Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Europeans Attitudes'
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Muszynski, Richard J. "ETHNIC ATTITUDES TOWARD MENTAL HEALTH AND MENTAL ILLNESS (ASIANS, EUROPEANS, HISPANICS)." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291700.
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The Ethnic Mental Illness (EMI) Scale, a questionnaire to discriminate European and Hispanic attitudes toward mental illness, was developed. Fifty-one college students of Hispanic ethnicity and 194 college students of European ethnicity completed a 150 item questionnaire measuring attitudes toward mental illness. A cross-validation sample of 50 Hispanic students and 194 European students ethnicity yielded 15 items that reliably differentiated the two groups. Based upon content, the 15 items were grouped into six categories: hopefulness, trust, biological aspects of mental illness, childhood origins, finances, and sex differences. Items which did not discriminate Hispanics and Europeans are described, as these items are possible indicators of common attitudes toward mental illness. A group of 66 Asian students also participated in the study. The items which differentiate Asians from Hispanics and Europeans are described. These items were not cross-validated.
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Dixon, Jeffrey C. "Where does Turkey belong? examining Europeans' attitudes and liberal-democratic values in Turkey, the European Union, and the Muslim world /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3229589.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2006."Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 5, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-08, Section: A, page: 3169. Adviser: Robert V. Robinson.
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Berg, Linda. "Multi-level Europeans : the influence of territorial attachments on political trust and welfare attitudes /." Göteborg : Department of Political Science, Göteborg University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2077/17144.
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Madeira, Inês Margarida Pereira. "Determinants of attitudes to risk in Europeans : an empirical analysis based on Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10782.
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Mestrado em FinançasEsta tese investiga os determinantes da atitude face ao risco financeiro dos idosos europeus no contexto da Household Finance. Após a análise da literatura relevante, foram testados empiricamente os determinantes da atitude em relação ao risco com base nos dados do Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) 2006/2007 de 14 países (N=17.587 observações de indivíduos entre os 50 e os 86 anos). Várias especificações foram testadas usando a modelação Probit, em que a variável dicotómica dependente representa a atitude apercebida face ao risco financeiro assumindo valor 1 quando os indivíduos admitem não assumir nenhum risco financeiro nos seus investimentos e poupanças, e assumindo o valor 0 nos restantes casos. Os resultados obtidos mostram que ser mulher, ter mais filhos e sentir-se mais débil quanto à saúde aumentam a probabilidade de não assumir qualquer risco financeiro. Por outro lado, a probabilidade de atitude negativa face ao risco financeiro decresce com: o rendimento e a riqueza da família, as capacidades cognitivas, o nível de educação, a situação de empregado, a expectativa de deixar herança, o grau de confiança nos outros e a socialização. As diferenças encontradas entre países indiciam ainda preditores ligados a características institucionais (e.g. Sistema Nacional de Saúde, Segurança Social, políticas fiscais), cultura e história.
This dissertation investigates the determinants of attitude towards financial risk among older Europeans in the context of Household Finance. After reviewing the relevant literature, the determinants of attitude towards risk were tested empirically using micro data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) 2006/2007 of 14 countries (N = 17,587 observations of individuals between 50 and 86 years old). Several specifications were tested using Probit modeling, in which the dependent variable is a dichotomous variable representing the attitude about self-perceived financial risk (taking value 1 when individuals do not assume any financial risk in their investments and savings, and assuming the value 0 in all other cases). The results show that being female, having more children and feeling ill increase the probability of not assuming any financial risk. Moreover, the probability of a negative attitude towards financial risk decreases with: income and wealth, cognitive abilities, level of education, being an employee, the expectation of leaving an inheritance, degree of trust in others, and socialization. In addition, the differences found among countries suggest predictors that are linked to institutional characteristics of each country?s institutional framework (e.g. national health services, social security systems or tax policies), culture and history.
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Bauknecht, Jürgen Jens [Verfasser], and Oscar W. [Akademischer Betreuer] Gabriel. "Europeans´ attitudes towards levels and distributions of pensions and unemployment benefits : origins and effects on policies / Jürgen Jens Bauknecht. Betreuer: Oscar W. Gabriel." Stuttgart : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Stuttgart, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1042941920/34.
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Castle, K. A. "An examination of the attitudes toward non-Europeans in British school history textbooks and childrens periodicals, 1890-1914 : With special reference to the Indian, the African and the Chinese." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372570.
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This s'tudy examinesthe imageof the Indian, the African, and the Chinese in British school history textbooks and childrens pericxiicals published between 1890 and 1914. This worlc both exemines the portrayal of the British in their historical and .corrtemporary relations with the three groups, and the selective information provided of the character and behaviour of the alien. These three groups were selected as representing areas of the world where the British had-particular interests in the pericxi, and illustrate the relationship between British attitudes and the particular historical experiences and contenporary concerns centred upon each of the three. The choice of textbooks and popular reading material reflected a desire to examinematerials read both for instruction and entertairnnent, and consider the relationship between the operation of the images in both. The s'tudy has deronstrated that both textbook historians and popular writers shared a concern that, Britain's youth should be secured in the prevailing attitudes toward race and nationality. The images which they presented of Britain's role in India, Africa and China, and of the nature of these countries' inhabitants, were mutually reinforcing. Entry for the foreigner into either set of materials dependeduponhis service in supporting and activating an appreciation of British national character and the maintenance of Empire. The sensi ti vity of the imageof the non-Europeanto Britain 's national concerns in this period was reflected in the era of the Boer War, whenthe textbooks and periodicals display a heightened patriotism which was reflected in the textbook's treatrrent of the Indian Mlltinyand periodical jingoism. Although the characterisation of each group differed in their particular contribution to the character formation of Britain's i.nperial sons and daughters, the study showshowclearly the historian and the popular juvenile press transrnitted images of the three which was dependent upon the controlling imperatives of Britain's national and imperial needs.
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Scheuer, Angelika. "How Europeans see Europe structure and dynamics of European legitimacy beliefs /." [Amsterdam] : Amsterdam : Vossiuspers UvA ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2005. http://dare.uva.nl/document/78908.
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Muldoon, Paul (Paul Alexander) 1966. "Under the eye of the master : the colonisation of aboriginality, 1770-1870." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 1998. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8552.
