Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'European Union – Spain'

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. ; Shore, Zachary. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 24, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: anti-radicalization, assimilation, Denmark, European Union, integration, Islam, multiculturalism, Muslims, Spain, terrorism, tolerance. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-77). Also available in print.

The European Union and the single States have different laws and regulations protecting linguistic rights. In this dissertation we have a look at three different situations, namely those of Ireland, Italy and Spain. We see which legal arrangements have been made in order to protect the cultural heritage and the usage of minority and regional languages in each State.

With the expansion of the European Union there have been concerns over increasing competition for FDI attraction between member states. This study will examine to what extent, if to any extent at all, the admission of the Central and Eastern countries to the EU has raised completion for FDI in Spain. Spain and the CEECs will be compared in terms of advantages in FDI attraction. Ultimately, evidence and analysis will suggest that given current trend, there is no serious threat to diverting foreign assets from Spain to the CEECs.

The emergence of supranational organizations like the European Union (EU) raises questions fundamental to the sociological study of regions and nation-states. Hypothetically, the EU could provide regions within nation-states most of the governmental services that they currently receive from the state. For regions with strong ethnic and cultural identities that have sought to break away from the nation-state over time, decreased political and economic dependency may provide the autonomy that they have been seeking. On the other hand, if the emergence of supranational organizations like the EU represents state-building at the global level, then the EU can pose a threat to regional groups seeking autonomy from the nation-state. At issue is how the growing influence of supranational organizations like the EU is affecting the demand for autonomy within ethnically, politically, and culturally distinct regions. This dissertation attempts to answer these questions by examining variations in nationalism over time for three regions in Spain (Basque Country, Galicia, Catalonia) from 1977-2002. In order to begin to answer this question, I created a new dataset of protest events in Spain in order to assess variations in demands for autonomy over time. The protest event counts were incorporated into a comparative historical analysis that seeks to explain the effects of the influence of the evolving European Union (EU) on contentious demands for autonomy within those three regions; the variations in the protest event counts over time were analyzed against additional economic and political data collected from archival materials. I find that, while nationalism declined overall over time, it did not disappear but rather took on a different character. The classical manifestations of nationalism transformed into distinct movements centered on human rights. I argue that this transformation took place as a result of three interrelated factors: 1) Forced cooperation between the regions and the central Spanish government; 2) Elite abandonment of the nationalist movement; and 3) The state of the regional economies. In contrast to what extant theory might predict, my results indicate that nationalism continues to exist for the following reasons: 1) The EU has not rendered the nation-state irrelevant, but rather has altered their competencies; 2) The EU has not resolved the tensions between the nation-state and regions, but rather has created new ones; and 3) The EU has not leveled the economic playing-field between regions, but rather has opened them up to new forms of competition. In conclusion, this dissertation argues that supranational organizations like the EU have altered the relationship between regions and nation-states, thus transforming - but not solving - the nationalist question.

Defence date: 14 December 2007<br>Examining board: Professor Colin Crouch, University of Warwick (EUI Supervisor); Professor Ramón Ramos Torre, Universidad Complutense; Professor Martin Rhodes, University of Denver; Professor Jelle Visser, Universiteit van Amsterdam<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>A large part of the literature on part-time employment stresses that this form of employment contract is the result of employers’ strategies and female employees who need to reconcile work and family life. However, the growth in the number of employees sharing employment and other paid or unpaid interests expands the range and significance of working-time issues. This dissertation claims that where regulation and implementation of working-time transitions are favourable to part-time employment, part-time is likely to expand to more diverse categories of workers than those for whom it was originally intended ( i.e. mothers with caring responsibilities). The research follows a case-oriented comparative approach that draws on documentary information and a total of 48 in-depth interviews with actors’ representatives at three levels: national, sector (education and local government) and organizational, in the UK, the Netherlands and Spain. Initiated in different moments in time, the regulation of working-time transitions appears to follow a similar staged path in the three countries, although the wider institutional context affecting part-time and the active support of main actors varies for each country, especially at the organizational level. In the Dutch case, part-time regulation started off as a mechanism to enable the employment of women with caring responsibilities and, from there, it evolved towards a wider understanding of workingtime flexibility, extending the right to work part-time to other categories of employees. Given the pioneering role of the Netherlands in this area, it could be argued that both the UK and Spain have been following the Dutch example although with different degrees of success. In the Netherlands, after two decades of active support to part-time, there is still a big gender gap among part-timers, and in many sectors and occupations employees face difficulties to change their working hours; still, the general trend seems to be that access to part-time is becoming easier at more sector and occupational levels, in a context where organizations, already facing short full-time working weeks and high percentages of part-time, have been learning to decouple business hours from the different duration of the employees’ shifts. The need to design clear-cut coordination mechanisms that guarantee the steadiness of the service and the 'standardisation' of handing-over procedures, have helped to accept a variety of working-time arrangements. This capacity to dissociate organisations’ operative time from employees’ working hours is also present in British and Spanish 24-hour services, what has favoured exceptional good part-time jobs. However, the political efforts to promote part-time in Spain and the UK are confronted with serious obstacles, their segmented labour forces among them. The long-hours culture in both Spain and the UK, together with the high proportion of temporary contracts in the Spanish case, are the most visible signs of the structural difficulties these two countries face to achieve working-time flexi-curity. In the three countries, there are no clear links between long hours and productivity levels, and the processess that lead to more transparent assessments of work performance seem to facilitate working-time flexibility beyond standard full-time employment contracts. Certainly, different commitments and compromises need to be achieved between conflicting demands and interests about how employees use their own time, but this thesis argues that part-time may help to soften the conflicts between the specialization and hierarchy requirements of the social division of labour and individuals’ time-use autonomy.

