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Journal articles on the topic 'European Union – Spain'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Menéndez-Alarcón, Antonio. "Spain in the European Union." International Journal of Cultural Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2000): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136787790000300302.

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2

Papaioannou, Katerina G. "Spain's Activity in the European Cultural Initiatives." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (May 28, 2022): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.3.266.

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The main purpose of this study is to highlight the way in which Spain has functioned since its accession to the European Union in 1986 in the field of culture. After completing the process of transition to democracy, and having fully recognized the importance of culture, Spain began to be active and to participate with success in most European cultural programs. The interest between Spain and the European Union has been mutual from the beginning. Spain was interested in promoting Spanish culture in Europe and the European Union in highlighting the cultural diversity that characterized Spain. New resources were arriving at the country and Spain tried to use them in the best possible way to promote the sector of culture. Spain has been actively involved in almost all cultural initiatives developed by the European Union. In this study we aim to present an analysis about Spain’s activity in the context of European cultural initiatives in order to enter a new era. More particular, we aim to identify the activity of Spain in the institution of the European Capital of Culture, the European Heritage Label, the European Days of Cultural Heritage and the Digital Libraries Initiative. We address and analyze how Spain eventually created a new image of the country both at a European and at an international level. Moreover, is presented an analysis on the cultural policy pursued by Spain after its accession to the European Union.
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Monsalve, Laura, Jose Gallego, and Jose Manuel Aguilar. "Estudio analítico-comparado sobre las políticas educativas en educación para la salud en la Unión Europea." Psychology, Society, & Education 5, no. 2 (April 28, 2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/psye.v5i2.503.

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Resumen: Este trabajo trata sobre un estudio comparado de las Políticas Educativas en material de Educación para la salud en los países de la Unión Europea con la finalidad de ver cómo se concretan en España. La Unión Europea en su legislación afirma que si se quiere avanzar como sociedad del conocimiento y competir eficazmente en una economía globalizada, para Europa es vital contar con una educación y formación de alta calidad. En la Unión Europea, la política educativa es competencia de cada país, pero entre todos fijan objetivos comunes y comparten las mejores prácticas. Por ello es motivo de este estudio comparar las Políticas educativas en materia de Educación para la salud en algunos países de la Unión Europea (España, Reino Unido, Francia y Alemania) y poder comparar las prácticas utilizadas en cada uno de ellos para poder de este modo coger lo mejor de cada país. El objetivo general que se persigue es analizar y comparar la situación de las políticas educativas en educación para la salud en las escuelas de la Unión Europea y en concreto las de Reino Unido, Francia, Alemania y España. A lo largo de este trabajo veremos que la educación para la salud en la escuela es un elemento de calidad así como un elemento necesario de educación integral en todas las etapas de la educación obligatoria. Analytical and comparative study on educational policies in health education in the European Union. Abstract: This paper deals with a comparative study of material Educational Policies in Health Education in the countries of the European Union for the purpose of seeing take shape in Spain. The EU legislation states that if you want to advance as a knowledge society and compete effectively in a global economy, Europe is vital to have an education and training of high quality. In the European Union, education policy is the responsibility of each country, but among all set common goals and share best practices. For this reason this study is to compare the educational policies on health education in some countries of the European Union (Spain, UK, France and Germany) and to compare the practices in each of them to this take the best of each country mode. The general objective pursued is to analyze and compare the situation of education policies in health education in the schools of the European Union and in particular the UK, France, Germany and Spain. Throughout this paper we will see that health education in school is a quality item as well as a necessary element of comprehensive education in all stages of compulsory education.
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Turrión, Jaime, and Francisco J. Velázquez. "Consequences of European Union Enlargement for Spain." World Economy 27, no. 6 (June 2004): 761–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2004.00628.x.

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Laopodis, Nikiforos T. "Currency Substitution And European Monetary Union." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 14, no. 4 (August 29, 2011): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v14i4.5651.

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<p>Results from cointegration and error-correction models for testing the effects of currency substitution in Greece, Portugal and Spain, in light of their upcoming participation in the European Monetary Union, revealed no significant short- or long-run currency substitution behavior in any country, suggesting that joining the union now would offer them no real benefits, unless significant economic convergence is achieved.</p>
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6

Lorente Martínez, Isabel. "Brexit y cláusulas de sumisión en los contratos internacionales = Brexit and prorrogation clauses in international contracts." CUADERNOS DE DERECHO TRANSNACIONAL 9, no. 2 (October 5, 2017): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cdt.2017.3879.

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Resumen: El Brexit ha traído consigo una etapa nunca antes conocida en la Unión Europea. Los interrogantes que suscita la salida del Reino Unido de la Unión Europea son múltiples. Este trabajo aborda la cuestión de las cláusulas de sumisión expresa contenidas en los contratos internacionales y la aplicación del art. 25 del Reglamento Bruselas I-bis en el nuevo escenario que presenta el Brexit.Palabras clave: sumisión expresa, competencia judicial internacional, materia contractual, Brexit, Reino Unido, España.Abstract: The Brexit has brought a stage never before known in the European Union. The questions that provokes the exit of the United Kingdom of the European Union are multiple. The present paper focuses the question of prorrogation of jurisdiction clauses, art. 25 I Regulate Brussels I-bis, ininternational contracts in the new scenario that the Brexit has started.Keywords: express submission, international jurisdiction, contractual matters, Brexit, United Kingdom, Spain.
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Sharoichenko, Natalia. "Spain and the European Union: topical issues of interaction." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-70-73.