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Renström, Charlotte. "The young French and the EU : A case study on attitudes toward the European Union in light of a potential Frexit." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80171.
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In the wake of Brexit in 2016, the conception of Frexit was born and received an impetus in the French presidential election campaigns in 2017. The scepticism toward the European Union once again found expression as Eurosceptic political parties gained ground and supporters amongst French citizens. With attitudes toward the EU in France seemingly variable and impressionable of political currents, it is important to understand from where these originate as well as what a positive or negative attitude imply in practice. Therefore, this study aims to map out attitudes among young French citizens: A group with an overall positive attitude toward the EU as well as the generation in charge of the future European Union. The study is conducted in the form of a case study, with the framework of Functional Attitude Theory guiding the analysis. The main findings include an obvious lack of knowledge on the union among the interviewees, connected to a feeling of exclusion from the same. However, benefits and rights provided by the EU are considered grounds to stay within the union. Finally, the findings are discussed and ideas for further research are suggested.
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Mehta, Gillian Mary Towler. "European Zoroastrianism : attitudes to their purity laws." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539542.
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Pannico, Roberto. "Party cues and citizens’ attitudes toward the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/456039.
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El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar la influencia de los partidos políticos en las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la Unión Europea. La atención se centra en un proceso de “cueing”: los ciudadanos perciben la Unión Europea como un sistema político distante y complejo y carecen de la información relevante para construir opiniones propias sobre el proceso de integración. Por esta razón, usan las posiciones de los partidos como atajos para desarrollar sus propias preferencias sobre temas de la UE. Este proceso conlleva que las posiciones de los partidos sobre las cuestiones de la UE sean más la causa que la consecuencia de las preferencias de los votantes.
La tesis mejora la comprensión actual de este proceso de “cueing” y se centra en tres puntos principales: (1) cuáles son los votantes más propensos a utilizar las posiciones de los partidos como atajos; (2) qué parte de los mensajes de los partidos afecta las actitudes de la ciudadanía; (3) qué características del sistema de partidos y de los partidos hacen que el proceso de “cueing” sea más probable.
La primera parte de la tesis prueba la premisa teórica del modelo de “cueing” considerando los efectos que el conocimiento político de los ciudadanos y la complejidad del tema tienen sobre la efectividad de las “cues”. Los resultados muestran que la influencia de los partidos es mayor entre los votantes que tienen un menor conocimiento de la política de la UE, e incluso los ciudadanos bien informados necesitan usar estos atajos cuando toman posiciones en asuntos particularmente difíciles. Dada la alta complejidad de las cuestiones debatidas a nivel de la UE y la escasa disponibilidad de información sobre la política de la UE, los votantes partidistas parecen más propensos a ajustarse a las posiciones de sus partidos que a cuestionarlas.
Sin embargo, hasta qué punto esta situación representa un obstáculo para la rendición de cuentas de las élites políticas depende de cómo se produce la persuasión de los partidos políticos. La segunda parte de la tesis investiga si la recepción de un mensaje de su partido sobre una cuestión de la UE persuade a los votantes de ese partido debido a las argumentaciones que el mensaje contiene o debido a que procede de una fuente en la que confían. Si los votantes se preocupan más por quién está tomando una posición que por lo que se está proponiendo, es probable que se conformen ciegamente a las voluntades de los partidos políticos, absolviéndolos de rendir cuentas por su comportamiento. Los resultados de esta parte de la tesis muestran que la presencia de la etiqueta del partido ejerce una mayor influencia sobre las actitudes de los votantes que el contenido del mensaje; además, los participantes en el experimento parecen dispuestos a abandonar sus opiniones anteriores para seguir la línea oficial del partido.
Finalmente, el tercer capítulo se centra en los límites del poder persuasivo de los partidos. El capítulo muestra que cuando un sistema de partidos es inestable, la gente tiende a depender menos de los partidos políticos, dado que los votantes necesitan sentir algún tipo de familiaridad con los partidos para confiar en sus “cues”. Este tipo de experiencia es difícil de desarrollar cuando los partidos están continuamente cambiando. Este capítulo utiliza datos observacionales de diferentes países de la UE para probar la relación entre la inestabilidad del sistema de partidos o la inestabilidad de los partidos y la efectividad de las “cues” de partido. Dada la naturaleza jerárquica de los datos, el análisis se compone de modelos multinivel.The aim of this research is to analyse the influence that political parties have on citizens’ attitudes toward the European Union. The focus is on a cueing process: citizens perceive the European Union as a distant and complex political system and lack the relevant information for constructing autonomous opinions about the integration process; for this reason, voters use party positions as shortcuts to develop preferences about EU issues. This process makes party positions on EU issues the cause rather than the consequence of voters’ preferences. The thesis improves the current understanding of this cueing process and focuses on three main points: (1) which voters are more likely to rely on party positions when developing attitudes toward the European Union and for which political issues their need for cues is higher; (2) which part of the messages that parties communicate shape citizens’ attitudes; (3) which party system and party characteristics make the cueing process more likely. The first part of the thesis tests the theoretical premise of the cueing model, looking at the effects that citizens’ political knowledge and the complexity of the issue have on the effectiveness of party cues. The results from both experimental and observational data show that party influence is higher among voters that have a lower knowledge of EU politics and that even well-informed citizens need to use party cues when taking positions on particularly difficult issues. Given the high complexity of issues debated at the EU level and the low availability of information about EU politics, partisan voters appear more likely to conform to their party's positions than to question them. However, to what extent that situation represents an obstacle to political elite accountability depends on how persuasion by political parties takes place. The second part of the thesis uses experimental data to investigate whether, when exposed to a message from their party about an EU issue, partisan voters are persuaded by the argumentations that it contains or by the fact it comes from a source that they trust. If voters care more about who is taking a particular position than what is being advocated, they are likely to conform blindly to the wills of political parties, absolving politicians from accountability for their behaviour. The results of this part of the thesis show that the presence of the party label exerts a larger influence on voters’ attitudes than the content of the message; moreover, experiment participants appear willing to abandon their prior opinions in order to follow the official party line, leaving few incentives for political parties to take political positions which are consistent with their voters’ political beliefs. Finally, the third chapter focuses on the limits of party persuasive power. It shows that when a party system is unstable, people tend to rely less on parties for political cues, given that voters need to feel some sort of familiarity with political parties to rely on their cues. This kind of experience is hard to develop when political parties are continuously changing. This chapter uses observational data from different EU countries to test the relation between party system or party instability and effectiveness of party cues. To take into account the nested nature of the data, the analysis is composed of multilevel models.