Abstract The Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) is a tool, developed by the European Commission, which has been used as a base in the development of curricular documents in many countries. This would suggest a high level of similarity between the language teachings in different European countries, but how similar are they really? The aim of this thesis is to make a comparison between the general approach to foreign language teaching in two European countries, Spain and Sweden. It is important to note that the purpose has only been to find out what differences and similarities can be found between the two countries and not to make any kind of judgement as to what English teaching is preferable. A design consisting of two methods has been used to carry out the investigation: text analysis and in-depth interviews. The analysed texts are the English syllabus for upper secondary school in Sweden and the syllabus for the first foreign language in the Spanish upper secondary school. As a complement to the text analysis, interviews have been made with two English teachers from each country.  The results that were found show that the two syllabi are similar in the way that both have been inspired by the CEFR and both promote Communicative Language Teaching. However, they also show several rather striking differences. The Spanish syllabus appears, for example, to focus much more on grammatical and phonetic knowledge than the Swedish one does. The results of the interviews, which cannot be generalized, indicate that the two English teachers in Sweden look for guidance in the syllabus and other official documents, while their Spanish colleagues prefer to turn to the textbooks, since they trust that the editors have made sure they follow the official regulations. This study shows that there are many differences between the language teaching in Spain and Sweden, despite the fact that both syllabi relate to the CEFR.

The study explored when, under what conditions, and to what extent did European integration, particularly the European Union’s requirement for democratic conditionality, contribute to democratic consolidation in Spain, Poland, and Turkey? On the basis of a four-part definition, the dissertation examined the democratizing impact of European integration process on each of the following four components of consolidation: (i) holding of fair, free and competitive elections, (ii) protection of fundamental rights, including human and minority rights, (iii) high prospects of regime survival and civilian control of the military, and (iv) legitimacy, elite consensus, and stateness. To assess the relative significance of EU’s democratizing leverage, the thesis also examined domestic and non-EU international dynamics of democratic consolidation in the three countries. By employing two qualitative methods (case study and process-tracing), the study focused on three specific time frames: 1977-1986 for Spain, 1994-2004 for Poland, and 1999-present for Turkey. In addition to official documents, newspapers, and secondary sources, face-to-face interviews made with politicians, academics, experts, bureaucrats, and journalists in the three countries were utilized. The thesis generated several conclusions. First of all, the EU’s democratizing impact is not uniform across different components of democratic consolidation. Moreover, the EU’s democratizing leverage in Spain, Poland, and Turkey involved variations over time for three major reasons: (i) the changing nature of EU’s democratic conditionality over time (ii) varying levels of the EU’s credible commitment to the candidate country’s prospect for membership, and (iii) domestic dynamics in the candidate countries. Furthermore, the European integration process favors democratic consolidation but its magnitude is shaped by the candidate country’s prospect for EU membership and domestic factors in the candidate country. Finally, the study involves a major policy implication for the European Union: unless the EU provides a clear prospect for membership, its democratizing leverage will be limited in the candidate countries.

