Journal articles on the topic 'Europeans Attitudes'
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Nosova (Velkova), (Velkova) K. "Profiles of Multiple Social Identification and Attitude to Representatives of Other Nations in Russians and Bulgarians: A Cross-Cultural Analysis." Cultural-Historical Psychology 17, no. 4 (2021): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/chp.2021170411.
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The paper explores latent profiles of social identification and attitudes to representatives of other nations in the cultural contexts of Russia and Bulgaria through the lens of personality-oriented approach. The research methodology included modified versions of social identity scales from the MIRIPS questionnaire and Verkuyten’s scale of religious identity. The online social psychological survey involved 234 Russians (66% females, 60% aged 30—49 years) and 278 Bulgarians (76% females, 45% aged 18-29). As a result, four latent profiles were identified in Russia (Internationalists, Individualists, Europeans, Nationalists) and three — in Bulgaria (Individualists, Europeans, Nationalists). Nevertheless, the content of the profiles as well as the features of the respondents constituting the profiles were similar. Nationalists displayed strong multiple identification and negative attitudes towards representatives of other nations; Individualists expressed weak multiple identification and negative attitudes towards representatives of other nations; Europeans demonstrated very strong European identification and positive attitudes towards representatives of other nations. The Internationalist profile was found only among the Russians and featured weak multiple identification and positive attitudes towards representatives of other nations. The paper concludes that there are both intercultural similarities and differences in the characteristics of the respondents that constitute each latent profile of multiple social identification and attitude to representatives of other nations.
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Benedetta, Cotta, and Memoli Vincenzo. "Do environmental preferences in wealthy nations persist in times of crisis? The European environmental attitudes (2008-2017)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.3.
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AbstractHow do economic recessions affect European citizens’ attitudes towards environmental policies? In this article we investigate the attitudes of European citizens towards environmental protection considering its importance both at individual and country levels and adopting a longitudinal view. In light of the existing research on the link between pro-environmental attitudes and economic affluence of societies, including Ronald Inglehart’s theory of post-materialism, we hypothesise that levels of economic well-being as well as trust in political institutions are important drivers of Europeans’ attitudes towards environmental protection. Taking into consideration some macroeconomic indicators and the environmental attitude of public opinion, our main results show that even in time of crises, citizens’ pro-environmental attitudes persist in terms of importance, both at country and individual levels.
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Allen, Mary J., and Beth M. Rienzi. "International Attitudes toward Americans." Psychological Reports 70, no. 2 (April 1992): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1992.70.2.477.
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The lost-letter technique was used to analyze European and American attitudes toward an anonymous American citizen. Analysis of the return rates (55%, range 43 to 76%) for the 270 dropped letters suggested that Europeans and Americans have similar attitudes toward Americans, and these attitudes are not affected by nationality, city size, or recent political change.
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Stockemer, Daniel, Arne Niemann, Doris Unger, and Johanna Speyer. "The “Refugee Crisis,” Immigration Attitudes, and Euroscepticism." International Migration Review 54, no. 3 (October 23, 2019): 883–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319879926.
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Between 2015 and 2017, the European Union (EU) was confronted with a major crisis in its history, the so-called “European refugee crisis.” Since the multifaceted crisis has provoked many different responses, it is also likely to have influenced individuals’ assessments of immigrants and European integration. Using data from three waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) — the wave before the crisis in 2012, the wave at the beginning of the crisis in 2014, and the wave right after the (perceived) height of the crisis in 2016 — we test the degree to which the European refugee crisis increased Europeans’ anti-immigrant sentiment and Euroscepticism, as well as the influence of Europeans’ anti-immigrant attitudes on their level of Euroscepticism. As suggested by prior research, our results indicate that there is indeed a consistent and solid relationship between more critical attitudes toward immigrants and increased Euroscepticism. Surprisingly, however, we find that the crisis increased neither anti-immigrant sentiments nor critical attitudes toward the EU and did not reinforce the link between rejection of immigrants and rejection of the EU. These findings imply that even under a strong external shock, fundamental political attitudes remain constant.
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Teney, Céline, Onawa Promise Lacewell, and Pieter De Wilde. "Winners and losers of globalization in Europe: attitudes and ideologies." European Political Science Review 6, no. 4 (November 26, 2013): 575–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773913000246.
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Globalization pressures result in a new ideological conflict among Europeans. We use detailed items from the Eurobarometer survey on issues of immigration and European integration that measure the ideological perspective underpinning positions toward the EU. This provides a fine-grained analysis of the ideologies underlying the poles of the new globalization-centered conflict line, which we define as cosmopolitan and communitarian. Our results show that, next to socio-demographic characteristics, subjective measurements have a considerable additional power in explaining the divide among Europeans along the communitarian–cosmopolitan dimension. Subjective deprivation, evaluation of globalization as a threat, and (sub)national and supranational identities play an important role in dividing Europeans into groups of winners and losers of globalization in both Western and Central and Eastern European countries. At the country level, the national degree of globalization is associated positively with the communitarian pole and negatively with the cosmopolitan pole in all EU countries.
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Bandelj, Nina, and Christopher W. Gibson. "Contextualizing Anti-Immigrant Attitudes of East Europeans." Review of European Studies 12, no. 3 (August 4, 2020): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n3p32.