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McKay, James. "Labour Party attitudes to European Integration, 1945-1975." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2006. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.756587.
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Wilkes, George Richardson. "British attitudes to the European Economic Community, 1956-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619704.
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Schäfer, Constantin [Verfasser], and Thorsten [Akademischer Betreuer] Faas. "Attitudes towards european integration and behavior in european parliament elections / Constantin Schäfer ; Betreuer: Thorsten Faas." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1202011993/34.
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Boecker, Martin. "The social psychological analysis of attitudes towards the European Community." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256147.
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Shepherd, Claire. "Gender role attitudes : a European cross-national study, 1990-2008." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/gender-role-attitudes-a-european-crossnational-study-19902008(7445afb9-c3fa-4805-9f1d-4726e31fbc28).html.
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There has been a renewed research focus on developments within the family as a result of the broad social, economic and cultural developments that have occurred across Europe since the middle of the twentieth century. Arguably the rise in female, and particularly maternal employment, has produced the greatest impact on family life and gender roles. Given that this division of labour is changing there is debate about whether men and women's expectations and acceptance of some aspects of gender roles - their gender role attitudes - have also changed. Gender role attitudes feed into an array of sociological debates such as those concerning gender inequalities, women's position in the labour market, declining fertility rates and family breakdown, and naturally feeds into the discourse surrounding welfare state and policy decision making. Whilst discussions that concern the family and personal life have also been littered with debates about the existence and influence of individualisation over every aspect of modern life. Three waves of the European Values Study (EVS) are used to explore gender role attitude change, focusing on the division of labour, over time from 1990 to 2008 and across 19 countries in Europe. Two data classification techniques are used to derive a three pronged and interconnected measure of gender role attitudes (Maternal employment, Job fulfilment and Economic independence). Two types of cluster analyses are then used to explore similarities in attitude change across countries and over time. Five welfare state typologies are then tested based on their efficacy to predict attitudes to gender roles. Finally cohort and sex-based variations in attitudes are also examined. The main findings are:• Gender role attitudes have shifted at the cross-European level towards more progressive perspectives over time from 1990-2008, with men found to be lagging behind women's more liberal attitudes.• There is evidence that welfares state typologies capture only a small amount of variance within gender role attitudes and therefore little evidence is found to support the idea that similarities in family-policy and socio-economic contexts are mirrored by similar attitudes.• The findings uncover evidence to indicate that both cohort and period effects are associated with gender role attitude change over time.• The results also identify some congruence with specific elements from theories of individualisation. The study supports findings of previous research that suggests people in these countries seem to be becoming more accepting of women's evolving biographies but that gender inequalities remain and men's attitudes continue to lag behind those of women. There is evidence to both support and reject the idea that we are living in more individualised societies.
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Convery, Anne. "Changing attitudes to Europe : British teacher education and the European dimension." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12760/.
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This thesis examines the attitudes to Europe of student teachers during their initial training course, in order to investigate their development in relation to the European dimension in both the teacher education and school curricula. After setting the current political context, the historical and educational background to the study is outlined, together with a personal rationale for the research. A close scrutiny of the literature pertaining to Europe and the European dimension enabled a conceptual framework of key terms to be established. Consideration of a range of theoretical perspectives in the field of cognitive psychology led to the choice of Bronfenbrenner's Ecology of Human Development as an appropriate framework within which to examine the specific research questions. His belief in human development focuses on the complex interactions between an individual and the environments in which s/he is situated. The individual is interpreted in this study as the student teacher, who develops in a series of ever-widening environments (local, national and European). The research is based on a mixed-model paradigm, drawing on both quantitative and qualitative methods in order to best address the research questions. Data collection took place in two phases: a major four year UK-based study; and a European survey in six EU countries. The research tools used were pre- and post-course questionnaires and semi-structured interviews, which generated large amounts of rich quantitative and qualitative data. An in-depth and detailed analysis of the data resulted in the emergence of a number of key findings. These are discussed and interpreted in the light of the theoretical framework, leading to theoretical and conceptual refinement. Finally, recommendations are made concerning implications for future policy and practice, in terms of European education policy, research, teacher education and schools.
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Rolewicz, Adam. "Networks and actors : Foreign Office attitudes towards European integration, 1957-73." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/71483/.
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The history of Britain's relationship with Europe is one which has received significant attention from scholars and laypeople alike, especially in recent times. It has been explored from a wide range of angles and perspectives, all of which offer unique insights into what has often been characterised as an awkward or reluctant relationship. This thesis' contribution employs a specific focus on the attitudes of Foreign Office officials towards European integration in the years 1957-73, and the ways in which these attitudes shaped the foreign policymaking process. The role which Foreign Office officials played in Britain's approach to membership of the EEC was extremely significant, and their attitudes had a profound impact on the policymaking process. In certain cases, these attitudes conflicted with those of their political masters and resulted in serious struggles and confrontations in the corridors of power. This study will examine four case studies in Britain's approach to European integration in the years 1957-73, which cover the most critical junctures in the Foreign Office's approach to European integration across this period. In each case study, the attitudes and actions of the officials most intimately involved in European policy will form the main focus, including an in-depth analysis of how their attitudes had been shaped through their own formative experiences. It will become clear that officials' attitudes towards European integration were exceptionally diverse and were not reflective of a rigid departmental orthodoxy. Foreign Office personnel were increasingly recruited from a wider base of social and educational backgrounds and this in turn created a diplomatic service containing a broad range of views. However, a gulf in attitudes between the elder and younger generations of officials became increasingly evident, with the latter being much more receptive to the principles of European unity after their experiences of the Second World War. The result was a department which increasingly viewed membership of the EEC as the future of Britain's foreign policy strategy.
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Knowles, Timothy David. "Attitudes towards food safety within selected countries of the European hotel industry." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/305189.
