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1
Furåker, Bengt. "European trade union cooperation, union density and employee attitudes to unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 9, 2020): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933118.
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European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.
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Larsson, Bengt. "Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 5, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v5i3.4809.
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This paper analyzes what channels trade unions in Europe use when trying to influence European Union (EU) policies. It compares and contrasts trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the degree to which they cooperate with different actors to influence EU policies, while also touching on the importance of sector differences and organizational resources. The study is based on survey data collected in 2010–2011 from unions affiliated with the European Trade Union Confederation and from below peak unions in 14 European countries. Results of the survey show that the ‘national route’ is generally the most important for trade unions in influencing EU policies in the sense that this channel is, on average, used to the highest degree. In addition, the survey delineates some important differences between trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the balance between the national route and different access points in the ‘Brussels route’.
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Turner, Thomas, and Daryl D’Art. "Public Perceptions of Trade Unions in Countries of the European Union." Labor Studies Journal 37, no. 1 (January 5, 2012): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x11429266.
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Hall, Joshua C., Robert A. Lawson, and Rachael Wogsland. "The European Union and Economic Freedom." Global Economy Journal 11, no. 3 (September 2011): 1850232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1731.
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This paper integrates two growing strains of literature. The first strain looks at the effect of economic and political unions on outcomes such as bond ratings and economic convergence. The second strain looks at the determinants of economic freedom across countries. Building from these two literatures, we investigate the impact of joining the European Union on a country’s economic freedom. Using a panel of countries from 1970 to 2007, we find evidence that joining the European Union increases a country’s economic freedom. Empirically, however, the impact of joining the union on economic freedom is small.
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Jacobi, Otto. "Transnational trade union cooperation at global and European level - opportunities and obstacles." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600104.
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As globalisation of the economy proceeds apace, it is essential for trade unions to co-operate on a transnational basis if global capitalism is to be civilised. This contribution argues that problems with global trade union co-operation stem from the fact that people's social interests differ greatly according to the different stages of economic development reached in the First World, the newly industrialised countries, the transition economies and the countries of the Third World. It suggests that global co-operation amongst trade unions can only be achieved by doing away with protectionism and dumping. In the interest of the economic development of other groups of countries, the highly developed states have to abolish sectoral subsidies and protectionist measures. In return, the trade unions in the First World can expect the basic social rights laid down in ILO conventions to be made universally binding. Only then will it be possible to break out of the damaging spiral of global dumping and ensure that living conditions for all concerned are able to keep pace with economic progress. In those countries of Europe which are members of the EU, the conditions for transnational trade union co-operation are entirely different. A unified economic and monetary area has already been created, and what is needed now is for a transnational social area to be developed as well. There is scope here for the trade unions to build on the social standards that have already been set on a EU-wide basis. Despite the enormous challenges resulting from the far-reaching social changes taking place, trade unions in Europe have a real opportunity to establish a social model that can serve as a benchmark for unions in other parts of the world.
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Trade unionism in Europe: Are the working class still members?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119838881.
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How far does social class position influence the likelihood that employees will be members of a trade union? I use European Social Survey data to compare trade union membership of ‘working-class’ and ‘middle- and upper class’ employees in different European countries. Although the former dominate the trade unions in absolute numbers in most (but not all) countries, the likelihood that the latter will be members of a trade union is higher in most of the countries analysed.
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BIELER, ANDREAS. "The EU, Global Europe, and processes of uneven and combined development: the problem of transnational labour solidarity." Review of International Studies 39, no. 1 (May 29, 2012): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000083.
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AbstractIn 2006, the European Union launched its new free trade strategy Global Europe with the explicit goal of increasing European competitiveness. This article explores the positions of trade unions and other social movements on Global Europe. Importantly, while Northern social movements and trade unions from the Global South reject Global Europe due to its impact of deindustrialisation on developing countries, European trade unions support it in so far as it opens up new markets for the export of European manufactured goods. It will be argued that this has to be understood against the background of the dynamics underlying the global economy and here in particular uneven and combined development. Due to the uneven integration of different parts of the world into the global economy, workers in developed countries may actually benefit from free trade, while workers in the Global South are more likely to lose out. It will, however, also be argued that while these different positions within the social relations of production are shaping the position of trade unions, they do not determine them. Over time, through direct engagement, trade unions in the North and South may be able to establish relations of transnational solidarity.
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Stringer, Jacob. "When European tenants’ unions meet." Radical Housing Journal 1, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 201–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/hhdt2764.
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Tenants’ unions from across Europe met in Barcelona in May 2019 to exchange information, ideas and tactics. They are organizing in the face of housing crises in their home countries and often face similar challenges. The series of workshops looked at how the organizations are structured, how they organize, what their tactics are and how they cope with limited resources. The scale of the challenge facing tenants’ unions across Europe means many organizations are trying to build at scale, and the problems of doing this were discussed extensively. There are plans for the tenants’ unions to meet again.
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Skulason, Ari, and Markku Jääskelainen. "Regional co-operation within the Nordic Council of Trade Unions and across the Baltic Sea." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600108.