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This article analyzes various aspects of interaction of Spain and European Union (EU) at the present stage. Due to the fact that the studied period is less than six months (including several events happened in a period less than a month) before presenting the paper, this research is topical and covers issues which were not examined before in academic literature. The aim of the study is to analyze major problems on which Spain has made suggestions for positive changes in the EU recently. The research was conducted with the help of such methods, as event-analysis, comparison and system approach. The article implies consistent and coherent analysis of important recent events, political and economic processes which actors were Spain and the European Union. In order to make the research comprehensive, materials of international media, official statements and papers of researchers from Spanish-speaking countries on associated topics were studied. The main conclusion on Spain’s participation in political and economic processes at the level of the EU is that Spain suggests different ways to strengthen economies of the Eurozone, accelerate integration in the framework of the EU, resolve migration crisis and fight against terrorism in Europe. Thanks to economic growth during this year and relative stabilization of political situation after the party crisis, Spain began to participate more actively in international projects within the EU, and it is engaged in a constructive dialogue on the most urgent European problems.
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Uriarte Sánchez, Carlos. "Relationship between Spain and Russia through shared interests: key for normalization of relations with the European Union." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 1 (November 6, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-9-18.

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Since 2014 relations between the European Union and Russia have been severely affected by the sanctions policy that has been detrimental to both sides. However, Spain has not been able to stand aside from this policy. Nevertheless, Spain, maintaining a common position on sanctions against Russia out of solidarity and because of its obligations to European partners, has tried to develop bilateral relations with the Russian Federation in a positive way. Spain realizes that more unites it with Russia rather than divides. Spain and Russia have common interests and challenges not only in cultural, scientific, economic and commercial spheres of bilateral relations, but also in political areas of the global agenda such as the climate change and terrorism, the organized crime. These challenges are also common for both the European Union as a whole and Russia, and for this reason, Spain can play a role of catalyst in possible rapprochement. Without abandoning the principles and values at the heart of the European project, Spain can advance a bilateral agenda with Russia, which will contribute to the gradual building of mutual relations, including in political sphere. The ultimate goal will be achieved when the right conditions are created and the broken trust is restored. Spain could also lead this process within the European Union, since it has a more balanced position in relations with Russia than other European partners do. Thus, Spain can become a necessary and key facilitator of the dialogue and efforts to normalize relations.
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Hualde López, Ibon, and Victoria Sánchez Pos. "El arbitraje de inversión en España tras la reciente doctrina del Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea = Investment arbitration in Spain in light of recent jurisprudence from the European Union Court of Justice." CUADERNOS DE DERECHO TRANSNACIONAL 10, no. 2 (October 5, 2018): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cdt.2018.4408.

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Resumen: El pasado mes de marzo el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea abrió una vía favo­rable para España al declarar, mediante la sentencia resolutoria de una petición de decisión prejudicial planteada por el Tribunal de casación alemán, que la cláusula de arbitraje incluida en el Tratado para el Fomento y la Protección Recíprocos de las Inversiones celebrado en 1991 entre el Reino de los Países Bajos y la República Federal Checa y Eslovaca (TBI) no es compatible con el Derecho de la Unión Europea. El presente trabajo tiene por objeto realizar un análisis de la mencionada sentencia, recaída el 6 de marzo de 2018, con el objetivo de valorar su incidencia en el arbitraje de inversión en nuestro país.Palabras clave: Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea, petición de decisión prejudicial, arbitra­je de inversión, cláusula de arbitraje, Derecho de la Unión Europea.Abstract: This past March, the European Union Court of Justice provided a favorable opening for Spain when it held (by its judgement on a request for a preliminary ruling submitted by the German Court of Cassation) that the arbitration clause which had been included in the “Treaty on the Reciprocal Promotion and Protection of Investments” signed in 1991 between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic (BIT) was not compatible with European Union law. This paper aims at analyzing the above-mentioned judgment, which was issued on 6 March 2018 (Case C-284/16), assessing its impact on investment arbitration in our country.Keywords: European Union Court of Justice, request for a preliminary ruling, investment arbitra­tion, arbitration clause, European Union Law.
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10

Shestopal, A. V. "Politics of Spain and European Union in Mediterranean." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-269-270.

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11

González Begega, Sergio, Holm-Detlev Köhler, and Mona Aranea. "Contested industrial democracy discourses in transnational companies. The case of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 4 (June 7, 2018): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918775838.

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This article discusses the potential of European transnational company agreements for developing industrial democracy at European company level. It describes the experience of the ArcelorMittal European Social Dialogue Group, established in 2009 through a European transnational company agreement as an innovative channel for trade union involvement in corporate decision-making. The conceptual framework draws on a cross-national comparison of industrial democracy discourses in two European countries, Germany and Spain. A qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with trade union representatives and management is used to identify divergent national discourses of employee voice giving rise to common misunderstandings of industrial democracy at European level. The findings illustrate the persisting communication challenges faced by trade unions when engaging in employee representation structures at transnational company level. The article also shows that trade union representatives are able to adapt their national discourses on industrial democracy under the influence of European practice.
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12

PEREZ, Sigfrido RAMIREZ. "Spanish Trade Unions and European Integration: From the Democratic Transition to the Treaty of Maastricht (1973-1992)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-61.