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This paper article examines attitudes toward immigrants by analyzing data from the 2010 and 2016 waves of the EBRD’s Life in Transition Survey among respondents from 16 East European countries. Logistic regressions with clustered standard errors and country fixed effects show significantly higher anti-immigrant sentiments after the 2015 immigration pressures on the European Union borders compared with attitudes in 2010. Almost two thirds of the respondents agreed in 2016 that immigrants represented a burden on the state social services, even when the actual immigrant population in these countries was quite small. In addition, East Europeans expressed greater negative sentiments when the issue of immigration was framed as an economic problem—a burden on state social services—than as a cultural problem—having immigrants as neighbors. On the whole, these results point to the importance of contextualizing anti-immigrant attitudes and understanding the effect of external events and the framing of immigration-related survey questions.
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Malatinec, T. "Attitudes of Europeans Towards Green Products." Economy of Region 15, no. 1 (March 2019): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/2019-1-8.
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Neumann, Rico, and Patricia Moy. "You’re (Not) Welcome: The Impact of Symbolic Boundaries, Intergroup Contact, and Experiences With Discrimination on Immigration Attitudes." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218760370.
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Against the backdrop of Europe’s migrant crisis, this study investigates attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy. Specifically, how do Europeans’ attitudes stem from: (a) the symbolic boundaries they draw regarding immigrants (i.e., their perceptions of what constitutes an immigrant); (b) their contact with racially and ethnically different others; and (c) their own experiences with discrimination? Data from the 2014-2015 European Social Survey ( N = 37,623) show Europeans’ symbolic boundaries regarding immigrants varied by respondents’ sociodemographics, consumption of political news, and social trust. Most, but not all, forms of intergroup contact enhanced support for specific groups and broader immigration policy. Contrary to expectations, experience with discrimination did not shape attitudes toward specific immigrant groups. Our discussion focuses on theoretical implications, future research, and how findings can inform contemporary public discourse about the migrant crisis.
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Doherty, Noeleen, Michael Dickmann, and Timothy Mills. "Mobility attitudes and behaviours among young Europeans." Career Development International 15, no. 4 (August 17, 2010): 378–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13620431011066259.
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Ejaz, Waqas. "Analyzing Malaise and Mobilization: The Effects of Media on Political Support and European Identity in Old and New Member States." Politics in Central Europe 13, no. 2-3 (December 20, 2017): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2017-0002.
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Abstract The recent financial crisis and the way it was handled by European Union (EU) received a great deal of media coverage, and since the media has a tendency to alter public opinion, it is safe to assume that it has affected some Europeans’ attitudes towards the EU. In order to test that assumption, a model was built around the theoretical framework of “media malaise,” and »political support«. It was found that the media certainly affected and shaped public opinion; however, study revealed that consuming media has not made people more cynical towards the EU. Based on secondary data analysis of Eurobarometer the study reveals positive relationship of media mobilization effect with European’s political attitudes and identity.
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Vulpe, Simona. "Understanding Vaccine Hesitancy as Extended Attitudes." European Review Of Applied Sociology 13, no. 20 (June 1, 2020): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eras-2020-0005.
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AbstractVaccine hesitancy is not a singular view but encompasses a set of positions located between complete acceptance of vaccination and complete rejection of vaccination. In this paper, I argue that vaccine-hesitant attitudes emerge at the intersection of individual and structural processes, and thus can be better conceptualized as “extended attitudes”. Drawing on the theoretical understanding of risk and science scepticism in post-modern societies, I consider hesitant attitudes towards vaccination as addressing risks that are induced in our everyday lives by science developments. I conducted K-Means Cluster Analysis on Eurobarometer data from 2019 regarding Europeans’ attitudes towards vaccination. Four clusters of vaccine-hesitant attitudes were identified. “Price hesitation” and “Effort hesitation” result from restricted access to vaccination because of structural constraints, such as low economic capital and health care system’ deficits. “Unexercised pro-vaccination” is an attitude manifested by people who grant authority to science to manage health-related risks, even though they did not vaccinate in the last five years. “Consistent anti-vaccination” pertains to highly reflexive individuals who dismiss experts’ authority because of scientifically derived risks. My analysis enhances the theoretical understanding and the empirical assessment of vaccine-hesitant attitudes in the European Union and can inform public health policies in this area.
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Mihic, Vladimir. "Are we Europeans?: Correlates and the relation between national and European identity." Psihologija 42, no. 2 (2009): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902203m.
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Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.
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Kiratli, Osman S. "Aiding together? Europeans’ attitudes on common aid policy." European Union Politics 20, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518794306.
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This article explores the determinants of individual support for common aid policy in the European Union, the largest multilateral contributor of foreign aid. Using the 2016 Eurobarometer survey data, I first investigate the influence of individuals’ assessments of aid objectives on support for multilateral disbursements, and second, I explore the effect of country-level factors, population and economic power. Multilevel regression models reveal that those who prioritize economic infrastructural projects in developing countries are highly negative of the utilization of EU channels. Conversely, individual preferences for the promotion of democratic reforms and the provision of basic necessities are strongly and positively associated with the dependent variable. The results also demonstrate that individuals living in lower income and less populated polities are more positively disposed towards common aid policy.
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Ziebertz, Hans-Georg, and William Kay. "Attitudes and Values of Adolescent Europeans towards Europeanisation." Journal of Empirical Theology 21, no. 2 (2008): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157092508x349872.
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Kuhn, Theresa, and Aaron Kamm. "The national boundaries of solidarity: a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.
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AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.
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Mamula Nikolić, Tatjana, Sanja Popović Pantić, Ivan Paunović, and Sanja Filipović. "Sustainable Travel Decision-Making of Europeans: Insights from a Household Survey." Sustainability 13, no. 4 (February 11, 2021): 1960. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13041960.
