vision of the final time which concern two domains christological and ecclesiological. This patristic study pertains to several subjects set forth in section and sub-section titles, such as: Christ as the Eternal Day of God, the Parousia as the Second Coming of Christ, the Day of Judgement, the Great Tribulation or Persecution (Mt 24: 21; Mk 13: 19; por. Dan 12: 1), “the great distress” (Rev 7: 14), the time of Pagans persisting for forty two months, the fall of Jerusalem (Mt 24: 1-3; Mk 13: 1-4; Lk 21: 5-7. 20), “abomination of desolation” (Dan 9: 27; 11: 3; 12: 11), Gog and Magog from the vision of Ezekiel (Ezek 38-39) and Apokalypse (Rev 20: 8), a great apostasy will be a prelude to the Second Coming of Christ, “a hundred and forty-four thousand who had his [Lamb’s] name and his Father’s name written on their foreheads [and] who had been ransomed from the earth” (Rev 14: 1. 3), Antichrist (1Jn 2: 18. 22; 4: 2-3; 2Jn 7) and his time three and a half years (Rev 11: 9. 11) or forty-two months (Rev 11: 2; 13: 5). The Antichrist refers to the ruling spirit of error, the enemy of the Gospel, and the opponent of Christ who will precede His Second Coming and the end of the world. He is the incarnation of wickedness, pride, and hostility toward Christ’s redemptive work. This section delves into the number 666 (Rev 13: 18; 15: 2), false prophets (2Pet 2: 1), false teachers (2Pet 2: 1). In the biblical apocalyptic literature we can find a few visions of the cosmic catastrophes and cataclysms such as “earthquakes” (Mt 24: 7; Mk 13: 8), “famines” (Mt 24: 7; Mk 13: 8). In this study, appeared the theory of Millenarianism (from Latin mille) or chiliasm (from Greek c…lioi) based on a literal interpretation of Apocalypse (Rev 20: 2-7) which interpretation teaches that the visible personal rule of Christ on earth will last for a duration of a thousand years before the end of the world. Two themes are given special study in this article. First is the distinction of the interpretation of time. Second, is the interpretation of the prophetic announcements and eschatological visions from the Bible, and the potential influence of the ancient apocalyptic stories and writings in the redaction of the Bible. As to the first theme, the application of Greek distinction of concept of time as duration (crÒnoj) from time as fulfilment and accomplishment (kairÒj) to the Hebrew conception of time is problematic. Substantial biblical concept of time is an event which pertains to time, otherwise as time having specific event, more then a time extending indefinite time. In the theological perspective, perception of time is therefore an action of God. From the very beginning to the end of Biblical History, time is the means of God’s deeds of salvation. Thence for the biblical author, the historic-redemptive (salvation) concept of the world appears before his metaphysical conception. This concept is also readily apparent in the description of the seven days from the ancient Semitic cosmogony well-known from the Book of Genesis. This topic contains an important christological and messianic aspect. The history of the world become conditioned and dependant, defined and designated by the existence of the Word of God, Creation and Incarnation by the birth of the Son of God, fulfilment of time by the second coming of the Son of Man siting at the right hand of God (Mk 16: 19; Heb 12: 2), the end of time by the judgement of God. One can speak of christological concept of time and also of christological concept of the world. The discussion of the second theme revolves around the interpretation of the Fathers of the Church on apocalyptic writings. This analysis of the meaning of the apocalyptical symbols is presented according to the interpretation of the Fathers of the Church, starting with all commentary of the Book of Revelation written from the beginning to the 12th Century. Outstanding among Greek and Latin writers from the ancient time through the Middle Ages are: Papias of Hierapolis, Justin Martyr, Hippolytus, Irenaeus of Lyon, Origen, Tertullien, Lactance, Eusebius of Caesarea, Didymus of Alexandria, Victorinus of Pettau, Gregory of Nyssa, Jerome, Augustine of Hippo, Quodvultdeus, Primasius, Caesarius of Arles, Gregory the Great, Isidore of Seville, Raban Maur, Bede the Venerable, Ambroise Autpert, Beatus of Liébana, Rupert of Deutz, Joachim of Fiore, Richard of Saint-Victor. It is well known that, between the years 200 B.C. and 150 A.D., prophetic writings appeared in certain Jewish or Christian circles. These prophetic writings were called Apocalypses. After a careful analysis, this article hypothesizes that the Bible is influenced by this ancient apocalyptic literature. The Biblical Apocalyptic Literature was dependent upon formularies and expressions used in the ancient Apocalyptic Literature. Some symbols or apocalyptic numbers were accepted from the ancient Literature, sometimes diminishing and sometimes enlarging their meaning. On the basis of formularies and symbols from Biblical Apocalyptic, the Fathers of the Church built their own historical-theological interpretation of eschatological events. In the Bible, both Old and New Testaments, there are prophetic announcements and eschatological visions. The New Testament is a repetition of those visions and those announcements made in the Old Testament. The Book of Revelation is the conclusion of those announcements and the accomplishment of those visions. An example of this use of the apocalyptical symbols in the theological and historical contexts by the Christian writers is found in the interpretation of the vision of Gog and Magog. The vision of the Gog and Magog was usually interpreted in the historical context. They were identified with Goths, Barbaric people who invaded and conquered most of the Roman Empire in the 3rd, 4th, and 5th centuries. Yet this epic figure is reinterpreted with the turn of each new century. In the new historical context, the writers give a new interpretation, but the theology of these symbols remains the same.