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The contribution of Spanish trade unions to the process of transition and consolidation of the Spanish democracy has been very much underestimated. The dominating historiographical interpretation has considered them as simple transmission belt of political parties. This general view has been extended to their role in the process of the adhesion of Spain to the European Economic Communities. In reality, Spanish trade unions had been Europeanised very early by their links to the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). This article explores the adhesion process to the ETUC, showing the progressive convergence between trade unions in the field of European integration, which started with the adhesion of Spain to the EEC from 1977 to 1985 and continued in their position towards the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992. The paper concludes that there has been a programmatic and strategic autonomy of Spanish trade unions from political parties in their agenda for European integration.
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13

Schutte, Camilo B. "Spain Tribunal Constitucional on the European Constitution. Declaration of 13 December 2004." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (May 19, 2005): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002816.

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When thinking about the integration of the European sovereign states in the European Union, one does not need to be a euro-sceptic to perceive a big fish devouring little fish. Of course, the individuality of the different countries is assured in the European Union. Article I-5(1) of the European Constitution establishes that the Union shall respect their national identities inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, and their essential state functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. Europe is to be ‘United in diversity’. Yet, however considerate the Union may be of the various European countries, unity can exist only by the grace of all member states' loyally fulfilling their European obligations.
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14

Nowak, A., T. Kijek, and K. Domańska. "Technical efficiency and its determinants in the European Union." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 61, No. 6 (June 6, 2016): 275–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/200/2014-agricecon.

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The study concerns the measurement of the technical efficiency of agriculture in the 27 European Union (EU) countries in 2010. The studies were conducted based on the result-oriented DEA method assuming variable advantages of scale. Moreover, in the study, the factors affecting technical efficiency were identified, and the econometric modelling of their impact was performed with the use of the Tobit model. The studies indicate that across the 27 EU Member States, the level of the technical efficiency of agriculture is diverse, and the difference between the states with the highest and the lowest efficiencies is 40%. Cyprus, Denmark, Greece, France, Spain, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Italy and Malta were identified as the countries with the thoroughly technically efficient agriculture. In turn, the least technically efficient agriculture is observed for the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia and Slovakia. Taking into account the factors determining the technical agriculture efficiency, it should be noted that the stimulants have proven to be such factors as: the soil quality, the age of the head of the household and the surcharges for investments. In turn, the size of the farm appeared to be irrelevant from the viewpoint of the technical efficiency of the agricultural sector.
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Pushkareva, V. V. "GIBRALTAR AND BREXIT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 445–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-445-454.

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The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union with its overseas possessions returned to the political agenda the territorial dispute between Madrid and London over the Gibraltar semi-enclave. The opposite points of view have collided in the context of Brexit: the UK fundamentally defends its sovereignty over Gibraltar, Spain strives to regain the lost territory, the Gibraltarians want to maintain association with the Kingdom and not break with the European Union, the European Union is not eager to grant Gibraltar a special status, but at the same time is interested in maintaining a preferential financial zone in the South of the Iberian Peninsula. Separate issues of relations between the UK and Spain on the situation of Gibraltar for the transition period were agreed, they are set out in the “4 Memoranda”. The further fate of the territory depends on the UK's deal with the EU. The contracting parties guarantee that the interests of both Spain and Gibraltar are taken into account. Possible options: holding a referendum on the independence of Gibraltar; gaining control of Spain over the strategic objects of Gibraltar as a result of the deal; Gibraltar remains under the sovereignty of the United Kingdom and continues to cooperate with the EU; dual Spanish-British sovereignty will be established over Gibraltar; at the end of Brexit Gibraltar will not cooperate with the EU. But each of the proposed solutions requires certain concessions from the disputing parties. They are not ready to compromise yet. The authorities of Gibraltar, however, are aware that without cooperation with the UK, Spain and the European Union, their further successful state and development is impossible. More favorable conditions, in our opinion, for the Gibraltarians will arise with the accession to the Schengen area and the Customs Union.
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Marabel, Jacinto J. "El carácter jurisdiccional de los tribunales de resolución de conflictos contractuales conforme a la jurisprudencia comunitaria." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 21 (January 31, 2018): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.21.2017.21172.

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Durante muchos años, la Unión Europea exigió al Reino de España articular una serie de medidas tendentes a garantizar los procedimientos de recurso en materia de adjudicación de contratos públicos. La materia tiene una importancia crucial en las políticas europeas y su impacto económico llega a alcanzar la quinta parte del PIB del conjunto de los Estados miembros. Por esta razón, se hizo necesaria la creación de órganos independientes con competencia en la resolución de este tipo de conflictos que velaran por el principio de libre concurrencia. El Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea considera que la naturaleza y funciones de tipo de órganos, que a partir del Tribunal Central de Recursos Contractuales se han extendido a gran parte de las Comunidades Autónomas, son asimilables a las de los órganos jurisdiccionales.For many years, the European Union demanded the Kingdom of Spain to articulate a series of measures to ensure the review procedures in the field of public procurement. The matter is of crucial importance in European policies and their economic impact can reach a fifth of the GDP of all the Member States. For this reason, the creation of independent bodies with competence in the resolution of such conflicts that shall ensure the principle of free competition was necessary. The Court of Justice of the European Union considered that the nature and functions of type of organs, which starting from the Public Procurement Review Central Administrative Court have been extended to much of the Autonomous Communities, are similar to the justice courts.
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Torres-González, Francisco. "Mental health care in Spain." Psychiatric Bulletin 19, no. 4 (April 1995): 254–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.19.4.254.