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This article reviews the evolution of trade union co-operation within the Nordic Council of Trade Unions (NFS). The NFS was founded in 1972 with the aim of strengthening the already close ties between the Nordic national trade union movements in a context where several Nordic countries were making approaches to the EC and Nordic unions had been playing an active role in creating the ETUC. In recent years the work of the NFS has become more oriented, first, towards European issues and, second, towards co-operation with unions in the Baltic countries. The major changes on the geopolitical map of Europe have thus had a profound impact on the co-operation between Nordic unions, in many respects giving impetus to development of more structured and extended patterns of transnational union engagement.
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Barnes, Samuel H. "Christian Trade Unions and European Integration." Relations industrielles 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021649ar.
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Summary Christian trade unions of the countries of « Little Europe » have established organizations to coordinate their European activities and to represent their interests before the agencies concerned with European economic integration. They have been forced to seek allies in order to increase their influence. In this search they have two major alternatives: they can work closely with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, or they can try to increase their influence within the Christian Democratic political milieu. This article describes the supranational structure of the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions and analyses the problems of orientation with which its supranational activities has confronted it. The present article was suggested by a broader study of Christian trade unionism in the world. A grant from the Social Science Research Council enabled the author to visit several European countries during the summer of 1959, and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Additional research was accomplished in Europe in the summer of 1961.
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Moll, P. G. "Black South African Unions: Relative Wage Effects in International Perspective." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600203.
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Despite the disenfranchisement of blacks in South Africa, the state's refusal to officially recognize black unions until 1980, and police repression of the union movement, this analysis of data for 1985 shows that black unions in South Africa had by that year made wage gains similar to those of unions in more developed countries. The union effect on wages for black blue-collar workers was 24%, which is in the range of effects found in studies of U.S. unions and above the range of effects found for European unions. Another finding is that black unions compressed wages across skill levels, an effect probably owing to black unions' primary emphasis on improving the lot of unskilled workers.
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Seeliger, Martin. "(Counter-)Narrating European integration." Communication & Language at Work 7, no. 1 (December 7, 2020): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/claw.v7i1.123263.
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In order to maintain social standards within the European Union, trade unions have to overcome national differences to form common political positions. Especially against the background of the recent enlargement rounds, the crafting of such positions has become a daunting task. In this context, the European Services Directive has posed an important challenge to trade unions: The so-called ‘country of origin principle’ implied that workers were supposed to be employed in line with the standards of the sending- and not the receiving country. After lengthy discussions between representatives from Eastern and Western Europe, the trade unionists managed to form a joint political line and forced the European Commission to remove the principle. In order to challenge the hegemonic neoliberal narrative of the common market bringing freedom and prosperity to the countries of Europe, the article will show how the counternarrative of a European Social Model served as a reference frame for this joint position.
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Haughton, Lesley. "Supporting learners through trade unions." Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20856/jnicec.2005.
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This article examines the role of voluntary trade union activists in delivering information advice and guidance aboutlearning, work and careers to members of their unions. The context for this work is the learning and skills system in England, not for the United Kingdom as a whole. It presents a case study of the way in which we in unionlearn, the learning and skills organisation established by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), have developed a model and strategy for supporting learners in unions. Unions in other European Union (EU) countries may wish to consider how this model could be contextualised in their own industrial relations systems when developing the role of their union representatives and officers in learning and skills.
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Mosimann, Nadja, and Jonas Pontusson. "Solidaristic Unionism and Support for Redistribution in Contemporary Europe." World Politics 69, no. 3 (May 23, 2017): 448–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887117000107.
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Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–14), this article explores the effect of union membership on support for redistribution. The authors hypothesize that the wage-bargaining practices of unions promote egalitarian distributive norms, which lead union members to support redistribution, and that this effect is strongest among high-wage workers. Consistent with the authors’ expectations, the empirical analysis shows that the solidarity effect of union membership is strongest when unions encompass a very large share of the labor force or primarily organize low-wage workers. The authors also show that low-wage workers have become a significantly less important union constituency in many European countries over the time period covered by the analysis.
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Stanojevic, Miroslav, and Grigor Gradev. "Workers' representation at company level in CEE countries." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 1 (February 2003): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900105.
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Current workplace relations in central and eastern European candidate countries are strongly influenced by the legacy of fragmented workers’ interests and at best undeveloped semi-autonomous forms of collective interest representation. In addition, most trade unions have been unable to develop adequate strategies to cope with the pressures of radical marketisation and to forge collective identities. In this environment the mechanical implementation of social dialogue institutions could trigger opposition from the trade unions, conflicts between unions and works councils in companies where autonomous trade unions exist, and even serious damage to the unions. The social dialogue institutions will only have the desired effects in CEE companies if they are developed on the basis of trade unions that have been strengthened, or even, in the case of non-unionised companies, created. This article draws on empirical research into the operation of trade unions and works councils in the CEE countries, in particular Hungary and Slovenia.