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The purpose of this study is to research the antecedents of the sustainable travel decision-making of European travelers and thereby identify important lessons for the transition towards sustainable travel and tourism. The study is based on data collected through a representative survey, conducted in five European countries, with a sample of n = 5024 respondents. The results of descriptive statistics, EFA (Exploratory Factor Analysis) and FA (Factor Analysis) are presented in order to explore sustainable travel decision-making through environmental (policy-related and personal) attitudes and travel mode decision priorities in the European context. Furthermore, the study provides new evidence regarding the under-researched phenomenon of the attitude–behavior gap by presenting a model for the sustainability-oriented decision-making of travelers, including attitudes and travel mode priorities as antecedents. The results confirm the existence of moral licensing in travel decision-making, thereby extending the relevance of this theory into travel and tourism, which has not been done before. The denial of environmental issues is also being researched as regards its interaction with positive environmental attitudes, environmental travel mode priorities and non-environmental travel priorities, thereby advancing our understanding of the interplay between these categories. The interplay between the four categories furthers our understanding of the perplexity of travelers in terms of sustainable travel decision-making.
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Czymara, Christian S. "Propagated Preferences? Political Elite Discourses and Europeans’ Openness toward Muslim Immigrants." International Migration Review 54, no. 4 (December 24, 2019): 1212–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319890270.
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Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.
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Kafatos, Anthony, Yannis Manios, Irini Markatji, Ismene Giachetti, Maria Daniel Vaz de Almeida, and Lars Magnus Engstrom. "Regional, demographic and national influences on attitudes and beliefs with regard to physical activity, body weight and health in a nationally representative sample in the European Union." Public Health Nutrition 2, no. 1a (January 1999): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980099000130.
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AbstractIntroductionAlthough the benefits of physical activity regarding body-weight gain and health in general are now widely accepted, physical activity levels remain low among citizens in the western world. This could be attributed to certain attitudes and beliefs about physical activity. Identifying and understanding these parameters would be the first step in an attempt to increase the levels of physical activity in populations generally characterized as having a sedentary lifestyle.ObjectiveThe aim of the present study was to identify the attitudes and beliefs regarding physical activity, body weight and health in a nationally representative sample in the EU and in particular to explore the demographic and national (cultural) influences on attitudes towards physical activity.DesignIn each member state of the EU, approximately 1000 adults aged 15 years and over, were selected to complete an interviewer-assisted face-to-face questionnaire. Overall, a sample of 15 239 individuals in the EU participated in the study. Subject selection was quota-controlled to ensure samples in each country were nationally representative.ResultsOn a European level wide variations were observed regarding the levels, beliefs and attitudes towards physical activity. More positive beliefs were observed among Finns, while less positive beliefs were observed among southern Europeans. A similar pattern was observed for attitudes, with the Portuguese having the highest percentage feeling that they do not need to be more physically active than they already are. However, most southern Europeans felt that a campaign would encourage them to become more active than they already are. On a demographic level, the youngest, more educated and most physically active subjects had more positive attitudes and beliefs towards physical activity and the health benefits derived from it; while for the overweight, beliefs and attitudes toward physical activity were related primarily to the benefits related to weight control.ConclusionsLower levels of physical activity, an unwillingness to become active among non-participants and confusion regarding the weight gain benefits and general health benefits of exercise were reported more frequently among southern Europeans and older and less educated subjects. The Finns scored highest in all these parameters, possibly due to the programmes implemented and the beliefs and behaviour changes observed in this country during the last few years. The actions taken in Finland and their benefits could be employed appropriately in the other European states.
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Eichenberg, Richard C., and Russell J. Dalton. "Europeans and the European Community: the dynamics of public support for European integration." International Organization 47, no. 4 (1993): 507–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028083.
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Europeans evaluate the European Community (EC) according to its economic performance, political salience, and role in international relations. During the last two decades their measured attitudes toward European integration warmed especially when inflation rates fell, as the EC share of the country's trade expanded, when EC elections and referenda increased attention to the community, and to some extend during periods when East-West relations were relaxed. Europeans did not vary their support according to their countries' shares of the Brussels budget. Thus, notwithstanding Denmark's 1992 rejection of the Maastricht treaty and the end of the cold war, recent EC reforms that increase monetary stability, intra-European trade and political attention are all likely to maintain or increase citizen support for the EC. These findings result from a model that blends comparative political economy with international relations in one of the first applications of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analysis to the comparative study of public opinion.
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ISERNIA, PIERANGELO, and PHILIP P. EVERTS. "Partners Apart? The Foreign Policy Attitudes of the American and European Publics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001501.
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It is often argued today that a deep and troublesome gap across the Atlantic has been developing and that Europeans and Americans no longer share the same view of the world. On the basis of data gathered in the 2002 Transatlantic Trends Survey, held in the USA and six European countries, this article assesses whether there is indeed such a gap at the mass level. It focuses on three major dimensions of world views: (1) perceptions of threats (2) the sense of affinity with other countries in terms of allies, friends or foes, and (3) attitudes toward the use of force, both in general and in specific circumstances, more particularly the war over Iraq. It concludes that European publics in 2002 looked at the world in a way that is rather similar to that of many ordinary Americans including harbouring deep reservations about the conduct of certain aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Both publics share fundamental worldviews. On Iraq, Europeans and Americans agreed in some respects (such as the necessary role of the UN) but disagreed on other. In many respects at the mass level the differences across the Atlantic are of degree, and not fundamental. They result from disaffection with the present administration rather than with US policies in general. Moreover, the alleged European ‘anti-Americanism’ is a misnomer, which hides the considerable sympathies and warm feelings towards America, and the perceived common interests and values.