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This thesis examines the important and topical issue of food safety among member states of the European Union. After tracing the development of related legislation, a review of the literature focuses on its management within the European hotel industry. In attempting to account for differences in attitudes and practice towards food safety, the study explores the respective application oftwo opposing theoretical positions. The first, known as divergence theory, which tends to equate culture with nationality, maintains that variation is attributable to inter-country differences in norms and values. The second, convergence theory, argues that culture is more appropriately understood in the organisational sense as functioning at the corporate level of the hotel. Hence, under the latter perspective, an explanation of variance is more likely to be derived from differences in type or ethos of hotel (whether chain or independent) and the ways that they are structured according to mode ofoperation, size and hierarchy. After outlining the methodological difficulties of carrying out a comparative study capable of resolving the foregoing dilemma, the empirical section takes place in two major stages: (1 ) a canvassing of expert opinion, with a view to filling gaps in knowledge of the legislation and its implementation; and (2) the conducting of a sample survey among hotel personnel in a number of EU member states (this stage being preceded by a small, two-phase pilot investigation). In order to contrast the rival theories statistically, the data from the survey are analysed by a series of relevant independent variables and tested for significance. Although there are acknowledged limitations on the degree of generalisation that can be claimed, by and large the convergence theory is upheld. A summary of the findings is provided and a number of implications for the future of food safety legislation in the EU are highlighted.
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Nananidou, Angela. "A hierarchical model of safety attitudes : a study in four European countries." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367211.
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Stojić, Marko. "The attitudes of political parties in Serbia and Croatia towards the European Union in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48633/.
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The thesis examines how parties in Serbia and Croatia have responded to the significant challenges brought by European integration since 2000. It seeks to identify and categorise the broad, underlying stances on the substance of the European integration as expressed by relevant, parliamentary parties across both countries. The thesis also intends to discern the most important factors that determined the formation of their attitudes. It explores the interaction and effects of five explanatory variables: party ideology, party strategy, position within the party system, relations with electoral constituencies and socio-economic groups, and transnational and bilateral party linkages. As a qualitative comparative study, it draws on a qualitative content analysis of party programmatic documents as well as interviews with senior party officials, country experts and officials of the EU and European transnational parties. The thesis makes a major empirical contribution to our knowledge on party responses to Europe by looking systematically and comparatively at two under-researched cases. It also makes a more general theoretical contribution by using a new set of cases to test, amend and develop the literature on party positions on the EU. The thesis found that party ideology and strategy were the most important drivers of parties' attitudes towards the EU. Although Serbian and Croatian parties had generally loose ideological underpinnings, a party's ideology was the single most important source of motivation for a response to Europe in the majority of these parties. This was due to the nature of European issues, closely related to identity and statehood issues, in the context of these post-communist and post-conflict societies. Additionally, due to the specific conditions pertaining to the political milieu of candidate countries, a number of former nationalist and Eurosceptic parties fundamentally shifted their long-term positions on the EU. This volte-face was a strategically driven response to internal and external incentives in the context of dynamic electoral competition and strong EU presence, and aimed at maximising their chances of securing executive office. Other factors generally proved to be of secondary importance since their effect was mostly mediated through party ideology and strategy.
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Christakis, Michalis. "Greece and the European Community : the change of attitude of the Greek socialists towards the European Community." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332654.
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Wilk, Piotr. "Economic determinants of public attitudes toward European integration in central and eastern Europe." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0002/MQ42223.pdf.
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Comănaru, Ruxandra-Silvia. "The role of language attitudes and practices in the emergence of European identity." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2014. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/69/.
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During the past century, Europe has experienced significant political, social and economic changes. The European countries have successfully joined together to form a union aimed at prosperity and peace across the continent. In 2012, the European Union received the Nobel Peace Prize for human rights advancements. The 28 current members are united under common European symbols and institutions, whilst they maintain their national character. It has been posited that national identity is built around language and geographical borders. Yet, the EU’s borders change continually with the accession of new members and the EU recognises all official languages of its members as official languages of the union itself. In this dissertation I explore the function of positive attitudes and practices of multilingualism as a catalyst for European identity, while investigating the components of European identity and its relationship with national identity. A mixed methodology of questionnaires and interviews is used across three contexts: Romania, Belgium and the United Kingdom. Romania joined the EU in 2007; it presents a novel context for investigating European identity. Belgium, home of the EU, is one of the oldest members. It is symbolically divided by the French-Dutch linguistic border. Finally, the UK – where English, a global lingua franca, is an official language – has traditionally had a reserved stance towards the EU. These studies show that Europeans perceive their national and European identities as compatible, sometimes forming a hybrid identity. I find support for the notion that European identity has two components: civic and cultural – and that positive attitudes towards multilingualism are intrinsically related to and predict European identity. These results vary subtly across contexts and the interviews provide in-depth insights into these differences. I conclude by highlighting the role that European multilingualism can have in the development of a stronger union.
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Lengfeld, Holger, Sara Schmidt, and Julia Häuberer. "Is there a European solidarity?" Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-165394.
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This paper analyses if European citizens are willing to show solidarity with debt-ridden EU member states during the recent crisis. Based on a theoretical concept comprehending four di-mensions of solidarity - generalised willingness to support, existence of social cleavages, rea-sons of supporting others, acceptance of conditions a crisis country has to meet to receive as-sistance - we derived hypotheses stating that the existence of a European wide solidarity is rather unlikely. We analysed data from two Eurobarometer surveys 2010 and 2011 and a unique survey conducted in Germany and Portugal in 2012. Descriptive and multilevel analyses indi-cated that in 2010 and 2011, a narrow majority of all EU citizens supported fiscal assistance for crisis countries, and socio-economic and cultural cleavages in attitudes regarding financial as-sistance for crisis countries were rather low. Findings from the two country comparison showed that the willingness to show solidarity was predominantly guided by moral reasoning instead of the respondent’s self-interest. However, German and Portuguese respondents disagree on austerity measures, with the exception of social spending cuts. Taken all together, we come to the conclusion that recent years have brought a new legitimacy to the use of EU bailout measures which are now a given European practice.
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Nazir, Maliha. "ESSAYS ON DOMESTIC FACTORS DRIVING ATTITUDES TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS AND EMIGRATION." OpenSIUC, 2017. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1468.