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Kirov, Vassil, and Pernille Hohnen. "Trade unions strategies to address inclusion of vulnerable employees in “anchored” services in Europe." International Journal of Manpower 36, no. 6 (September 7, 2015): 848–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-01-2014-0031.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate how trade unions may address the questions of inclusion of vulnerable employees in low-wage “anchored” sectors in the European Union. Design/methodology/approach – The findings presented in the paper are mainly results of the analysis of stakeholder policies and strategies on the national level and on the European level, including both desk research and interviews with social partner representatives and other experts in the sectors as well as company case studies carried out in the examined countries in three selected sectors: cleaning, waste collection and catering. Findings – The main findings of the paper refer to the indirect way in which trade unions try to promote the inclusion of vulnerable groups in the examined sectors. On this basis are formulated policy recommendations. Research limitations/implications – The paper is based on case study research that does not cover all possible “anchored” services, vulnerable groups and types of countries, according to their employment and social models. Practical implications – This paper formulates practical recommendations to European trade unions in the services. Originality/value – The originality of the paper is related to comparative research focused on services sectors and the consequences of the spatial reorganisation of sectors for the trade union actions.
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Espuelas, Sergio. "FALLOS DE MERCADO Y SEGURO DE PARO EN ESPAÑA ANTES DE 1936." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 31, no. 3 (November 29, 2013): 387–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610913000189.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1936, private insurance against unemployment was mostly run by trade unions. Commercial companies, meanwhile, did not penetrate into this insurance branch, which is probably due to the advantages that trade unions had when dealing with adverse selection and moral hazard problems. Nevertheless, union-based unemployment insurance reached a lower level of development than other private social insurance schemes, like sickness insurance, perhaps because of the financial difficulties that economic crisis involved for unemployment funds. Also, unemployment insurance spread specially among urban and high-wage workers, although coverage rates in Spain were below those of other European countries with higher income levels. However, even in the latter private coverage against unemployment did not reach 10% of the working population. As in other European countries, Spanish unemployment union-funds implemented strict economic incentives to deal with moral hazard, but precisely this hindered the spreading of private unemployment insurance.
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Colfer, Barry. "The European Trade Union Confederation." socio.hu 9, Special Issue (June 16, 2020): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18030/socio.hu.2019en.9.
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The European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) represents some 45 million trade union members from eighty-nine national trade union confederations and ten European Industry Federations from thirty-nine countries. In 2019, ETUC entered its forty-sixth year and marked its fourteenth quadrennial Congress in Vienna where delegates intervened to shape the work plan and direction of the organisation for the coming four years and to elect a new Executive Committee. This article takes stock of ETUC’s background and primary activities and considers whether ETUC enhances the power and influence of its members, despite the challenging environment in which trade unions in Europe reside in the 21st century. In so doing, the article assesses the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats facing the organisation, which remains the largest civil society organisation in Europe.
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Murinkó, Lívia, and Ivett Szalma. "Men’s Fertility in Second Unions in Three European Countries: The Effect of Parenthood Status." Finnish Yearbook of Population Research 50 (March 14, 2016): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.23979/fypr.51497.
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In the present paper we investigate how fatherhood influences childbirth in the second union of men in three European countries. We use data from the first wave of the Generations and Gender Survey for France (2005), Norway (2007/8) and Hungary (2004/5) and we apply piecewise exponential event history models. The analysis complements earlier literature by focusing on men, taking a comparative perspective, looking at change over time, considering both cohabiting and marital unions, and also differentiating between the effects of non-residential and (part- or full-time) residential fatherhood.Findings show that the probability of childbearing in the second union is the lowest if both partners already have child(ren) and highest if neither of them are parents. However we found different results if only one of the partners has pre-union children in the three countries. Findings are discussed in view of demographic trends, family and gender role attitudes, and relevant family policies.
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Alesina, Alberto, Ignazio Angeloni, and Federico Etro. "International Unions." American Economic Review 95, no. 3 (May 1, 2005): 602–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0002828054201279.
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We model an international union as a group of countries deciding to centralize the provision of public goods, or policies, that generate externalities across union members. The trade-off between the benefits of coordination and the loss of independent policymaking endogenously determines size, composition, and scope of the union. Policy uniformity reduces the size of the union, may block the entry of new members, and induces excessive centralization. We study flexible rules with nonuniform policies that reduce these inefficiencies, focusing particularly on arrangements that are relevant to the ongoing debate on the institutional structure of the European Union.
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Foden, David. "Trade union proposals towards EMU." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 1 (February 1998): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400110.
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This article provides an overview of the debate within the trade union movement on Europe's forthcoming economic and monetary union. It reviews the reasoning behind the ETUC's critical support for EMU and outlines the main issues in the trade union debate in ten European countries. It finds that the general political debate at national level has a significant influence on the discussion within the trade unions, and that the sector of the economy within which individual unions organise is also of relevance. Nevertheless, these specific concerns are placed within the framework of policy defined by the ETUC.
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Izyumov, D. B., and E. L. Kondratyuk. "SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL PROBLEMS OF STANDARDIZATION OF DEFENSE PRODUCTS ABROAD." Innovatics and Expert Examination, no. 27 (2019): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35264/1996-2274-2019-2-62-72.