40
Lyman, Rebecca. "The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the “Arian Controversy.” By David M. Gwynn. Oxford Theological Monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. xv + 286pp. $85.00 cloth." Church History 78, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000560.
Full text
41
DelCogliano, Mark. "The Eusebians. The polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the construction of the Arian controversy. By David M. Gwynn. (Oxford Theological Monographs.) Pp. xiii+280. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. £55. 10: 0 19 920555 8; 13: 978 0 19 920555 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 59, no. 1 (January 2008): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907002953.
Full text
42
Fernández, Gonzalo. "El estallido de la controversia arriana." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 9 (January 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.9.1996.4298.
Full textAbstract:
Este artículo estudia el inicio de la disputa arriana. Fuentes: Epifanio de Salamina, Eusebio de Cesárea, Basilio de Cesárea, Filoslorgio, Rufino de Aquileya, Sócrates, Procopio de Cesárea, Sozomeno, Atanasio de Alejandría y Teodoreto de Ciro.This article deals with the beginning of arlan dispute. Sources: Epiphanius of Salamis, Eusebius of Caesarea, Basil of Caesarea, Philostorgius, Rufinus of Aquileia, Sócrates, Procopius of Caesarea, Sozomen, Athanasius of Alexandria and Theodoret of Cyr.
43
Nicolaides, Angelo. "Reflections on the City of Alexandria and the growth of the early Christian faith." Pharos Journal of Theology 103 (December 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.46222/pharosjot.10310.
Full textAbstract:
The city of Alexandria in Egypt was and remains the centre of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria, and it was one of the major centres of Christianity in the Eastern Roman Empire. St. Mark the Evangelist was the founder of the See, and the Patriarchate's emblem is the Lion of Saint Mark. It was in this city where the Christian faith was vigorously promoted, and in which Hellenic culture flourished. The first theological school of Christendom was stablished which drove catechesis and the study of religious philosophy to new heights. It was greatly supported in its quest by numerous champions of the faith and early Church Fathers such as inter-alia, Pantaenus, Clement, Dionysius, Gregory, Eusebius, Athanasius, Didymus and Origen. Both the Greek Orthodox Church of Alexandria and also the Coptic Church, lay claim to the ancient legacy of Alexandria. By the time of the Arab conquest of Egypt in 641 CE, the city had lost much of its significance. Today the Greek or Eastern Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria remains a very important organ the dissemination of Christianity in Africa especially due to its missionary activities. The head bishop of the Patriarchate of Alexandria and all Africa, Theodore II, and his clerics are performing meritorious works on the continent to the glory of God’s Kingdom. This article traces, albeit it in a limited sense, the history of the faith in Alexandria using a desk-top research methodology. In order to trace Alexandria’s historical development and especially its Christian religious focus, existing relevant primary and secondary data considered to be relevant was utilised including research material published in academic articles, books, bibliographic essays, Biblical and Church documents, electronic documents and websites.
44
Oliver, Willem H. "The heads of the Catechetical School in Alexandria." Verbum et Ecclesia 36, no. 1 (March 25, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v36i1.1386.
Full textAbstract:
This is the second of two articles, the first article being concerned with general questions regarding the Didaskaleion in Alexandria. The account of the founding of the Didaskaleion in Alexandria is based on information provided by Eusebius of Caesarea (263�339), a Roman historian, exegete and Christian polemicist, in his well-known Historia Ecclesiastica, which he wrote during the first half of the 4th century. The heads of the Didaskaleion are, however, not indicated by Eusebius in an exhaustive order, as he referred to only some of them. The only ancient writer who attempted to assemble a list of heads at the Didaskaleion was Philip Sidetes (ca 380�440), also called Philip of Side (Side being a city in ancient Pamphylia, now Turkey), also a historian, of whom only a few fragments are extant. He provided a list of 13 heads (�teachers�), ending with Rhodon who allegedly was his teacher. This article will list and discuss all the scholars being referred to as heads of the Didaskaleion during her existence, which could date back to the second half of the 1st century CE and ended somewhere near the end of the 4th century.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Research about Africa done by Africans (inhabitants of Africa) needs to increase, because in many ways Africa is silent or silenced about her past. The fundamental question is: �Can anything good come out of Africa?� My answer is, �Yes! Come and see.� Therefore these two articles attempt to indicate the significance of Africa which was actually the place where Christian Theology was founded. This has intradisciplinary as well as interdisciplinary implications; in this case the investigation is done from a theological perspective.