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This dissertation investigates various micro and macro level domestic factors affecting attitudes towards immigrants and emigration of international students. The first chapter examines if an individual’s religiosity affects his attitude against immigrants in jobs in rich and poor countries using data from World Values Survey, wave 6 for the period 2010-2014. The main finding of this study is that per capita income affects an individual’s attitudes against immigrants in getting hired but religiosity does not matter in affecting attitudes of people against immigrants in rich and poor countries. The second chapter explores Europeans opposition against Muslims, Jewish and Roma immigrants based on perceived economic, religious and security threats in strong and weak economies using European Social Survey for the period 2014-2015. The results suggest that the state of economy dominates a respondent’s perception of economic, religious or security threats against banning Muslims, Jews and Roma immigrants. The third chapter sheds lights whether corruption in countries promote students to study abroad using data on outbound students from UNESCO for the period 1999-2015. The results indicate that corruption promotes emigration of international students for only high income countries in the sample but this result does not hold for low and middle income countries.
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Alriksson, Anton, and Erik Åström. "Attitudes toward immigration : A mapping of the development and analysis in attitudes towards immigration in Europe." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75454.
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The research on natives’ attitudes regarding immigration has increased during the past decades. The overall findings question the common theory of labor market competition and that native attitudes are affected by personal economic considerations. In the same time an increased concern in the political debate has become immigration. In many countries, there is a growth and progress of political parties with a far-right orientation that disapproves and attempts to prevent immigration. We examine data on attitudes towards immigration from eight rounds of the European social survey (ESS) which covers the years between 2002-2016. We study if the attitudes in Europe towards immigration from poor non-member countries of the European Union have changed during the 21th century and examine if the massive acceleration of refugee applications during the refugee crisis in 2015 has had an impact on the attitudes towards immigration. We estimate different models to examine how different factors are associated with individuals' attitudes towards immigration. Furthermore, we test if the labor market competition model holds for the seventh round of ESS due to limitation in data. We find that natives’ attitudes have not become worse in Europe, and that the refugee crisis in 2015 has not made the attitudes worse. We find that the factors that are associated with individual attitudes towards immigration are to a large degree connected with cultural values and beliefs, and that individuals with more years of schooling are more likely to favor immigration regardless of where the immigrants come from. These findings are consistent with the growing body of empirical findings that considers that cultural values and believes are the main drivers of attitudes towards immigration, and that actual effects of immigration on income and employment are quite small. These findings put the labor market competition premise in forming immigration attitudes into question.
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Patel, Hersha. "Attitudes, understanding and compliance with cervical cancer screening in Eastern European migrants to England." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/42627.
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Introduction: The incidence of cervical cancer in England, in the 25-34 year old age group is rising but screening coverage is falling. It has been hypothesised that this might be in part due to the effect of migration of Eastern European (EE) women to England. This thesis explores the attitudes, understanding and behaviours of migrant EE women in England towards cervical cancer prevention strategies, focusing on the effect of migration. Further to assess cervical cancer prevention as an entirety the understandings and attitudes of EE adolescents and healthcare professionals in England have been investigated. Methods: Five studies, using a combination of qualitative, quantitative and systematic review research methodologies were conducted to assess the aims. The studies were conducted in England and Latvia. Results: Comparison of the English and Latvian studies revealed that both the native Latvian women and migrant EE women had lower levels of understanding of the process of cervical screening than the native English women. The largest influence on cervical screening behaviours both prior to and after migration was the women’s overall perception of the healthcare system. The migrant EE women held negative attitudes towards the healthcare system in England. Minimal changes occurred in attitudes and behaviours towards cervical screening after migration. Practice nurse smear takers in England were found to lack adequate awareness of current cervical screening protocols or HPV vaccination and not all were confident in providing HPV related patient education. Awareness of primary prevention of cervical cancer in the Latvian adolescent population was suboptimal, although they appeared to be partaking in high-risk behaviours. Conclusions: The uptake of cervical cancer prevention modalities in the migrant EE population appears to be influenced by their pre-existing knowledge of cervical screening and cervical cancer and their perception of the healthcare system and healthcare professionals in England.
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Favero, Adrian Viktor. "Role of Polish cities in shaping attitudes of urban, educated youth towards European integration." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31505.
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Cities constitute important political, economic and cultural frameworks, playing a potentially crucial role in influencing the residents' views and opinions about the world. In the context of Central Europe, there has been little attempt to examine the dynamics and construction of attitudes within urban societies. In this research, I explore the influence of urban spaces on citizens' attitudes towards the city and the European Union (EU). This study investigates such citizen behaviours in the largest new EU member state - the Republic of Poland. Building on existing scholarship, I include economic factors and attachment-related approaches to assess support of EU integration among highly skilled citizens living in European cities, the so-called Eurostars. The thesis asks to what extent perceived conditions in Polish cities shape the attitudes of young well-educated urban citizens towards the EU. How do citizens' perceptions of the local and of the supranational space affect their choice of location and work? I assess these questions by employing a sequential mixed methods approach that combines a quantitative and a qualitative method. I devised a survey that I conducted on 923 Masters (MA) students in Polish cities to evaluate their perceptions about their cities' performance. The survey further assessed students' attachments to their cities and their support for the EU. This collected data is complemented by detailed semi-structured interviews with 27 MA students to investigate whether their individual views on their respective city and on the EU influence their motivations to leave or stay in their city. This study situates these students as 'potential Eurostars' as they still live in their hometown. I conducted the comparative investigation in five large urban spaces in Poland: the Tricity area (Gdańsk-Sopot-Gdynia), Poznań, Warsaw, Wrocław and Kraków. Although not representative of every urban centre in Poland, these cities serve as a microcosm to understand the impact of local conditions and Europeanisation in Central and East Europe. (CEE) The use of cities as sites of analysis departs from the traditional and dominant nation-state framework. This thesis further underscores the attitudes of a specific social urban group, whose newly-gained access to the EU - with its opportunities for mobility - potentially offers them new perspectives. Such conditions may influence students' choices of future location and work. The developed methodological framework, with its focus on Polish cities, can be further applied to other countries, groups and territorial units in future research. The quantitative and qualitative findings reveal a relatively marginal influence of urban conditions on place attachment. I further demonstrate that satisfaction with economic and cultural conditions in Polish cities relate to positive attitudes towards the EU. The perception of quality of life plays an important role for the sampled MA students in how they decide where to work and live after graduation. Although, attachment to the city does not necessarily lead to a negative opinion about the EU, it does impact students' exit strategies and often leads to temporary migration plans. Other elements such as local patriotism, family and friends' networks, equally shape this form of place attachment.