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The article deals with the concept of standardization of defense products, its features, purpose and main directions of development. The experience of standardization of defense products in such foreign countries and organizations (blocs, unions) as the United States, China, NATO and the European Union is presented.
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Brandão, Pedro. "European policies on same-sex relationships, adoption and assisted reproduction." International Journal of Reproduction, Contraception, Obstetrics and Gynecology 11, no. 8 (July 27, 2022): 2306. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2320-1770.ijrcog20221961.
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Same-sex civil union, marriage, adoption and access to assisted reproduction have progressively been more accepted worldwide. However, many differences exist in national legislation regarding the matter. This work is a review of current national policies of 31 European countries, including all the European Union, Iceland, Norway, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. At the moment, many European countries recognize same-sex civil unions, marriage and adoption, as well as the access of single women and lesbian couples to assisted reproduction, specially the northern and western countries. However, there is still an important number of countries where there is no official recognition of gay partnerships and adoption, and fertility treatments are exclusive to heterosexual couples. In addition, given the need to surrogacy, male couples have quite limited options concerning assisted reproduction in Europe. Europe is progressively allowing same-sex couples to legalize their relationship and to open adoption and assisted reproduction to everyone, regardless of gender, sexual orientation or marital status.
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Šašić Šilović, Daša. "EU accession - chance for gender equality in CEE countries." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 468–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600310.
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Does accession to the European Union offer a chance to promote equality between men and women in societies in transition? What challenges does this process raise and how are they to be addressed? What is the role of trade unions and other social actors? The article attempts to open up a debate on these issues and to provide a positive matrix for influencing the empowerment of women and gender equality in the course of the accession procedure. Gender inequalities, it is pointed out, are not specific to applicant countries, but exist in most EU Member States. This offers an opportunity to initiate political, economic and social measures relating to gender equality throughout Europe, and to create an environment conducive to sustainable human development. Unfortunately, cases of positive social action are rare and gender issues are taken for granted, rendered invisible by neutral legislation and partial measures, and marginalised. The activities of trade unions in CEECs provide examples of such problems. Therefore, political action, the sharing of information, knowledge and lessons learned, as well as concerted action between trade unions from EU Member States and those in CEEC have the potential to radically change the map of gender inequalities to the benefit of all.
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Kaplin, Serhii. "A Comparative Legal Analysis of the Right of Association in Trade Unions in Ukraine and the Countries of the European Union." Teisė 120 (September 30, 2021): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2021.120.9.
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The constitutional regulation of the status of trade unions in Ukraine has incorporated all international standards and, in comparison with some constitutions of the states of the European Union, contains detailed regulation of this right. The effective functioning of the institution of trade unions can have a significant impact not only on the protection of the social and economic rights of workers in the process of interaction with employers, but also influence the public authorities in order to optimize the implementation of social policy at the national level and reduce social tension.
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Saatcioglu, Cem, and Kaan Celikok. "European Regional Integration and its Partnership with Türkiye: An Assessment of the Specific Customs Union." International Journal of Economics and Financial Issues 13, no. 1 (January 14, 2023): 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijefi.14014.
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International economic integrations, especially after the end of World War II, result from the long-term goals of establishing political unity based on countries' orientation towards their common economic interests. Customs unions, in which states abolish tariffs among themselves and apply common tariffs to third countries, are the next advanced stage of international integration after free trade zones. While customs unions eliminate tariffs and related taxes in trade within their jurisdiction, they also establish a common external tariff. This entails some asymmetrical disadvantages for the countries within the Union. A new step by Türkiye in its efforts to integrate with the West was its application to join the EEC in 1959. The Customs Union, defined by the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963, came into effect in 1996 as a result of the agreement made at the meeting of the Association Council of 6 March 1995 adopted "Customs Union Decision". The aim of this study is to examine the bilateral trade impact of the Customs Union between Türkiye and the EU. H1: Which fields should be included in the customs union between Türkiye and the EU? H2: How will the inclusion of trade in digital goods and services in the Customs Union affect EU-Türkiye trade? The results from the analysis covering the years of 1996-2021 showed that the Customs Union has had a positive but limited effect for the trade between EU-Türkiye. The customs union needs to be updated taking into account public procurement, agriculture and digital services.
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Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. "Mixed Unions and Immigrant-Group Integration in North America and Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 662, no. 1 (October 11, 2015): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215594611.
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We examine unions between individuals with non-Western immigrant origins and those from the native majorities in six North American and Western European countries: Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The analysis shows that certain deep social cleavages, involving African ancestry in the United States and Muslim religion in Western Europe, hinder the formation of mixed unions; in the European case, low rates of mixed unions are linked in some countries to high rates of transnational marriage. Overall, the rates of mixed unions appear to be higher in Canada, France, and the United States, suggesting a role for integration-related ideologies. In the case of the United States, we are able to trace the consequences of mixed unions, which appear likely to have the effect of changing, or expanding, the societal mainstream. Yet we conclude that mixed unions do not have a uniform significance for integration and that their effects are context-dependent.