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Spain is a member state of the European Union, covering over 500,000 km2 and with a population of more than 40 million. However, taking into account only the gross national product, there is no doubt that Spain still belongs to the southern countries.
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Kuhn, Theresa, and Aaron Kamm. "The national boundaries of solidarity: a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.

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AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.
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JHR. "An Introduction to the Series." European Constitutional Law Review 7, no. 2 (June 2011): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611200063.

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Seven of the member states of the European Union are monarchies. They are, in alphabetical order, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It is to these European monarchies that the European Constitutional Law Review dedicates a series of articles. Its aim is to find answers to questions regarding their current organization and legitimation, the (remaining) monarchical competences or powers and the republican ‘opposition’. The overriding aim is to see what the Union means for them and how monarchies can survive constitutionally in the European Union (if at all).
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Yıldız İ, Uğur Burç, and Anıl Çamyamaç. "Explaining the European Union’s Changing Position towards the Gibraltar Question after the Brexit Referendum." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0069.

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Abstract Having previously remained impartial on the Gibraltar question between Spain and Britain since both were member states, the European Union suddenly changed its position after the Brexit referendum in favor of the Spanish government at the expense of breaching international law. In doing so, the European Union, for the first time, created a foreign policy on the long-standing Gibraltar question. This article explores the reasons behind the creation of this foreign policy in support of Spain. The European Union feared that the idea of Euroscepticism may escalate among remaining member states after the Brexit referendum because of wide-spread claims that it would dissolve in the near future, fuelled by farright political parties. The European Union therefore created a foreign policy regarding Gibraltar in Spain’s favor in order to promote a “sense of community” for thwarting a further rise in Euroscepticism. While making its analysis, the article applies the assumption of social constructivism that ideas shape interests, which then determine the foreign policy choices of actors.
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Makarycheva, A. V. "La postura de la Unión Europea frente al separatismo en Cataluña." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-65-75.

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Secessionist sentiments are more common for the European Union than for other world regions. This tendency takes place to a large extent because of a crisis in the European values and religious traditions, and new priorities. Catalonia, as well as the Basque Country, tries to hold a direct dialogue with Brussels bypassing Madrid, which is accompanied with numerous difficulties: a discontent and warnings on the part of the official government of Spain, the necessity for the European Union to take into consideration the position of its member-state and many others. Despite the fact that regions started to play a more significant role in the European Union agenda, it still continues to follow the policy of a cautious attitude towards the autonomy separatism. Moreover, the EU tries to limit capabilities of the further existence and development of autonomies as independent states by institutional means. In addition, after the separation, a state is not yet a member of the European Union – it has to create new currency, it faces some economic problems. Given all these factors, autonomies will think twice before organizing a referendum, which is also difficult to hold, because it contradicts the Constitution of Spain.
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Makarycheva, A. V. "La postura de la Unión Europea frente al separatismo en Cataluña." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-65-75.

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Secessionist sentiments are more common for the European Union than for other world regions. This tendency takes place to a large extent because of a crisis in the European values and religious traditions, and new priorities. Catalonia, as well as the Basque Country, tries to hold a direct dialogue with Brussels bypassing Madrid, which is accompanied with numerous difficulties: a discontent and warnings on the part of the official government of Spain, the necessity for the European Union to take into consideration the position of its member-state and many others. Despite the fact that regions started to play a more significant role in the European Union agenda, it still continues to follow the policy of a cautious attitude towards the autonomy separatism. Moreover, the EU tries to limit capabilities of the further existence and development of autonomies as independent states by institutional means. In addition, after the separation, a state is not yet a member of the European Union – it has to create new currency, it faces some economic problems. Given all these factors, autonomies will think twice before organizing a referendum, which is also difficult to hold, because it contradicts the Constitution of Spain.
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23

Aguilera-Vaqués, Mar. "Catalan Law in the European Context." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 1 (2014): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500028262.

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This paper provides an overview of the Catalan law at the European context. How the Catalan institutions can tackle on the Spanish Government policies and decisions in front of the European Union. And how the European Union Law and policies are implemented in a decentralized country such Spain where Autonomous Communities have their own Governments and Parliaments. There will also be examined how this Spanish territorial decentralized structure affect the implementation of such EU norms and its control. Finally, there will be exposed how Catalan institutions manage to participate in front of the European Union institutions. Which are the instruments that can guarantee this participation and which are the EU responses to them.
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Gräbner-Radkowitsch, Claudius, Dennis Tamesberger, Philipp Heimberger, Timo Kapelari, and Jakob Kapeller. "Trade models in the European Union." Ekonomski anali 67, no. 235 (2022): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka2235007g.