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Bogue, Robert. "The future of robotics in Europe." Industrial Robot: An International Journal 41, no. 6 (October 20, 2014): 487–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ir-07-2014-0364.
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Purpose – This paper aims to provide details of a major new European robotic research programme and of a recent survey concerning the attitudes of Europeans to robotic technology. Design/methodology/approach – Following an introduction, this paper briefly summarises Europe’s position within the global robotics industry and then discusses the SPARC project. It then examines the finding of a European survey of public attitudes towards robots and concludes with a short discussion. Findings – This shows that the European Union (EU) is a significant force within the global robotics business, and that it is about to embark on its largest ever robotics R&D programme. An EU-wide survey of public attitudes towards robots showed generally positive views but great resistance to the use of robots to care for children, the elderly and the disabled. There was also widespread concern that growing numbers of robots will take jobs. Originality/value – This paper summarises Europe’s position within the global robotics industry, provides details of the SPARC project and analyses the finding of a European survey into public attitudes towards robots.
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Sam Nariman, Hadi, Lan Anh Nguyen Luu, and Márton Hadarics. "Exploring inclusiveness towards immigrants as related to basic values: A network approach." PLOS ONE 16, no. 12 (December 2, 2021): e0260624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0260624.
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Using the 9th round of European Social Survey (ESS), we explored the relationship between Europeans’ basic values and their attitudes towards immigrants. Employing a latent class analysis (LCA), we classified the respondents based on three items capturing the extent to which participants would support allowing three groups of immigrants to enter and live in their countries: immigrants of same ethnic groups, immigrants of different ethnic groups, and immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe. Four classes of Europeans with mutually exclusive response patterns with respect to their inclusive attitudes towards immigrants were found. The classes were named Inclusive (highly inclusive), Some (selective), Few (highly selective), and Exclusive (highly exclusive). Next, using a network technique, a partial correlation network of 10 basic human values was estimated for each class of participants. The four networks were compared to each other based on three network properties namely: global connectivity, community detection, and assortativity coefficient. The global connectivity (the overall level of interconnections) between the 10 basic values was found to be mostly invariant across the four networks. However, results of the community detection analysis revealed a more complex value structure among the most inclusive class of Europeans. Further, according to the assortativity analysis, as expected, for the most inclusive Europeans, values with similar motivational backgrounds were found to be interconnected most strongly to one another. We further discussed the theoretical and practical implications of our findings.
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Gerhards, Jürgen, and Clara Dilger. "European Citizens’ Attitudes on the Return of Refugees to Their Home Country: Results from a Survey in 13 EU Member States." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 61, no. 3 (April 16, 2020): 503–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-020-00234-6.
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Abstract European law requires member states of the European Union (EU) to accept refugees. It also allows them to return refugees to their countries of origin if the reason for asylum no longer exists. Both the reception and return of refugees has become a widely debated and controversial issue in many member states of the EU. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states, we analysed whether citizens support the return of refugees when the cause for their displacement has become obsolete and how differences in attitudes toward the return of refugees can be explained. A clear majority of Europeans (70%) support the return of refugees. This is also the case for those who believe that their country should accept refugees in the first place. These results mean that existing law—the acceptance of refugees in need and the return when the cause becomes obsolete—is being supported by a majority of Europeans. However, there are considerable differences in approval rates among the countries. The results of multivariate analysis show that ideational factors—both on the micro and the macro level—influence attitudes toward the return of refugees, whereas structural factors, recurring to economic interest, do not contribute substantially to the explanation of attitudes toward the return. The political implications of these findings are discussed in the last section of the article.
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Gómez-Román, Cristina, Maria Luisa Lima, Gloria Seoane, Mónica Alzate, Marcos Dono, and José-Manuel Sabucedo. "Testing Common Knowledge: Are Northern Europeans and Millennials More Concerned about the Environment?" Sustainability 13, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13010045.
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This study explores whether there are differences in several environmental dimensions, when the European Region and Generation cohort are considered. In doing so, this study compares millennials in North and South Europe with members of Generation X in three environmental dimensions: attitudes, personal norms, and behavior. Using data from the European Social Survey (n = 6.216), the researchers tested the hypothesis that Northern Europeans and millennials have more pro-environmental standing than southerners and Generation Xers. The findings challenge the common belief that millennials are more committed to being environmentally conscious, showing that many millennials do not feel responsible for their climate footprint, nor do they behave in a way that shows more concern than previous generations to improve their environmental performance. Furthermore, contrary to expectations, Northern European participants are not the most committed, in all environmental dimensions, compared to Southern Europeans.
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Yur`yev, Andriy, Lauri Leppik, Liina-Mai Tooding, Merike Sisask, Peeter Värnik, Jing Wu, and Airi Värnik. "Social inclusion affects elderly suicide mortality." International Psychogeriatrics 22, no. 8 (September 14, 2010): 1337–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610210001614.