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Gorodzeisky, Anastasia, and Andrew Richards. "Do Immigrants Trust Trade Unions? A Study of 18 European Countries." British Journal of Industrial Relations 58, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bjir.12466.
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Mendzhul, M. V., and N. O. Davydova. "The mechanism of civil law regulation of property relations of partners in de facto unions." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.22.
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The article investigates the mechanism of legal regulation of property relations of partners in de facto unions. The national legislation of European states is analyzed, as well as the recommendations of the Commission on European Family Law, suggestions for improving national legislation are made.It is determined that there are no uniform approaches in the legal regulation of partners in de facto unions in European countries, in particular in six countries such relations are unregulated, in fourteen countries such relations are regulated by different branches of law, and in nine jurisdictions there is a special legal mechanism (Sweden, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Catalonia, Portugal, Scotland, Ireland and Finland).The provisions of the Lithuanian Civil Code on the regulation of de facto marital relations, as well as the legislation of Croatia, Sweden, Norway and other countries are analyzed. It was found that in Scotland, civil partnerships were allowed for same-sex couples back in 2005, and for people of the opposite sex only from June 30, 2021.It is substantiated that in the context of Europeanization of private law, the position on the need to amend the Family Code of Ukraine and introduce the term «de facto union» recommended by the Commission on European Family Law in the Principles of European Family Law on property rights, maintenance and succession of couples in de facto unions.It is proved that in the process of Europeanization of private law the institution of de facto union should be regulated by the norms of the Family Code of Ukraine, which, taking into account the recommendations of the Commission on European Family Law should be improved as follows: contract on selling a dwelling in which partners live, as well as household items, is made with the consent of both partners; to guarantee partners the right to file a claim to the court for consent to dispose of the property without the consent of the other partner; to guarantee the principle of freedom of contract between partners in de facto unions; establish the right to compensation for a significant contribution to the property (or business) or profession of another partner; guarantee the right of the partner to inherit equally with the spouses, etc.
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Taylor-Gooby, Peter. "The Future of Health Care in Six European Countries: The Views of Policy Elites." International Journal of Health Services 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bc70-6qy7-takh-ngt0.
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A recent study was made of the views of politicians, representatives of trade unions, business organizations, and others likely to be influential in policy making, on the future of health care provision in six European Union (E.U.) countries. This article discusses the findings. While common problems of rising cost resulting from population aging are recognized in all countries, the way these issues are interpreted and the policies seen as appropriate to tackle them differ. Views are strongly influenced by the organizational structure of existing provision. This supports the “new institutionalist” view that policy feedback plays an important role in shaping policy reform. It also indicates that the potential for convergence in E.U. social policy is more limited than suggestions that the single European market will lead to an “ever closer union” might imply.
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "Political attitudes and trade union membership in the Nordic countries." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708372.
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Do political attitudes influence the likelihood of employees being members of a trade union, and to what extent is this the case in the Nordic countries with their high aggregate levels of membership? In this article, I address these questions using European Social Survey data from 2012. The results show that left-wing political attitudes have the most impact on the likelihood of trade union membership in Sweden and to a lesser extent in Denmark. In Norway and Finland, there is no statistically significant impact. I argue that the impact of left-wing political attitudes on unionization in Sweden and Denmark reflects a conception among employees that trade unions are normative organizations.
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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, and Richard Hyman. "Democracy in trade unions, democracy through trade unions?" Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780327.
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Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.
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Walayat, Khaula, and Dr Mehmood Khalid Qamar. "Globalization’s Effect on Environmental Degradation in Regional Cooperation." Journal of Law & Social Studies 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.03.02.187201.
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This study sctrutinize the impact of defacto and dejure GLOB (as in explained in KOF GLOB index 2018) on Environmental degradation in EAGLE, BRICKS, European Unions & NEXT11 countries. The defacto GLOB indicate the estimate of GLOB include variables that represent flows and activities, de jure estimate includes variables that shows policies that represents, enable flows and activities. Whereas the environmental GLOB is measured by CO2 Emission. The results show that dejure economic and social GLOB has significant impact on environmental degradation in EAGLE, BRICKS, European Union & NEXT11 countries which indicates that the favorable trade & financial GLOB policies in these countries enabled more economic GLOB led to more industrialization which deteriorates the environment in these countries. Yet political defacto & dejure GLOB has no significant impact on countries within these regional Cooperation’s.
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Hoogenboom, Marcel. "Transnational Unemployment Insurance: The Inclusion and Exclusion of Foreign Workers in Labour Unions’ Unemployment Insurance Funds in the Netherlands (c.1900–1940)." International Review of Social History 58, no. 2 (June 7, 2013): 247–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000199.
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AbstractIn the early twentieth century, like many of their European counterparts, labour unions in the Netherlands established mutual unemployment insurance funds for their members. Various funds made agreements with labour unions in a number of European countries to recognize each other's insurance schemes, enabling union members to work in the Netherlands without losing their entitlement to benefits accumulated in their home countries, and vice versa. Whereas up until the 1930s some of the alliances between Dutch and foreign funds had flourished, in the 1930s the number of non-Dutch workers in the Netherlands making use of such agreements decreased drastically. This article analyses those transnational alliances and explores various causes for their demise, concluding that in the 1930s formal regulation of foreign labour by the Dutch government substantially reduced the number of potential foreign members of insurance funds while government interference in unemployment insurance abroad, and especially in Germany, made the transnational agreements effectively void.