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By studying the factors underlying differences in trade performance across European economies, this paper derives six different ?trade models? for 22 EU countries and explores their developmental and distributional dynamics. We first introduce a typology of trade models by clustering countries on the basis of four key dimensions of trade performance: endowments, technological specialisation, labour market characteristics and regulatory requirements. The resulting clusters comprise countries that base their export success on similar trade models. Our results indicate the existence of six different trade models: the ?primary goods model? (Latvia, Estonia), the ?finance model? (Luxembourg), the ?flexible labour market model? (UK), the ?periphery model? (Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, France), the ?industrial workbench model? (Slovenia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic), and the ?hightech model? (Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, Belgium, Ireland, Finland, Germany and Austria). Subsequently, we provide a comparative analysis of the economic development and trends in inequality across these trade models. Inter alia, we observe a shrinking wage share and increasing personal income inequality in most of them, yet find that the ?high-tech model? is an exceptional case, being characterised by relatively stable economic development and an institutional setting that managed to counteract rising inequality.
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Parszewski, Kazimierz. "CONTEMPORARY LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN POLAND AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." sj-economics scientific journal 8 (June 30, 2011): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v8i.488.

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This work presents modern local governments in Poland and selected European countries. This paper shows the local power structure, organizations and their competences as well as tasks and Government control. There are also indicated values of local democracy of the European Charter of local self government and legal problems of territorial self – government in Italy, France, Germany, Spain, Austria and Belgium.
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Oplotnik, Tjaša. "Institutional Environment and Housing Conditions in the European Union." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 6, no. 3 (September 2, 2009): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/56.

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There is no housing policy at the level of the European Union. Therefore, it is the domain of national options. There are also big differences between individual Member States. Despite that, the basic feature of the housing policies has been privatisation in most European countries over the last twenty years. It means transferring the responsibility for housing provision from the state to the market and formation of financial networks within which an individual can provide his or her housing. In nearly all EU Member States, including Slovenia, a major volume of selective allocation of housing construction for the market and a higher level of housing quality are noticeable. The purpose of this paper is to present the housing policies and the housing market conditions in Slovenia, Great Britain, Germany, Sweden and Spain. On the basis of the comparative analysis of the selected countries, we tried to present characteristics, differences or similarities in the housing standard. They are reflected in the quality, availability and accessibility of the housing stock. KEY WORDS: • housing market • housing policy • quality • availability • accessibility • housing stock • Slovenia • Great Britain • Germany • Sweden • Spain
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Stankunas, Mindaugas, Mark Avery, Jutta Lindert, Ian Edwards, Mirko Di Rosa, Francisco Torres-Gonzalez, Elisabeth Ioannidi-Kapolou, Henrique Barros, and Joaquim Soares. "Healthcare and aging: do European Union countries differ?" International Journal of Health Care Quality Assurance 29, no. 8 (October 10, 2016): 895–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhcqa-09-2015-0110.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to evaluate socio-economic inequalities in the use, accessibility and satisfaction with health services amongst 60-84 year old people from seven European urban communities. Design/methodology/approach Data for this study were collected in 2009. The target population was people aged 60-84 years from Stuttgart (Germany), Athens (Greece), Ancona (Italy), Kaunas (Lithuania), Porto (Portugal), Granada (Spain) and Stockholm (Sweden). The total sample comprised 4,467 respondents with a mean response rate across these countries of 45.2 per cent. Findings The study demonstrated that the majority of respondents had contact with a health care provider within the last 12 months. The highest percentages were reported by respondents from Spain (97.8 per cent) and Portugal (97.7 per cent). The results suggest that 13.0 per cent of respondents had refrained from seeking care services. The highest rates were amongst seniors from Lithuania (24.0 per cent), Germany (16.2 per cent) and Portugal (15.4 per cent). Logistic regression suggests that seniors who refrained from seeking health care was statistically significant associated with those with higher levels of education (odds ratios (OR)=1.21; 95 per cent confidence intervals (CI)=1.01-1.25) and financial strain (OR=1.26; 95 per cent CI=1.16-1.37). Furthermore, the majority of respondents were satisfied with health care services. Originality/value The findings from the “Elder Abuse: a multinational prevalence survey” study indicate the existence of significant variations in use, accessibility and satisfaction with health services by country and for socio-economic factors related to organizing and financing of care systems.
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Huntoon, Laura. "Immigration to Spain: Implications for a Unified European Union Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200206.

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This article examines the difficulties of establishing a joint policy regarding the free movement of people within the European Union by focusing on changing immigration policies in one member — Spain. Previous studies have shown that negotiations toward harmonizing national policies on border control and immigration among EU members have many sticking points. By comparing Spain, a country of recent immigration, to Germany, a country with a longer history of non-European immigration, the difficulties of harmonizing immigration policies to satisfy this varied constituency become clearer. Administrative control of entry, estimates of legal and illegal immigrants present, and the current state of bilateral relations with Morocco are examined to illustrate the political difficulties of a unified immigration policy within Spanish society and for the EU. Spain is a threshold to the EU as well as a destination. Conclusions suggest that control of borders, although difficult, may be the easier part of implementing a joint immigration policy. Control of settlement is more difficult and problematic, involving the role of immigrants in European society. Moreover, high rates of native unemployment may coexist with immigration, given local demand for low-skilled, low-paid workers.
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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw, et al. "Young People’s Engagement With the European Union." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no. 4 (December 2017): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.