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ABSTRACTBackground: National attitudes towards the elderly and their association with elderly suicide mortality in 26 European countries were assessed, and Eastern and Western European countries compared.Methods: For each country, mean age-adjusted, gender-specific elderly suicide rates in the last five years for which data had been available were obtained from the WHO European Mortality Database. Questions about citizens’ attitudes towards the elderly were taken from the European Social Survey. Correlations between attitudes and suicide rates were analyzed using Pearson's test. Differences between mean scores for Western and Eastern European attitudes were calculated, and data on labor-market exit ages were obtained from the EUROSTAT database.Results: Perception of the elderly as having higher status, recognition of their economic contribution and higher moral standards, and friendly feelings towards and admiration of them are inversely correlated with suicide mortality. Suicide rates are lower in countries where the elderly live with their families more often. Elderly suicide mortality and labor-market exit age are inversely correlated. In Eastern European countries, elderly people's status and economic contribution are seen as less important. Western Europeans regard the elderly with more admiration, consider them more friendly and more often have elderly relatives in the family. The data also show gender differences.Conclusions: Society's attitudes influence elderly suicide mortality; attitudes towards the elderly are more favorable among Western European citizens; and extended labor-market inclusion of the elderly is a suicide-protective factor.
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Pope, Peter E. "Bretons, Basques, and Inuit in Labrador and northern Newfoundland: The control of maritime resources in the 16th and 17th centuries." Études/Inuit/Studies 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1036076ar.
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Early Euro-Inuit contacts in Atlantic Canada raise a complex issue in the ethnohistory of resource exploitation. In the 16th century, Breton, Norman, and Basque crews developed a seasonal salt-cod fishery on the coasts of northern Newfoundland and southern Labrador, in about the same period that the Inuit moved southwards along the Labrador coast. The Basques also exploited the Strait of Belle Isle, between Newfoundland and Labrador, for shore-based whaling. Sometime before 1620, Europeans then appear to have withdrawn from Labrador until about 1680, when Canadian merchants based in Quebec began to exploit the Strait for salmon and seals, while French migratory crews edged northwards again from Newfoundland. European withdrawal from Labrador largely coincided with a long-running guerrilla war, waged by the Inuit against Breton and Basque fishermen exploiting Newfoundland’s Great Northern Peninsula. The chronological coincidence suggests that the movement of Inuit into southern Labrador by the end of the 16th century may well have motivated Europeans to avoid this coast through much of the 17th century. French attitudes to the Labrador Inuit can be contextualized by comparison with contemporary understandings of Euro-Inuit relations elsewhere. Inuit attitudes to Europeans are harder to assess but recognition of their struggle for access to resources is a step towards an appreciation of historical Inuit agency.
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Varner, Carson H., and Katrin C. Varner. "Sustainable Agriculture The United States versus the European Union." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 1, no. 4 (October 2010): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jsesd.2010100103.
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This paper examines developing issues and attitudes that unite and divide the United States and the European Union as the discussion and regulation of agriculture evolves. While some terms, such as “organic,” are defined in law in both the United States and European Union, the increasingly used “sustainability” is an evolving concept. The main sustainability issue is how to provide food and fiber for a rapidly growing world population. In this context, the role of biotechnology is questioned. Americans tend to favor what are sometimes called genetically modified crops, while Europeans remain cautious. Europeans lean more toward organic farming, while Americans assert that much of the world will starve if organic methods are required. This paper reviews the directions that the discussion of these issues is taking and will show areas of agreement and where the two sides diverge.
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Balaz, Vladimir, Martina Chrancokova, and Katarina Karasova. "Risk Attitudes in International Travel and Migration by Young Europeans." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies 12, no. 2 (2017): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2324-755x/cgp/v12i02/27-43.
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FERRÍN, MÓNICA, MORENO MANCOSU, and TERESA M. CAPPIALI. "Terrorist attacks and Europeans’ attitudes towards immigrants: An experimental approach." European Journal of Political Research 59, no. 3 (November 12, 2019): 491–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12362.
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "A threat from within? Perceptions of immigration in an enlarging European Union." Acta Sociologica 63, no. 4 (January 13, 2020): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699319890652.
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Scholars have taken a considerable interest in how global immigration to Europe generates public concern, but we still know little about the role that migration from within the European region has in fueling apprehensions. To better understand this, I examine how public attitudes towards immigration have responded to migration following the European Union’s most extensive enlargement along its eastern border in 2004. Using recent advances in multilevel modeling, this article analyzes the longitudinal, cross-sectional relationship between east–west internal European migration on public attitudes towards the economic and cultural aspects of immigration in Western Europe using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (2004–2014). The results demonstrate that growing populations of Central and Eastern European foreigners have contributed to Western Europeans’ perception of immigration as an economic threat, even when taking into account simultaneous immigration from outside Europe. Moreover, the relationship between east–west immigration and an individual’s perception of immigration as a threat is conditional upon their socio-economic status. These findings underscore how within-European immigration in Western Europe has become consequential to the public’s attitudes about immigration more generally.
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Golledge, H. "Special Eurobarometer 442: European Commission public opinion survey into ‘Attitudes of Europeans towards animal welfare’." Animal Welfare 25, no. 3 (August 2016): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0962728600007740.
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Bartosik-Purgat, Małgorzata. "Country of origin as a determinant of young Europeans` buying attitudes — marketing implications." Oeconomia Copernicana 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/oc.2018.007.
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Research background: Country of origin and brand image are among the main factors influencing consumer buying decisions. The phenomenon known as the Country of Origin Effect (COE) refers to the influence of a country’s image on consumer product evaluations and the perception of brands originating from specific countries. The COE describes consumer attitudes towards certain product categories and is connected with the perception of quality of such products manufactured in particular markets. The changing market conditions and proliferation of hybrid products cause certain problems for consumers who find it increasingly difficult to identify the country of origin of specific products and face a dilemma whether a product manufactured in China is of equal quality as a product of the same brand, but manufactured in France.