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González Begega, Sergio, Holm-Detlev Köhler, and Mona Aranea. "Contested industrial democracy discourses in transnational companies. The case of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 4 (June 7, 2018): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918775838.
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This article discusses the potential of European transnational company agreements for developing industrial democracy at European company level. It describes the experience of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group, established in 2009 through a European transnational company agreement as an innovative channel for trade union involvement in corporate decision-making. The conceptual framework draws on a cross-national comparison of industrial democracy discourses in two European countries, Germany and Spain. A qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with trade union representatives and management is used to identify divergent national discourses of employee voice giving rise to common misunderstandings of industrial democracy at European level. The findings illustrate the persisting communication challenges faced by trade unions when engaging in employee representation structures at transnational company level. The article also shows that trade union representatives are able to adapt their national discourses on industrial democracy under the influence of European practice.
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Gold, Michael, Lutz Preuss, and Chris Rees. "Moving out of the comfort zone? Trade union revitalisation and corporate social responsibility." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 1 (December 17, 2019): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619854473.
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In recent decades, trade unions have employed a range of revitalisation strategies aimed at regaining lost power. A relatively neglected area within the literature on revitalisation concerns union engagement with corporate social responsibility. Locating trade unions within a classification of civil society organisations from the political science literature, this article presents a typology of the multiple ways in which trade unions can engage with corporate social responsibility. Data from a pan-European study across 11 countries are used to illustrate the various ways in which unions are attempting to move out of their traditional ‘comfort zone’ with respect to corporate social responsibility, each of which presents them with both new opportunities and challenges. We show how trade unions are working on different ‘pressure points’ and act as purposeful agents within certain organisational parameters and particular national frameworks. In sum, the article considers the potential that corporate social responsibility provides for trade unions, and reflects on the likely direction of revitalisation debates.
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Magnusson, Lars. "Trade unions in a changing political context." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762697.
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A common feature in almost all Western countries over the last 40 years has been the steady decline in trade union membership and subsequently a decline in the power and influence of unions. Moreover, in many countries trade union strength has relied upon longlasting relationships with social democratic parties or, in a minority of cases, communist parties. The trend over the last decades has been a weakening of traditional ‘working-class’ coalitions. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent such features also exist in Sweden, a country long regarded as a stronghold of powerful social partners, the so-called Swedish Model. We will show that Sweden is also affected by the wider European trends but that there are important countervailing forces. At the moment, much hinges on the parliamentary election in 2018.
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Izbienova, T. A., and A. K. Bezina. "Implementation of the Right of Workers Employed through the Internet Platforms to Unionize in European Countries and in the Russian Federation." Actual Problems of Russian Law 16, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2021.123.2.088-101.
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The paper is devoted to examining some legal aspects of implementation of the right to unionize for individuals employed through the Internet platforms — digital applications that serve as a link between the participant providing the service and its consumer. The emergence of such intermediaries has become a part of digitalization of wage labor characterizing the beginning of the 4th Industrial Revolution. The modern labor market is characterized by instability due to the withdrawal of some sectors of the economy from the traditional Fordist model of labor organization. The instability caused desocialization of workers, their disintegration and had a negative impact on the traditional labour movemen that has always been expressed in the form of trade unions. In this regard, the authors’ objective is to investigate the prospects and legal grounds for creating unions of workers employed through the Internet platforms, as well as the legal specifics of their labor rights protection with due regard to their precarious legal status. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to resolve the issues of expediency, effectiveness of trade union protection of digital labor and the place of trade unions in social and partnership relations with the participation of workers employed through the Internet platforms. The author formulates the conclusion about the effectiveness of trade union protection of labor rights of workers employed through the Internet platforms, provided the socio-partner procedures are employed.
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Wiß, Tobias. "Employee representatives’ influence on continuing vocational training: The impact of institutional context." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 2 (June 26, 2016): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116655689.
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What factors determine the involvement of employee representatives in continuing vocational training? This article uses data from the European Company Survey 2009 to examine firm-level and country-level characteristics in 27 European Union (EU) countries. Multilevel logistic regressions indicate that employee representatives increase the probability of companies providing training needs assessments and time off for training. This association is stronger for disadvantaged groups of employees (low-skilled or temporary employees) if the representatives receive support from encompassing collective agreements, strong trade unions or regular training.
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Crouch, Colin. "Membership density and trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258916673533.
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Union membership has declined in almost all European and other advanced economies, though in many cases the membership that remains reflects overall changes in the gender and occupational structure of the economy. Meanwhile, in most countries unions’ incorporation in governing institutions of the labour market has remained stable or risen. Union strength (membership density and incorporation) and to a lesser extent bargaining coordination correlate positively with core employee interests in the post-Keynesian economy: a combination of high employment and low inequality, and a balance between flexibility and security. The evidence suggests that unions’ most important role today is as part of wider political forces, where the role of membership strength remains ambiguous.