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Kruse, Jan. "De taal van de Europeanen attitudes bij taalcontact met Engels en een dialect." Osnabrück Koentopp, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2982749&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Rebellato, Giacomo <1994>. "Individual and collective determinants of welfare state attitudes: an empirical study on European retirement reform." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16530.
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Current demographic and economic trends pose a threat to the financial sustainability of modern welfare states, especially in PAYG pension systems, which are one of the main features of welfare expenditure. These rising constraints prove that such path-dependent processes are urged to be reformed. In this study I analyze the individual, collective and political determinants that shape pension reform attitudes in three European countries (France, Italy and Spain). My aim is to shed light on what are the driving (or impeding) forces in pension policy. In order to do so, I carry out an econometric analysis of cross-section survey data on welfare state and pension systems reform attitudes.
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Kolczynska, Marta Joanna. "Immigrants, Trust, and Political Institutions: The Case of European Muslims." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1403960782.
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Pershad, Priya, and Viktoriia Baibuz. "A quantitative research on the attitude of European students towards Chinese web shops." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Företagsekonomi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-39645.
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A quantitative research in the attitude of European students towards Chinese web shops. The purpose of this research is to determine which factors influence the attitude of European students the most while purchasing from Chinese webshops. The research framework is inspired by the Theory of Planned behaviour. The responses from the questionair were analysed using SPSS and the findings indicated that perceived behaviour control influences the attitude of European students the most, closely followed by website factors and service quality. In contrast, the factors subjective norms, price as well as product variety shows relatively smaller influence. Nevertheless, these factors should not be neglected when targeting European students for online shopping.
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Willemse, Marloes, Sebastiaan Cornelissen, and Pelin Turgut. "Relating the attitudes represented in the maps of the atlas of European values to the students." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6583/.
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1. The meaning of religious (sacred) places
2. Why be religious?
3. Secularism in Europe
4. Youth and religion (‘No creo en el jamas’ (Juanes))
5. Football & religion
6. Religion and politics
7. Penguins in heaven
8. Lucky Charms
9. Unity in Diversity
10. Religion and active citizenship
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Upton-Ward, Judith Mary Ayse. "European attitudes towards the Ottoman Empire a case study : Sultan Abdülaziz's visit to Europe in 1867." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251181.
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Giorgi, Liana. "Aspects of the subjective culture of modernity : an analysis of the European Values Survey (1981) on European attitudes towards religion, work, politics and well-being." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272958.
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Varon, Ari David. "Islam and Europe : reflections on religion state relations by European Muslim intellectuals." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://spire.sciences-po.fr/hdl:/2441/7o52iohb7k6srk09o02c1ck3i.
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Comment les intellectuels musulmans en Europe interprètent-ils les relations entre l’Etat et la religion ? Cette thèse propose une analyse comparative des discours de quatre intellectuels musulmans européens traitant de cette question. Nous étudions conjointement les nombreuses interprétations de l’Islam avec l’essor des relations religion-Etat depuis la paix de Westphalie (1648), ainsi que la coordination entre les communautés musulmanes d’Europe et les institutions étatiques, à travers les réseaux de politiques publiques islamiques relatives à l’Islam dans la sphère publique européenne. Cette recherche compare les discours d’intellectuels musulmans ayant une grande écoute dans la sphère publique Européenne, à savoir Bassam Tibi, Tariq Ramadan, Amr Khaled et Yusuf Qaradawi. Notre analyse compare les discours de ces quatre intellectuels dans un cadre d’analyse multidimensionnel qui comprend quatre catégories. La première est conceptuelle ; la deuxième est institutionnelle; la troisième, l’agenda social; enfin l’action politique et la mobilisation politique prescrite pour les musulmans en Europe. Cette recherche éclaire également l’étude des relations entre Etat et religion à la lumière de l’influence de l’immigration musulmane vers l’Europe et l’installation de Musulmans en tant qu’Européens durant les dernières décennies. Comprendre les perceptions de l’Islam en Europe comme étant influencées par le discours religieux européen tout en influençant celui-ci en retour permettrait de préciser le développement futur des relations entre les religions européennes et les Etats à la fois pour les chercheurs, les acteurs sociaux et les décideurs politiquesHow do Muslims intellectuals in Europe interpret religion state relations? The Ph. D. Dissertation performs a comparative discourse analysis (CDA) of four European Muslim intellectuals as each reflects upon religion state relations. The dissertation studies the multiple interpretations of Islam juxtaposed with the developing religion state relations since the Peace of Westphalia (1648) as well as the coordination between European Muslim communities and state institutions through Islamic policy networks relating to issues of Islam in Europe’s public sphere. The research compares the discourses of for Muslim intellectuals that are prominent in Europe’s public sphere: Bassam Tibi, Tariq Ramadan, Amr Khaled and Yusuf Qaradawi. The CDA compares the four intellectuals in a multi-dimensional framework comprising four categories. First is conceptual; second, institutional surrounding; third, social agenda; fourth, political action and political mobilization prescribed for Muslims in Europe. Studying the discursive presentations of Tibi, Ramadan, Khaled and Qaradawi the research reorganizes the principles of analyzing Islam and Europe opening the possibility of bridging potential obstacles and rigid interpretations of Islam and European identity. The research enlightens the study of religion state relations and the social establishment of Muslim as Europeans over the previous decades. Understanding the perceptions of Islam in Europe as simultaneously influenced by and influencing Europe’s religious discourse could elaborate the future development of European religions state relations for researchers, social organizers and policy makers
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Hoareau, Cécile. "Does deliberation matter? : the impact of the Bologna process on attitudes and policies in European higher education." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/307/.