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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.
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Torcal, Mariano, Sergio Martini, and Lluis Orriols. "Deciding about the unknown: The effect of party and ideological cues on forming opinions about the European Union." European Union Politics 19, no. 3 (April 18, 2018): 502–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518769754.

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This article contributes to the literature on political heuristics by reporting two survey experiments conducted in Spain in 2014–2015 on party and ideology cues regarding preferences on a range of European Union and domestic issues in European and general elections. The findings reveal that party cues increase voters’ competence to take positions on European Union issues more than ideological ones. Cues increase competence in a similar fashion regardless of the nature of the topic, although the effect of cues that parties provide on European Union issues seems to be stronger than that of cues on domestic policies. Party cueing effects are also consistent across different electoral arenas (national vs. European), and for all types of parties regardless of their age or positions toward the European Union integration process.
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Monedero, Pablo José Abascal. "Family Laws in the European Union." Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika 19 (September 16, 2019): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/stepp.2019.13.

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EU social policies should be complemented by contributing to a harmonious development of society, by reducing structural and regional imbalances, developing a balance between the a localized community and the national society, and improving the living standards of citizens and families of member states (Garrido 2002). Such important social policy principles as freedom and justice are addressed and represented in family laws in the EU regulations introduced during the period of 2000–2016. In this article, we studied the EU’s legal solutions in reference to national (Spain) laws on these matters: children and parental responsibility (adoption, child abduction, family benefits) and couples (matrimonial, regimes, prenuptial agreements, provisional measures). This legislation is necessary in the face of the proliferation of families whose members have different nationalities, and even in the mobilization of residences. Cooperation has intensified between national judicial authorities to ensure that legal decisions taken in one EU country are recognized and implemented in any other. This is highly important in civil cases, such as divorce, child custody, maintenance claims, or even bankruptcy and unpaid bills, when the individuals involved live in different countries. The development of family laws is one of the most important factors of family welfare in European countries.
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Colmenar-Santos, Antonio, Elisabet Palomo-Torrejón, Enrique Rosales-Asensio, and David Borge-Diez. "Measures to Remove Geothermal Energy Barriers in the European Union." Energies 11, no. 11 (November 18, 2018): 3202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en11113202.

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This article examines the main market barriers that hamper the introduction of geothermal energy at local, national, and European levels as well as the necessary steps that need to be taken to eradicate them, thus contributing to the general use of this renewable source of energy. The novelty of this study lies in the detailed description of four different scenarios: the European Union (EU), Spain, the Canary Islands, and the agricultural sector for the three types of geothermal energies and their uses: Low-enthalpy or thermal uses, high-enthalpy or electrical uses and renewable energy mix. The results are expected to differ in terms of level of introduction, barriers, and measures to be taken. We have selected Spain within the European context due to its meagre 0.1% geothermal market share in primary demand for renewable energy, and the Canary Islands in particular, given its insular nature. We have likewise picked the agricultural sector due to its underdevelopment as far as renewable energies are concerned, including geothermal energy.
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Kerikmäe, T., and D. R. Troitiño. "CATALONIA, SPAIN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION: A QUEST FOR LEGITIMACY." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 25, no. 1 (2021): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2021.1.01.

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34

Sánchez Urios, Antonia. "Ukrainian Migration to European Union Countries: The Case of Spain." Canadian Slavonic Papers 52, no. 1-2 (March 2010): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2010.11092642.

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35

Medeiros, Eduardo. "European Union Cohesion Policy and Spain: a territorial impact assessment." Regional Studies 51, no. 8 (July 8, 2016): 1259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2016.1187719.

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36

Вербицкая, Татьяна, Tatyana Verbitskaya, Полина Гилева, Polina Gileva, Федор Золотарев, Fedor Zolotarev, Дмитрий Коростелев, et al. "The Catalan Conflict in Spain: Consequences for the European Union." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2018, no. 4 (January 14, 2019): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2018-4-13-18.

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The present paper identifies the specific features of the conflict between Madrid and Catalonia and its significance for the European Union. The Catalan conflict serves here as an example of the regionalism processes in the European Union. The author defines the conflict as postmodern, which determines the novelty of the research. The research employed integrated scientific methods. The comparative method was used to compare the economic, social, cultural, and political positions and aspects of Catalonia and Spain; the method of actualization was used to describe the situation taking into account the specifics of the region; the method of structural analysis was used to study the content of the conflict. The authors applied the systemic approach since the structure of the Spanish political system is extremely complex. Analytical expert articles, news reports, and video recordings were used as an empirical research base. As a result, some features of the conflict in the postmodern world were revealed and exemplified by the Catalan crisis.
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Wawrzyniak, Dorota. "Standard Of Living In The European Union." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 19, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2016-0008.