Purpose of the article: The main purpose of the paper is to identify the young Europeans` attitudes towards the country of origin of purchased products. An attempt has been made to answer two research questions: firstly, whether are young Europeans guided by stereotypes associated with the country of origin of specific product categories in their conscious buying decisions? Secondly, do young European consumers attach higher value to a product’s brand than its country of origin?
Methods: The analysis has been based on literature studies and empirical data collected in two different period of time 2008 and 2015 among 1362 respondents (in 2008) and 1125 respondents (in 2015) from eight European countries (Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Great Britain). In the exploratory empirical study, the author of the paper used two research methods: PAPI in 2008 (Paper and Pen Personal Interview) and CAWI in 2015 (Computer Assisted Web Interview).
Findings & Value added: The study results reveal that in some countries, namely Poland and the Czech Republic, young consumers are guided in their deliberate buying choices by certain mental schematics perpetuated, for example, in the mass media (the best wine comes from France, best watches are made in Switzerland, and superior quality cars originate from Germany). Respondents representing other nationalities showed more support for domestic products. By far, the most ethnocentric in their choices turned out to be the French who in almost all product categories showed preferences for products originating from their country. Furthermore, the empirical study showed that with respect to different product categories young European consumers attach more importance to a product’s brand than its country of origin.
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VELLADICS, KATALIN, KÈNE HENKENS, and HENDRIK P. VAN DALEN. "Do different welfare states engender different policy preferences? Opinions on pension reforms in Eastern and Western Europe." Ageing and Society 26, no. 3 (April 24, 2006): 475–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05004551.
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This article examines whether the different welfare states of the European Union member states engender different policy preferences and attitudes among the population. More specifically, it investigates variations in attitudes towards population ageing and pension reforms, and variations in people's retirement age preferences and expectations. It is shown that despite the different cultures and welfare traditions in the old and new member states, there are commonalities in people's value orientations and views about population ageing, not least that the vast majority are pessimistic about the consequences. In both Eastern and Western Europe, the most popular options for pensions reform are to raise taxes and to extend working life, and few favour reducing pension benefits. Despite these similarities, there are also marked attitudinal differences. Eastern Europeans rely more on their children for old-age care and are much more in favour of a pension structure in which benefits depend on the number of children. On personal expectations and preferences for retirement, it is shown that both Eastern and Western Europeans expect to retire from the labour market at an older age than the current actual retirement age.
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Aral, Öykü Hazal, and Jordi López-Sintas. "A Comprehensive Model to Explain Europeans’ Environmental Behaviors." Sustainability 12, no. 10 (May 25, 2020): 4307. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12104307.
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Understanding the nature of consumers’ environmental behaviors will help design better environmental policies for a sustainable future. Drawing on the responsible environmental behavior (REB) theoretical framework, we disentangle the effects of social and psychological environmental factors on Europeans’ behaviors, considering that living contexts vary from country to country. Using data on attitudes to the environment sourced from the 2017 Eurobarometer, we measure the socio-psychological factors and environmental behaviors using exploratory factor analysis. A multilevel model measures the effect of individual-level environmental factors and analyzes the impact of the country context on Europeans’ environmental behaviors. Results show that the three tested environmental behaviors (eco-friendly purchasing, public transport use, and reduced resource consumption) are explained by individual-level environmental factors as well as by country differences, but the effects differ depending on the behavior considered. We also find that the effects of knowledge, attitudes, and perceived behavioral control are mediated by a set of social indicators (age, gender, education, and income). We conclude with a discussion of the implications for policymakers.
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Ziegler, Andrew H. "The Structure of Western European Attitudes Towards Atlantic Co-operation: Implications for the Western Alliance." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 4 (October 1987): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004877.
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Previous studies of Western European foreign policy attitudes rely almost exclusively on single-item measures, such as support for defence spending, support for the new missiles in Europe, opinions on NATO, and so on. This article, using a multi-country data set, aggregates several survey items and explores the manner in which Europeans structure their attitudes towards one aspect of foreign policy: Atlantic co-operation. A factor analysis uncovers two underlying conceptual dimensions: military and non-military co-operation. These dimensions provide the axes to construct a four-fold typology of viewpoints, consisting of Atlanticists, Military Allies, Dovish Partners and Isolationists. Respondents are classified within this typology, and the European-wide and cross-national distributions of opinion are presented. The highest support for Atlantic co-operation is found among the West Germans, and the lowest is found among the French.
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Bayram, A. Burcu. "Good Europeans? How European identity and costs interact to explain politician attitudes towards compliance with European Union law." Journal of European Public Policy 24, no. 1 (January 26, 2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2015.1114659.
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Popic, Tamara, and Simone M. Schneider. "An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?" Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 5 (February 13, 2018): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717754294.
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Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
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Gracia, Enrique. "Intimate partner violence against women and victim-blaming attitudes among Europeans." Bulletin of the World Health Organization 92, no. 5 (February 5, 2014): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2471/blt.13.131391.
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Ozturk, Mustafa. "Geography student teachers’ attitudes towards the EU and Europeans in Turkey." International Journal of Academic Research 5, no. 3 (May 27, 2013): 452–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7813/2075-4124.2013/5-3/b.66.
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Wimmer, Andreas. "Layered Legacies. How Multiple Histories Shaped the Attitudes of Contemporary Europeans." Sociological Science 10 (2023): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15195/v10.a1.
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Giurcanu, Magda. "Assessing the Role of European Attitudes in Cross-National Research." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 504–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415581897.