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This research analyses the impact of deliberative governance mechanisms on policy reforms. This mode of governance involves the direct participation of state and non-state actors in meetings, during which participants are open to the exchange of arguments about a particular policy space and to reaching an agreement which can be non-binding. This research develops the theoretical claim that deliberative governance has a significant impact on the cognitive aspect of domestic policies and in particular individual attitudes. It focuses on the Bologna process that has been at the heart of European-wide reforms of higher education and investigates three aspects. First, a survey of participants in the Bologna process shows how their attitudes have changed. Secondly, case studies of the Sorbonne and Bologna agreements of the 25th of May 1998 and the 19th of June 1999 investigate how those changes of attitudes and policies fit participants’ interests. Thirdly, a comparison between reforms in England and France (mid-1980s-2007) discusses how changes of attitudes relate to domestic policy changes. The study explores two mechanisms that have been widely held to facilitate reforms, namely ‘learning’ and ‘strategic use’. The study finds that participants are open to changing their perceptions and receiving information on policy options in deliberations if it fits their interests. Deliberations also help diffuse paradigms which facilitate domestic reforms. More importantly, deliberative governance obeys a certain hierarchy when influencing individual attitudes. It starts by changing the most instrumental attitudes. However, all attitudes are connected, leading to a spiralling effect toward attitude change concerning more fundamental domestic reforms. Deliberative governance therefore has the potential to create some convergence in certain policy areas. This research contributes to the relevant European integration literature on deliberative governance and policy change by drawing on theoretical insights from the wide literature on cognitive theories. It also adds to the specialist field of studies concerning the European higher education area.
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Bilen, Ayse Ipek. "Atitudes of Turkeish adults towards seeking psychological help and marital therapy and factors influencing these attitudes." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527306.
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Bergström, Josefine. "Attitudes towards English in post-Brexit referendum Germany : A qualitative study on attitudes towards English as experienced by British expats in Germany." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-153372.
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English today has reached global dimensions no other language has reached before. While there are other lingua francas in certain geographical regions in the world, English is the most dominant lingua franca in many important international domains, including international affairs and its use as the lingua franca of official organisations, such as the European Union (EU). In the wake of the result of the British referendum, voices were raised for the discontinuation of the use of the English language within the EU after Brexit. While this topic has received attention from journalists throughout Europe, to date there are very few studies on attitudes towards English in a post-Brexit referendum Europe. The present study aims to contribute to the filling of this gap by investigating attitudes towards English experienced by British expats living in Germany, employing semi-structured interviews with six British expats. Also included in the study is information about the expats’ use of different languages for different purposes. The findings indicate that i) they do not see the emergence of a Euro-English likely; ii) that their language choices are determined by inclusiveness; iii) that there may be different attitudes towards English in different parts of Germany; iv) that English is experienced as a door opener; and finally, v) multilingualism is a desired notion for them all. Combined, they suggest there is a discrepancy between the EU political line and the grass root reality.
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Janssen, Meike [Verfasser]. "Labelling schemes for organic food : consumer attitudes, preferences and willingness-to-pay in six European countries / Meike Janssen." Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1018327754/34.
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Bátory, Ágnes. "Attitudes to Europe : a comparative politics approach to the issue of European Union membership in Hungarian party politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620671.
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Sindic, Denis. "Scots' attitudes to Britain and to the European Union : the psychology of national segregation and supra-national integration." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14196.
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This thesis is concerned with attitudes towards supra-national bodies, and more specifically with Scots' attitudes towards union in Britain and Europe. Firstly, it is suggested that support for, or opposition, to integration in a supra-national body depends on the extent to which this body is believed to enhance or undermine the ability to express national identity {identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). Identity undermining, in turn, depends upon a combined sense of incompatibility with outgroup identities/interests and of ingroup powerlessness within the supranational body. Secondly, it is suggested that these features of the social context and of identity meanings can be actively constructed in order to fulfil strategic purposes, such as persuading audiences in favour of separatism or integration. Five studies are reported which investigated these hypotheses. In study 1, we looked at the discourses of Scottish politicians and at the way their accounts of group identities and social reality could be understood in strategic terms, i.e. in relation to their political projects regarding Scotland's status in Britain and in Europe. In the second study, a survey design was used in order to provide quantitative evidence of the relationship between identity undermining, incompatibility, powerlessness and separatism. The third (experimental) study sought to clarify the causal relationship between these variables and showed that manipulating identity undermining lead to increased support for separatism. Finally, the fourth and the fifth (experimental) studies suggested that identity constructions, in the form of judgements of group prototypicality, can vary as a function of the strategic claim made by participants. In conclusion, the merits are stressed of an approach to identity processes and attitudes towards supra-national bodies that is sensitive to both context and content. It is also stressed that context and contents should not be taken as perceptual givens but as actively constructed by social actors.
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Kim, Jia. "Anti-Immigrant Attitudes, Internet Use, and Radical Right Voting: A Cross-National Study in Eight Western European Countries." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41587.
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This thesis seeks to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the empirical link between citizens’ negative perceptions of immigrants and electoral support for Western European radical right parties, and in doing so, to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics of radical right voting behavior based on an analysis of radical right parties’ online activities. Despite radical right parties' great popularity and important presence online, little scholarly attention has been paid to their activities in an online space. Accordingly, most empirical research on radical right voting behavior has been conducted in an offline context, ignoring the potential role the Internet plays in connecting radical right parties and voters. Building on Norris’s demand-supply framework, I consider the largely ignored factor, citizens' online activities, in my quantitative model and, ultimately, develop formal links between citizens’ anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties conditional on their level of Internet usage. Thereby, I aim to provide an answer to the following research question: Does citizens’ Internet usage moderate the relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and radical right voting? Using data from the 9th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), I test whether voters' high level of Internet consumption strengthens the positive relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties in eight Western European countries. The results show that my expectations are strongly supported at the cross-national level and partially confirmed at the national level by Belgium, Germany, and Italy. My findings hold promise for future work in designing more elaborate and practical voting models.
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Gidron, Noam. "Many Ways to Be Right: The Unbundling of European Mass Attitudes and Partisan Asymmetries Across the Ideological Divide." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493265.
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How do individuals with conflicting attitudes on different issues – those with conservative attitudes on some issues but progressive attitudes on other issues – form their partisan allegiances? In examining this question, my dissertation advances an argument about the asymmetry in European mass attitudes across the left-right divide. I argue that when individuals connect their political attitudes to left-right ideological labels they have many ways to be right – yet mostly one way to be left.
The first section of the dissertation argues that the shift to the knowledge economy has driven a wedge between economic and cultural conservatism in mass attitudes. This is due to the increased linkage between income and education within the knowledge economy. These two factors push individual-level attitudes in opposite directions: while higher income is associated with economic conservatism, higher education is associated with progressive cultural values. The analysis of survey data from West European countries documents a decline in the correlations between economic and cultural attitudes during 1990-2008, with variations by the size of the knowledge-intensive sector.