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The European Union countries are diversified in terms of the standard of living of the population. The reduction of disparities in the standard of living, along with the elimination of the negative phenomena related to social exclusion form an EU policy priority. In this context, the aim of this article is to compare the standard of living in the various European Union countries and to determine Poland’s position in the ranking. In the study, countries with a similar standard of living of their populations were grouped as well. The analysis was based on 10 variables describing the standard of living in the EU-28 countries and was conducted with the use of the development pattern method proposed by Z. Hellwig. According to the results of the research, the standard of living is the highest in Austria, Finland, Germany and Sweden, whereas it is the lowest in Spain, Malta, Croatia and Romania. Poland ranks relatively low among the European Union countries (20th place).
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38

YAKOVLEVA, Nailya. "Integration within the European Union: is Iberolux Possible?" Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (23) (2020): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-3-66-80.

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Recently, an idea of creating a smaller integration group within the main integration union of the planet - the European Union - has been crystallizing. This is about integrating two countries of the Iberian Peninsula – Spain and Portugal. Their relations have gained "cruising speed" and have improved so much that the eventual association has even been named Iberolux, by analogy with Benelux. While this is only an idea, there is evidence that a new Iberian integration community within the EU may emerge in the future. Despite numerous challenges and risks that can hinder the realization of this prospect and complicate the Spanish-Portuguese dialogue, the emerging phenomenon of intra-Iberian integration is of obvious interest, especially against the backdrop of the crisis trends in the European Union.
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39

Creech, Richard L. "Court of Justice of the European Communities." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 1 (February 2006): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606001477.

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As a result of the 2004 enlargement there are now twenty languages that are accorded official, and theoretically equal, status in the institutions of the European Union. With the expansion of the Union’s linguistic landscape some Union bodies, while allowing the use of more and more languages, have paradoxically limited the circumstances under which most of them may be used. To put it mildly, these efforts, as Advocate-General Poiares Maduro said in his opinion in Case C-160/03, Kingdom of Spain v. Eurojust, 2005 ECR I-2077, have been ‘a matter of some controversy’.
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40

Jura, Cristian, and Denis Buruian. "ETHNICAL MINORITIES AND ISSUE OF CHANGING THE STATE TERRITORY." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 8, no. 4 (November 23, 2014): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v8i4.1605.

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Although, traditionally, the European Union is associated to the uniformity of the rules imposed, such as common market or unique currency, the challenge for European Union consists in finding the balance between the uniformity of economic rules and diversity involved by the multitude of traditions, cultures, ethnic groups living between its borders, diversity to be enriched more pursuant to the accession of candidate states.Therefore, even if through time it was brought in discussion countless times, lately the problem of secession has become more and more emphatic, both in states from the European Union – Spain (Catalonia, Basque Country), Belgium (Flanders) or Great Britain (Scotland) and in other European states, like the cases of Kosovo and Crimea.
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41

López-Ochoa, Luis M., Jesús Las-Heras-Casas, Luis M. López-González, and César García-Lozano. "Energy Renovation of Residential Buildings in Cold Mediterranean Zones Using Optimized Thermal Envelope Insulation Thicknesses: The Case of Spain." Sustainability 12, no. 6 (March 14, 2020): 2287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12062287.

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The residential sector of the European Union consumes 27% of the final energy of the European Union, and approximately two-thirds of the existing dwellings in the European Union were built before 1980. For this reason, the European Union aims to transform the existing residential building stock into nearly zero-energy buildings by 2050 through energy renovation. The most effective method to achieve this goal is to increase the thermal insulation of opaque elements of the thermal envelope. This study aims to assess the energy, environmental and economic impacts of the energy renovation of the thermal envelopes that are typical of the existing multi-family buildings of the 26 provincial capitals in the cold climate zones of Spain. To achieve this goal, the insulation thickness to be added to the walls, roof and first floor framework is optimized by a life cycle cost analysis, and the existing building openings are replaced, thus minimizing both the total heating costs and the total heating and cooling costs. The study uses four thermal insulation materials for four different heating and cooling systems in 10 different models. The results obtained will be used to propose energy renovation solutions to achieve nearly zero-energy buildings both in Spain and in similar Mediterranean climate zones.
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42

Thorpe, Wayne. "The European Syndicalists and War, 1914–1918." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001011.

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This article argues that syndicalist trade union organizations, viewed internationally, were unique in First World War Europe in not supporting the war efforts or defensive efforts of their respective governments. The support for the war of the important French organisation has obscured the fact that the remaining five national syndicalist organisations – in belligerent Germany and Italy, and in neutral Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands – remained faithful to their professed workers' internationalism. The article argues that forces tending to integrate the labour movement in pre-1914 Europe had less effect on syndicalists than on other trade unions, and that syndicalist resistance to both integration and war in the non-Gallic countries was also influenced by their rivalry with social-democratic organisations.
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43

González Leonor, María del Carmen, Carlos del Castillo Rodríguez, and Antonio González Bueno. "Euthanasia in Spain. Analysis compared with other legal regulations of the European Union." Anales de la Real Academia Nacional de Farmacia 87, no. 87(03) (2021): 265–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53519/analesranf.2021.87.03.05.

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The publication of Organic Law 3/2021 regulating euthanasia (BOE 03.25.2021), converted Spain in the fourth country in the European Union to decriminalize such practice. In this article we analyze this rule and the introduction of euthanasia in the Health Service of the Spanish National Health System, which guarantees access to the provision. On the other hand, we will carry out a comparative study of other legal systems in the European Union in which this practice is allowed or penalized.
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Espuelas, Sergio. "FALLOS DE MERCADO Y SEGURO DE PARO EN ESPAÑA ANTES DE 1936." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 31, no. 3 (November 29, 2013): 387–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610913000189.