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Matsue, Toyoki. "Labour Market Institutions and Amplification of Employment Fluctuations." Central European Economic Journal 6, no. 53 (April 29, 2020): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2019-0010.
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AbstractLabour market reforms have been undertaken to eliminate labour market rigidities in European countries since 1970s. The important features of the reforms are the reduction in adjustment costs and the introduction of fixed-term contracts (FTC). Some empirical studies point out that employment fluctuations have become more volatile after the reforms. This paper presents a model with FTC and analyzes the effects of the key features of the reforms. Numerical examples show that an expected productivity shock causes the oscillatory behaviour of employment. Moreover, a reduction in adjustment costs amplifies fluctuations. In the labour market literature, a number of studies point out the importance of trade unions in European countries. This paper also analyzes the effects of union influence, and the numerical examples indicate that the stronger union influence leads to larger employment fluctuations.
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Kaittila, Anniina. "Monetary conflicts within co-residential unions: a comparative perspective." Finnish Journal of Social Research 5 (December 15, 2012): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51815/fjsr.110711.
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Although various studies indicate that money is a major source of conflict between cohabiting and marital partners, the existing research on what causes conflict within intimate relationships remains insufficient. Using data from the European Social Survey 2004/2005, this article explores the factors that predict monetary conflict between partners across 23 European countries. Previous research concerning financial conflicts has concentrated on individuallevel factors. This study adds a macro-level perspective to the existing body of research by exploring whether the rate of female labor force participation and societal gender equality are associated with the prevalence of conflict. Individual-level factors, such as personal characteristics, household controls, relative resources, and gender equality, explain the frequency of disagreements. At the macro-level, this study shows that relationship dynamics are affected by the institutional characteristics of countries. In particular, in countries where the rate of female labor force participation is high, conflicts over money are more common. However, societal gender equality does not explain the frequency of conflicts.
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Thorpe, Wayne. "The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001011.
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This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.
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Tholen, Jochen. "Trade unions in CEE and SEE." socio.hu 9, Special Issue (June 16, 2020): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18030/socio.hu.2019en.28.
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This article focuses on trade unions as important stakeholders in the system of labour relations in the countries of Central East and Southeast Europe, namely Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia – now North Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo.Our hypothesis is that the development of trade unions in these regions, with their traditional company-centred organisation (syndicalism), is embedded in a discrete Central Eastern and South Eastern European type of neo-liberal economy. The cleavage of the EU in the East and West goes far beyond labour relations and the development of trade unions and determines other societal fields as well.This empirical evidence comes from a multi-level evaluation of a prolonged consultancy project (1998–2013) involving German, Dutch, European and global trade unions and political foundations and aimed at modernising selected trade unions in the CEE and SEE countries. Beyond the necessary analysis of documents, 92 expert interviews with trade unionists, representatives of employers’ associations and politicians were carried out between 2009 and 2013. The results were presented and discussed in five regional conferences involving different country groupings; these discussions influenced the final results by way of a reflexive process.In summary, because of the faltering process of modernising trade unions in these regions, the trade unions are endangered and may sink into insignificance.
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Heinecken, Lindy. "Military Unionism and the Management of Employee Relations within the Armed Forces: A Comparative Perspective." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2010): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010025.
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Many find the prospect of military unions totally inimical to the nature and functioning of the armed forces. Yet, a number of countries allow some form of military unionism, while others vehemently resist any form of independent union based on the premise that this undermines discipline, cohesion, and loyalty. This article examines how four different countries – the United Kingdom, Canada, South Africa, and Germany – have dealt with the issue of military unionism. The British Armed Forces, like many other English-speaking countries, have tended to approach employee relations from a typically unitarist position, which translates into union suppression or avoidance. The Canadian Armed Forces opted to circumvent the need for a military union by adopting a more human relations or neo-unitarist approach to employee relations. In South Africa, the military has been obliged by legal decree to accept a more pluralist dispensation, which has led to an overtly confrontational employment relationship. In Germany, where a union-like professional association exists, the approach has been more cooperative, even corporatist, typifying the European experience and philosophy towards unions, even in the military. In analysing the management of employee relations from these different typologies, the implications of union avoidance and acceptance within the armed forces are evaluated.
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Hyman, Richard. "Trade Unions and “Europe”: Are the Members Out of Step?" Articles 65, no. 1 (April 13, 2010): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039525ar.