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How does Eastern Europe contribute to the debate over EU’s democratic deficit from an electoral perspective? Does Eastern Europe challenge our theoretical understanding of what motivates European citizens to participate and express their opinions in European Parliamentary elections? While there is no overarching consensus in the academic community regarding these questions, this essay aims to illustrate how a deeper understanding of one post-communist case and a bottom-up perspective on attitudes and political behavior in one locale, Romania, allowed the researcher to delve deeper into the taken-for-granted dynamics that European citizens from the South, East, and West engage in when voting in European Parliamentary elections. The approach of “ethnographic sensibility” mentioned in the workshop’s discussions and illustrated in several contributions to this volume (see e.g. Kubik 2013; Knott 2015) constitutes then a useful starting point in deconstructing conventional knowledge. Moreover, during the process of moving up the ladder of generality and building inferences from one case study to a region, Eastern Europe still shares enough characteristics to deserve its own dummy variable, so to speak, in large- N continent-wide analyses covering the 2004 and 2009 European Parliamentary (EP) elections. Yet, as Joshua Tucker (2015) mentions in his contribution, it is unclear whether the historical legacies discussed at the workshop and further elaborated on by Grigore Pop-Eleches (2015) will continue to play a role in a priori distinguishing Eastern Europeans’ political attitudes and behaviors from other EU citizens in the South or West in future EP elections.
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Zografova, Yolanda. "IMPACT OF PERSONAL ORIENTATIONS ON ATTITUDES TO DIVERSITY AND CIVIC SOCIAL-POLITICAL ACTIVENESS." Problems of Psychology in the 21st Century 7, no. 1 (December 15, 2013): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/ppc/13.07.93.
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The dynamically ongoing processes of integration are among the crucial premises for the development of contemporary interpersonal, intergroup and cross-cultural relations, attitudes, conflicts and more. The research problem here directs to an analysis, based on ESS data collected in 8 countries, rounds 2006 and 2008, on the extent to which Europeans' personal orientations significantly influence the attitudes towards ethno-national diversity, in this case, towards two social groups: immigrants coming from poorer countries outside Europe and people with different sexual orientation. Furthermore, the influence of the same factors on the civic activeness and involvement in the social-political processes has been followed. Through regressive analysis the important effect of the co-otherness orientation (a concept developed by Sicakkan, 2003), the orientation to success and traditionalism on all included dependent variables has been proved. The expectations for predicting effects of the three personal orientations have been confirmed regarding the civic involvement and tolerance to diversity. Simultaneously the necessity of working EU politics to deal with the risks of emerging negative attitudes has been pointed out in relation to the broad immigrant and refugee wave to European countries. Key words: attitudes towards immigrants, civic activeness, co-otherness.
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Oziewicz, Marek. "Representations of Eastern Europe in Philip Pullman's His Dark Materials, Jonathan Stroud's The Bartimaeus Trilogy, and J. K. Rowling's Harry Potter Series." International Research in Children's Literature 3, no. 1 (July 2010): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2010.0002.
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This essay examines the cultural maps of Eastern European nations drawn by Philip Pullman in His Dark Materials trilogy, Jonathan Stroud in The Bartimaeus Trilogy and J. K. Rowling in the Harry Potter series. I argue that each of those authors, in subtle and unintentional ways, perpetuates Western politico-cultural superiority in regard to Eastern Europeans. One reason for this may be that Pullman, Stroud and Rowling share a specifically British cultural attitude of regarding the continent as alien and incomprehensible. This perspective is part of a fuzzy cluster of notions, seemingly widespread across Europe, which comprise what Lawrence J. Sharpe calls ‘an East-West continuum of cultural one-upmanship’ (309). As the most westerly people on this continuum, so the explanation goes, the British tend to look down on everyone else to the East. My focus in this article is on how these attitudes are communicated in some of the most internationally popular British fantasy series of the recent years.
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BENLAHBIB, Abdelghafour, Hamza TOUZANI, and Mohammed DERDAR. "Moroccan Women and Colonial Encounters in Leonora Peets’ Women of Marrakech." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2023): 96–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.3.1.16.
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Since narratives about colonial Morocco historicize turning points marked by shifting patterns of intercultural encounters, political developments, and local experiences of Moroccan women caught under the grip of colonialism and modernity, Women of Marrakech (1988) by Leonora Peets is a contribution to this literature that describes a period when Moroccans’ identities, particularly women's, have been shaped by colonialism and its subsequent encountering with the European other. Seen as a manifestation of the global modernity process, colonialism altered the material and epistemological circumstances of Morocco and other nations around the world. In that regard, the present paper contends that the encounter between Moroccan women and Europeans has contributed to the formation of Moroccan women's consciousness. Drawing upon Mary Pratt’s concept of “contact zones” (1992), the paper concludes arguing that the presence of Europeans in Marrakech has gradually influenced the attitudes of Peets’ women about themselves, their husbands and families, and their overall sense of Moroccanness.
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Balucani, Clotilde, Vanessa Arnedo, Jeremy Weedon, Didier Leys, Jean-Louis Mas, Martin Brown, James C. Grotta, et al. "Transatlantic Differences in Management of Carotid Stenosis: BRIDGing the Gap in StrokE Management (BRIDGE) Project." Neurohospitalist 8, no. 3 (January 17, 2018): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1941874417747772.