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ABSTRACTBefore 1936, private insurance against unemployment was mostly run by trade unions. Commercial companies, meanwhile, did not penetrate into this insurance branch, which is probably due to the advantages that trade unions had when dealing with adverse selection and moral hazard problems. Nevertheless, union-based unemployment insurance reached a lower level of development than other private social insurance schemes, like sickness insurance, perhaps because of the financial difficulties that economic crisis involved for unemployment funds. Also, unemployment insurance spread specially among urban and high-wage workers, although coverage rates in Spain were below those of other European countries with higher income levels. However, even in the latter private coverage against unemployment did not reach 10% of the working population. As in other European countries, Spanish unemployment union-funds implemented strict economic incentives to deal with moral hazard, but precisely this hindered the spreading of private unemployment insurance.
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45

KAEDING, MICHAEL. "Determinants of Transposition Delay in the European Union." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 3 (October 30, 2006): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000547.

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Europeanization involves the transposition and implementation of European legislation in EU member states. Whereas EU policy implementation is explicitly recognized as the responsibility of the member states, the new emphasis on benchmarking recognizes that different implementation strategies can be beneficial, provided the outcome is appropriate. New data representing the full EU transport acquis from 1957 to 2004 and the national transposition instruments derived from data bases for Germany, Greece, the UK, Spain and the Netherlands show that only 39 per cent of the acquis was transposed in time. Why do member states not transpose EU directives on time? Logistic and multinomial logistic analysis explains this in terms of the level of complexity of EU directives; the use of national legal instruments that include considerable de facto veto players; and the shorter the transposition time set in the directive, the more delayed the transposition process.
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46

Cherkasova, E. "Separatism as a threat to the European Union (The Case of Catalonia)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 1 (2022): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-51-59.

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The Catalan crisis raises deep concerns about the very nature of European democracy. This is no longer an internal affair of Spain – rather a European and global crisis. Brussels, having declared that the Catalan problem is an internal affair of Spain, cannot completely abstract from it, both for economic and political reasons. It is quite obvious that the Spanish political elite failed to come up with an attractive alternative for Catalonia, or even a basis for a positive dialogue. By decisively taking the side of Madrid after the unilateral declaration of independence, the European Union has caused great disappointment among the Catalan nationalists. The EU is “tired” of crises and seeks to avoid involvement where possible, and it also lacks political or legal tools to resolve separatist-related problems. The European Union turned out to be unprepared for the Catalan crisis politically and intellectually. An extensive network of the EU authorities in the field of crisis management has shown its ineffectiveness. The example of Catalonia clearly demonstrates that the issue of separatism in general poses a serious threat to the European Union and the future of European integration. This threat is twofold. The rise of separatism in Catalonia led to a deep constitutional and political crisis in Spain itself, superimposed on economic problems, especially aggravated during the pandemic. The fourth EU economy is faced with an acute problem of maintaining territorial integrity. The Catalan crisis demonstrated the inability of Brussels to resolve this kind of conflict with mechanisms at its disposal. New mechanisms are needed that can ensure an optimal balance between supranational, state and local government institutions. The events in Catalonia have clearly demonstrated that separatist movements can pose no less a threat to integration as such recognized challenges as terrorism, migration, climate change and cybersecurity. Crises emerging within the European Union have become a serious obstacle to further integration; consequently, the focus of the EU’s anti-crisis policy is gradually shifting from external problems to internal ones.
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Faingold, Eduardo D. "Language rights in the 2004 draft of the European Union Constitution." Language Problems and Language Planning 31, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.31.1.03fai.

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The 2004 draft of the EU Constitution contains legal language defining the linguistic obligations of the EU and the language rights of its citizens, but the draft fails to achieve language justice for EU citizens who speak regional minority languages. These minority languages include Catalan, Basque, and Galician in Spain, Welsh in the UK, and others.
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48

Pérez-Franco, Ismael, Agustín García-García, and Juan J. Maldonado-Briegas. "Energy Transition Towards a Greener and More Competitive Economy: The Iberian Case." Sustainability 12, no. 8 (April 20, 2020): 3343. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12083343.

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In this paper, we analyze the effects of the energy transition process on economic growth in Spain and Portugal, countries that, adhering to European Union (EU) directives, opted to promote clean energies from the very start. On the one hand, we look at the energy transition laws introduced by the EU and other countries. On the other, we conduct a causal analysis of energy consumption and economic growth to confirm whether the change of energy model has generated positive effects on economic growth. The procedure was as follows. First, we conducted an aggregate causality analysis exploring the relationship between growth and energy consumption. As the results were not significant, we repeated the analysis with different disaggregations of renewable energy sources. With respect to solar thermal energy and economic growth, the main conclusion is that the data appear to show a one-way causal relationship for Portugal and EU-26 (European Union without Portugal and Spain) and a two-way relationship for Spain.
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González, Juan Roch. "Left-wing Populism in Spain: Discursive Formations on the European Union." Politikon: IAPSS Journal of Political Science 33 (August 2017): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.33.2.

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50

Huntoon, Laura. "Immigration to Spain: Implications for a Unified European Union Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (1998): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547190.

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