In the second section I develop the concept of right-wing multivocality, or the ability of the right to speak in multiple voices. I show that cross-pressured voters (those who are conservative on some issues but progressive on other issues) are more likely to support the right: while support for the left requires progressive attitudes on all issues, it is enough to be conservative on one issue to support the right.
The third section zooms in on the mainstream center-right. I show that while cross-pressured voters are the most likely to support the right – they are the least likely to support the center-right. I then examine the implications of different center-right’s strategies to these parties’ share of the vote and support across demographic groups. I show that the center-right has more to gain by courting market cosmopolitans (economically conservative, culturally progressive voters) than by courting welfare chauvinists (economically progressive, culturally conservative voters). Interviews with party elites shed light on the considerations – such as time horizons – that may push center-right parties to prefer one strategy to the other.Government
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Buckley, Jennifer. "Participatory inequality and the welfare state preferences of the politically active : a study of four European countries." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/participatory-inequality-and-the-welfare-state-preferences-of-the-politically-active-a-study-of-four-european-countries(a96bff18-adee-4a12-a311-d5a738bf7611).html.
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Across Europe, the welfare state is a focus of social and political contention. Participating in the democratic process offers a means for the public to voice their preferences. However, not everyone participates in politics. Research shows that there are significant participatory inequalities as those with greater socioeconomic resources are more likely to participate in politics. In light of these participatory inequalities, this thesis examines the representativeness of the welfare state preferences of the politically active. The main hypothesis posits that, if less advantaged socioeconomic groups are less likely to participate in politics, the welfare state preferences of the politically active are unlikely to be representative. The thesis brings together the comparative study of participatory inequality and social differences in welfare state preferences to examine data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2008-09 for Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK. Latent Class Analysis examines how preferences about the welfare state vary within Europe. By grouping individuals, the analysis shows that within societies there are different views about what should be the responsibilities of government. Using the latent classes, and considering a range of political actions, multivariate regression models show how social inequality determines conflict over the welfare state and transforms into political inequality. The association between preferences and political activity is examined to establish the representativeness of participant preferences. Finally, models combining welfare state preferences, political activity and social position address how social inequality shapes the link between political activity and welfare state preferences. Based on survey data for four European countries, the thesis finds that the politically active are not always representative in their preferences; however, the preference bias of participation varies in direction across countries and forms of political participation. Participatory inequalities do lead to the under-representation of support for the welfare state among the politically active but not in all cases. Examining the social stratification of preferences and participation, the thesis suggests that cross-national variations in the representativeness of participants may result from how preferences and participation are socially stratified. For instance, significant participatory inequalities can occur in contexts where there is less contention over the welfare state. Conversely, contention over the welfare state can coincide with egalitarian patterns of political activity. A concluding proposition is that the factors inhibiting the political participation of the socio-economically disadvantaged may also cultivate weaker levels of support for the welfare state.
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dang, tiffany. "The role of social media in the attitudes of Euroscepticism in Italy in comparison to those in Germany and Hungary." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/asrf/2021/presentations/68.
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With the rise of the right- and left-wing populism growing in Europe, it is important for political scientists to look into this trend and what might be causing it. Studying the rise of Populism throughout Europe is important because of its potential threats to democracy. In this research, I examine one trend that may attribute to this growth of these political parties. In my research, I examine whether Eurosceptic ideas on social media are correlated to electoral success in European Parliament elections. Many populist party leaders have turned to social media to reach out and to gain followers. Social media has been a great platform for misperception and false news. Social media is also relatively easy to use and is used by many to obtain political information. For this research, I analyze the Twitter accounts of right-winged populist political actors in Germany, Italy, and Hungary during the two years before the 2019 EU Parliament elections. The four leaders looked into were Alice Weidel for the Alternative for Germany, Matteo Salvini for Lega in Italy, Gabor Vona, and Tamas Sneider for Jobbik in Hungary. There are two leaders from Hungary due to the switch in power during the two years. By doing content analysis in this analytical paper and looking into the reactions of followers on these actor’s social media pages, there will be a better understanding of how social media can help spread the growth of Eurosceptic attitudes in citizens in the EU. The anticipated results from this research are that as time progresses towards EP elections, populist actors will increase their social media usage with a stronger emphasis on Eurosceptic ideologies in their posts. With an increase in postings and rhetoric, it is expected that citizens in the EU will be adopting similar views with these leaders and will then vote for these populist parties into the European Parliament. This research is important in helping the EU and its leaders obtain a better understanding of the growth and progression of populism in relation to Euroscepticism and its role in social media. Having a better understanding of the concept, it can aid in slowing the progression of populism and Euroscepticism, the one thing that is undermining its institutions.
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Abrahamsson, Amanda, and Thea Andersson. "Ethnic and Gender Differences in the Swedish Labour Market: Do Attitudes Towards Immigrants Matter?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105308.
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International migration has had a steady growth over the last decades and the integration of immigrants into the labour market is a challenge for many countries. Previous literature has found that immigrants, especially non-European immigrants, are disadvantaged in the labour market, and that the size of this disadvantage differs between male and female immigrants. One potential explanation for non-European immigrants’ labour market disadvantage is discrimination, which can be expressed through negative attitudes towards immigrants. Using individual data from the European Social Survey, this paper investigates whether there is a relation between negative attitudes towards immigrants and the employment gap between non-European immigrants and natives in Sweden, and whether this relation differs by gender. The results, however not statistically significant, indicate that there is a negative relation between negative attitudes towards immigrants and the immigrant-native employment gap. Moreover, the female immigrant-native employment gap is found to be more negatively affected by negative attitudes towards immigrants.
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Guerra, Simona. "Domestic proxies and the european factor before and after accession: Polish attitudes towards EU integration in a comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488601.
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This research compares and contrasts different patterns of support for and opposition to EU integration in Poland in comparative perspective. The scope is to fill a missing gap in the existing literature providing an in-depth study on public opinion and European integration on a specific case of Central and Eastern Europe, to turn towards a comparative framework.
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Mayo, Jessica L. "Contemporary Franco Americans: A Study of Ethnic Identity, Help-Seeking Attitudes, and Values." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1416824893.
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