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Background and Purpose: Management of carotid stenosis remains controversial despite several trials evaluating carotid endarterectomy (CEA) and carotid angioplasty/stenting (CAS). We compared attitudes in the management of carotid stenosis between selected experts within Europe and North America. Methods: A 3-phase Delphi survey was e-mailed to select stroke experts from Europe (n = 390) and North America (n = 289). Those completing the initial survey were shown all responses after each survey round. Consensus was defined as ≥80% agreement. Results: For phases 1, 2, and 3, response rates were 32%, 62%, and 73%, respectively. Overall, 100 (15%) of 679 participated in all 3 phases, 19% Europeans versus 9% North Americans ( P = .0007). The European group reached consensus in 6 of 15 statements; The North American group reached consensus in 4 of 15. Ninety percentage of Europeans versus 70% of North Americans ( P = .017) stated CEA is superior to CAS for symptomatic carotid stenosis. This difference was not significant in the final model (adjusted odds ratio: 3.72 [95% confidence interval: 0.95-14.5]). Sixty-nine percentage of North Americans agreed there is a stronger indication for CAS over CEA in patients younger than 65 years for symptomatic carotid stenosis, whereas 55% of Europeans ( P = .023) disagreed. For asymptomatic carotid stenosis, when asked how likely they would recommend CAS, 62% North Americans said “sometimes” versus 60% of Europeans said “never” ( P = .06). Conclusion: The majority of North American and European respondents did not consider the 2 procedures equivalent and seemed to indicate that CEA was preferred for the management of carotid stenosis. These findings need to be further explored to help establish evidence-based guidelines.
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Steiner, Nils D. "Attitudes towards the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership in the European Union: The treaty partner heuristic and issue attention." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 13, 2018): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518755953.
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Why has the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partisanship met with strong public resistance among some Europeans and in some European Union member states, but not in others? This article argues that one important perspective to explain the pattern of support for TTIP is the role of heuristic opinion formation and issue attention. Analysing multiple waves of Eurobarometer data, I find that views of the two treaty partners, the US and the European Union, shape attitudes towards TTIP and that the largely post-materialist concerns over TTIP resonated specifically in those European countries whose citizens’ attention was less focused on economic issues. In showing how opinions towards concrete real-world trade policy proposals are shaped by the political context, these findings complement previous research on citizens’ general stances towards trade.
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Köber, Christin, Ruth Weihofen, and Joachim K. Rennstich. "Echoes of the Past: Meaning Making in Congolese Narratives Relates to Their Social Distance Attitudes Toward Europeans." Imagination, Cognition and Personality 37, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276236617731734.
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Narrative identity is not only based on the personal past but also informed by one’s historical and political past. Beside the fact that this has been shown mostly in Western samples, it is unknown how placing personal narratives within the context of an ethnic and political heritage relates to other cognitive processes, such as social attitudes. Therefore, this study explores narratives about encounters with Europeans in a Congolese sample to study the impact of their meaning on their social distance attitudes toward Europeans. Separate hierarchical regression models revealed that social distance is predicted by closure and redemption, and by the perceived heterogeneity of whiteness, but not by contamination. Yet, narratives with both low levels of closure and contamination predict greater social distance. Surprisingly, commitment to own ethnic identity was not found to be a significant predictor. Results are discussed in terms of narrative identity, historical memories, and social cognition.
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Bartosik-Purgat, Małgorzata. "Cultural traits of the future managers from generation Y – an example of young Europeans." Journal of Intercultural Management 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/joim-2014-0018.
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AbstractOn the one hand, internationalization and globalization processes influence the fact that attitudes and behaviours of representatives of different cultures become similar. On the other one, opposite processes which aim at the manifestation of cultural differences can be observed.The aim of this article is to find an answer to the question whether young people, students of higher schools of economics, future managers show similar cultural traits or whether the influence of the native environment is so strong that young Europeans manifest different values. In order to answer this question selected characteristics, which are significantly applicable at work in an enterprise have been used.The answer to the aforementioned question has been searched both in the literature on the subject as well as in empirical studies conducted in ten European countries (Belgium, the Czech Republic, Finland, France, Spain, the Netherlands, Germany, Poland, Portugal, Great Britain). Their results show significant similarities of cultural traits among the young respondents coming from the surveyed countries. These characteristics are manifested in various attitudes, hypothetical behaviours and the judgment of behaviour of others.
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Ziebertz, Hans‐Georg, and William K. Kay. "A key to the future: the attitudes and values of adolescent Europeans." Globalisation, Societies and Education 7, no. 2 (June 2009): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14767720902908000.
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Kurowska, Anna, Olga Eisele, and Johannes M. Kiess. "Welfare Attitudes and Expressions of (Trans)national Solidarity." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 4 (January 30, 2019): 492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823843.
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The article explores the extent to which Europeans’ welfare attitudes explain (trans)national solidarity behavior. We set our analyses against the backdrop of the broader debate of welfare state consequences: Does a strong welfare state that is considered to take care of those in need diminish or strengthen citizens’ motivations to become engaged in helping others? We distinguish individuals’ solidarity behavior toward others within the welfare state, that is, citizens within one’s country, and outside the welfare state community of the respondents’ particular country. We further distinguish different others outside the welfare state, that is, between refugees, taking the refugee crisis in the European Union (EU) as a prime example, and citizens living in other countries—in EU countries and non-EU countries. As far as the main explanatory variables are concerned, we derive from the concept of “multidimensional welfare attitudes” and focus on five crucial dimensions of these attitudes, that is, welfare goals, range, degree, redistribution, and outcome. We draw on data collected within the EU project TransSOL and calculate a set of multilevel logistic regression models controlling for a wide range of individual (sociodemographic, economic, and political) variables. Overall, we observe that a “crowding in” effect, that is, higher support of the welfare state, goes in line with solidarity activity toward others including both “outsiders” and “insiders” of the national community.