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In 2005 the “Constitutional Treaty” designed to restructure the governance of the European Union (EU) was rejected in popular referendums in France and the Netherlands. Subsequently only in Ireland was a referendum held on the Lisbon Treaty, which reinstated most elements in the previous version, in June 2008. Again a negative result threw the EU into crisis, though a second Irish vote in October 2009 yielded a different result. The “no” votes reflected a familiar pattern of popular rejection of initiatives on European integration. This article provides an overview of such referendums in western Europe, focusing in particular on the role of national trade unions in popular votes on EU accession and on Treaty revisions. It discusses trade union intervention in a dozen countries which held referendums since the Single European Act in the 1980s (and in the United Kingdom, which did not). It is evident that while mainstream trade unions (or at least their leaders) have usually endorsed the integration process, in most countries where referendums have been held their members have voted otherwise. This has been particularly evident among manual workers. Sometimes popular attitudes have been strongly influenced by narrowly nationalistic arguments, but rejection has often been based on “progressive” rather than “reactionary” grounds. In particular, the justified view that the EU in its current direction is encouraging a neoliberal, pro-capitalist drift in social and economic policy has underlain a left-wing critique of further integration. But having assented to the underlying architecture of actually existing Europeanization, unions have rarely shown the will to mobilize offensively around an alternative vision of social Europe. This has left the field open to right-wing nationalists (and to fringe left-wing parties with only a limited electoral base) to campaign in the “no” camp during referendums. Popular attitudes are malleable, but it requires a major strategic re-orientation if unions are to reconnect with their members in order to build a popular movement for a genuinely social Europe.
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Schumacher, Tobias. "Die Europäische Union, die Östliche Partnerschaft und „Assoziierung Plus“: zur Debatte über die Einbindung assoziierter Nachbarn unterhalb einer EU-Mitgliedschaft." integration 42, no. 3 (2019): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2019-3-205.
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This article takes up the European Neighbourhood Policy-related debate on the future design of the association policy of the European Union (EU) towards the countries of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). It pursues two objectives. First, it examines - apart from a brief discussion of the origins and genesis of the concept of “association plus” in the context of the wider EU neighbourhood framework - how the intra-EU discourse on the future of the EaP has evolved and changed in recent years and which propositions are nowadays at the core of the debate. Secondly, it analyses these propositions, mainly revolving around the integration of EaP countries into the emerging Energy and Digital Union and the Schengen Area as well as the creation of bilateral customs unions, in what regards opportunities and challenges for the eastern neighbours. The article argues that “association plus”, as demanded by the European Parliament and some EaP countries, would generate considerable financial and political costs even for those eastern neighbours that have implemented significant reforms and that it seems acceptable only if it were explicitly declared as an intermediate step towards the granting of an EU membership perspective.
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Huang, Siyu, Wensha Gou, Hongbo Cai, Xiaomeng Li, and Qinghua Chen. "Effects of Regional Trade Agreement to Local and Global Trade Purity Relationships." Complexity 2020 (July 23, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/2987217.
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In contrast to the rapid integration of the world economy, many regional trade agreements (RTAs) have also emerged since the early 1990s. This contradiction has encouraged scholars and policymakers to explore the true effects of RTAs, including both regional and global trade relationships. This paper defines synthesized trade resistance and decomposes it into natural and artificial factors. Here, we separate the influence of geographical distance, economic volume, and overall increase in transportation and labor costs and use the expectation maximization algorithm to optimize the parameters and quantify the trade purity indicator, which describes the true global trade environment and relationships among countries. This indicates that although global and most regional trade relations gradually deteriorated during the period 2007–2017, RTAs generate trade relations among members, especially contributing to the relative prosperity of European Union (EU) and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) countries. In addition, we apply the network to reflect the purity of the trade relations among countries. The effects of RTAs can be analyzed by comparing typical trade unions and trade communities, which are presented using an empirical network structure. This analysis shows that the community structure is quite consistent with some trade unions, and the representative RTAs constitute the core structure of international trade network. However, the role of trade unions has weakened, and multilateral trade liberalization has accelerated in the past decade. This means that more countries have recently tended to expand their trading partners outside of these unions rather than limit their trading activities to RTAs.
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Abdildina, B. S., and B. E. Sailaubaeva. "Инклюзивті білім беруді дамыту саясатындағы еуропалық кәсіподақтардың тәжірибелері." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-8-22.
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The article examines the supportive actions of European educational trade union organizations for the comprehensive implementation of inclusive education. The main types of problems and ways to solve them in educational organizations that are in the focus of the trade union organization are considered. Since the beginning of the XXI century, especially during the crisis, education has been a major political priority at the national and pan-European level. The European sectoral social dialogue in the field of education is very important, because this industry allows bringing together European employers and employees in the field of education to discuss emerging issues. At the same time, social dialogue is considered as an institutional framework that unites social partners in negotiations on labor relations in the implementation of inclusive education. Specific examples reflecting the diversity of society are given in order to determine the need for the formation of a general inclusive education. It is very important to ensure equality and participation in education in various European societies. The need to take diversity into account in education is attracting increasing political attention at the European level. With regard to diversity and inclusivity, the need to change the mentality of Governments and the entire community is determined; the need to achieve a more complete reflection of the diversity of teachers, students and the whole society; the need to develop a unified definition of the concepts of diversity, equality and inclusivity for all countries. The authors fundamentally consider the approaches of the European Committee of Trade Unions of Education (ETUCE) to the development of inclusive education and the main elements and conditions for its support and implementation. The emphasis is on the analysis of the activities of trade unions in solving the problems of inclusive education