45
Lee, Justin J. "Between Alexandria and Antioch: the Diverse Sources of Basil’s Homiliae super psalmos 45." Scrinium, June 4, 2024, 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-bja10102.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Patristic exegesis is often still viewed as a binary: Alexandria vs. Antioch, allegory vs. literal. While there are clear examples of interpreters who adhered to one school’s approach, there were many who sat somewhere between these two extremes. One notable example of this is Basil of Caesarea, who, when actually studied as an exegete, has often been miscast as a student of Antioch or Alexandria. An examination of Basil’s Homiliae super psalmos 45, however, demonstrates that the sources behind Basil’s interpretive efforts cannot be limited to one exegetical ‘school’ or another, but actually represent a diverse range of readings, from Origen of Alexandria to Eusebius of Caesarea to Diodore of Tarsus. In his christological reading of this psalm, Basil resembles the Antiochenes, while in his overall spiritual vision and penchant for allegory, he draws on Origen. The example of Basil demonstrates the complexity of the exegetical world of the early church and the non-binary lines of influence, as well as the need for scholars of patristic exegesis to recognize nuance and complexity in their treatments of these writers.
46
FIANO, EMANUEL. "The Council of the Thebaid, 362: Lucifer of Calaris, Eusebius of Vercellae, and the Readmission of the Clergy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History, August 13, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046921000658.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the Council of the Thebaid of 362. A close examination of Theodoret's version of events reveals that, upon the recall of the pro-Nicenes from exile, Eusebius of Vercellae organised in the Thebaid a non-rigorist meeting, which laid the groundwork for the Council of Alexandria of the same year. The Council of the Thebaid may have also included lapsed pro-Nicenes who had reverted to their original views after being deposed at Constantinople in 360, and may even have seen the participation of members of the homoiousian alliance.
47
Jacobsen, Anders-Christian. "Conversion to Christian Philosophy—the case of Origen’s School in Caesarea." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2012-0012.
Full textAbstract:
In this article I will discuss whether the teaching and preaching of Origen should be understood as aiming at a conversion to philosophy. The idea that Origen’s teaching can be understood this way is inspired by Gregor Thaumaturgus-or Gregory the Wonderworker as he is called in English.1 In his address2 to Origen and his fellow pupils when he left Origen’s school in Caesarea Gregory describes what happened to him in Origen’s school as a kind of conversion. Reading Gregory’s address one can get the impression that his conversion was a conversion to philosophy more than a conversion to Christianity or to a certain kind of Christian theology. In a shorter form, Eusebius mentions something similar. At this background it is reasonable to ask what Gregory could have meant by his description, and whether such a description of Origen’s work can be confirmed and substantiated by Origen’s own writings. I will focus on Origen’s activities in Caesarea, but these will be seen in the context of what we know about his own education and his teaching in Alexandria in the period before he moved to Caesarea.
48
Pogossian, Zaroui. "Armeno-Aethiopica in the Middle Ages: Geography, Tales of Christianization, Calendars, and Anti-Dyophysite Polemics in the First Millennium." Aethiopica 24 (March 4, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.24.0.1627.
Full textAbstract:
Research for this article had the purpose of exploring medieval Armenian–Ethiopian connections. The investigations revealed three main contexts where Ethiopia and Ethiopians feature in the Armenian sources of the first millennium, without necessarily implying real-life encounters. Firstly, the earliest Armenian texts locate Ethiopia and discuss the genealogy of its people in line with the biblical account of the Diamerismos, as well as notions based on Eusebius of Caesarea’s Chronicle translated into Armenian from Syriac in the fifth century. Each author, then, interpreted this information according to his narrative needs or the purpose of a given composition. The discussion of these sources reveals the circulation of classical and Hellenistic notions on Ethiopia and the Ethiopians in Armenian, too, such as the confusion between Ethiopia, Arabia, and India, as well as anthropological or spiritual features attributed to Ethiopians already by classical authors. Secondly, the article analyses a series of calendrical treatises, starting with one authored by the seventh-century polymath Anania Širakac‘i, that passed on a short tale about a sixth-century gathering of scholars in Alexandria in order to determine the date of the Easter and establish tables for its calculation in the future. An Ethiopian wise man Abdiē was part of this international endeavour too, according to this tradition, and his presence marked Ethiopia as part of the eastern Mediterranean learned world, with its own cultural traditions. Armenian language hemerologia also preserved month names in Gǝʿǝz, reproduced in the Appendix. Thirdly, the article draws attention to a completely new way of viewing Ethiopia in ninth- to eleventh-century Armenian anti-dyophysite (antiByzantine) treatises where the Armenian Church and its doctrines or ritual practices were imagined as part of a vast, non-dyophysite orthodox world that included the Ethiopian Church. Intriguingly, this argumentative technique, formulated in terms that one may callanti-colonial ante litteram, may be traced among Coptic and Syriac polemicists as well, a subject of research that would benefit from further analysis.