Why did EC enlargement negotiations with Spain take so long? This thesis argues that agricultural issues dominated negotiations despite the political and strategic aims of stabilizing Western Europe's southern flank that underpinned the raison d'être of this enlargement. The framework of Historical New Institutionalism is used to argue that several 'biases' operating at three levels account for the length and nature of these negotiations. At the first level, the 'bilateral' format of the negotiation procedure between Spain and the EC favoured existing EC members and protected the acquis communautaire. The Community's negotiating positions, as bargains in themselves, tended to be inflexible, and reduced Spain's input in the discussions and in the agenda-setting process. At the EC level, the CAP exhibited an unusual capacity to withstand the changes required by enlargement. This was because the EC's decisionmaking structure was fragmented into sectors and levels which allowed a closely knit 'policy community' to run the CAP in a way that was relatively insulated from other issue-areas. Change in the CAP occurred to cope with enlargement, but in a path-dependent way, passing the cost of adaptation on to Spain. At the national level, member states' so-called national interests with regard to enlargement were mixed, with no clear priority, and conflicting sectoral views. This resulted from the mechanisms of interest intermediation and inter-departmental co-ordination, which shaped the formulation and representation of national views in Brussels. Spain's accession was finally made possible when new redistributive policies for the Mediterranean and fresh budgetary resources were agreed. These were approved as part the wider package-deals surrounding the Single Market project and the Single European Act. HNI provides a new and persuasive framework with which to understand the difficulties of institutional change associated with enlargement negotiations.

More than 300,000 Spaniards have left Spain since 2008, the majority being the well-educated youth. The exodus of youth represents an unusual and concerning phenomenon for Spain. This thesis explains the factors contributing to the emigration of Spanish well-educated youth, and from there extrapolates on implications for the nature of an integrated market in the European Union. It concludes that push-pull economic factors and an affiliation with the European Union internal market encourage intra-European migration. Additionally, political disillusionment within Spain erodes the sense of national loyalty among youth to further promote emigration. The Spanish case demonstrates that within a community as integrated as the European Union, tensions between international markets and national sovereignty are bound to permeate the community. This tension is demonstrated by the validity of both terms "national crisis" and "functioning European Union market" to describe the emigration.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

Defence date: 4 March 2008<br>Examining Board: Prof. Jacques Ziller, (EUI) ; Prof. Dieter Grimm, (Humboldt University, Berlin) ; Prof. Javier Pérez Royo, (University of Seville) ; Prof. Neil Walker, (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The question of the relation between the aims of current federalism and welfare states has often been portrayed as the idea of two dynamics addressing divergent senses: while federalism would essentially imply centrifugal tendencies, the fulfilment of welfare state postulates would require certain social standardization processes. However, the viewpoint from which this work departs is the constitutional intertwining of both concepts: it sets out to analyze how the welfare state principle and the federal territorial structure are constitutionally interrelated. In particular, the aspect of welfare state that is tackled refers to its fulfilment on a nation-wide basis, which requires focusing on the mechanisms needed to generate certain levels of socio-economic standardization. The main theme of the dissertation is therefore the analysis of the structural elements that embody the territorial scope of solidarity within the context of two politically decentralized countries, Germany and Spain. The dissertation is structured into five chapters. Chapter One, after analysing how the concepts of “welfare state”, “federalism” and their “interrelations” are tackled and explained by the existing literature, outlines an analytical framework for the examination of the territorial translation of welfare state. Chapter Two addresses the constitutional articulation of the search of a basic equality on the whole territory from the perspective of the allocation of social competences – i.e. health care, social assistance and social security and education - both in Germany and in Spain. Chapter Three focuses on some of the “constitutional structures” that are in charge of guaranteeing the basic uniformity of living conditions throughout the territory of each country (e.g. Art. 72 of the German Basic Law and 149.1.1 of the Spanish Constitution). Chapter Four analyses certain mechanisms that articulate the financial territorial redistribution in each system. Chapter Five is devoted to analysing the EU as a new territorial stratum involved in the social sphere regulation interacting with the nationally based welfare state.

Résumé : L’intégration européenne a changé profondément les dynamiques politiques en Europe. Parallèlement, on a vu un essor du nombre de mouvements régionaux tant politiques qu’économiques. En suivant la logique du principe de subsidiarité, ils ont réclamé plus d’autonomie face à leur État central. Au même moment, les États centraux voyaient leur souveraineté s’éroder par le haut et par le bas. À l’aide du cas de la Catalogne, nous expliquons comment l’Union Européenne offre sans cesse de nouvelles opportunités aux régions qui veulent plus d’autonomie tout en permettant d’éviter les conflits entre ces régions et leur État central en créant une dynamique triangulaire qui permet de voir d’une manière nouvelle la relation État-région. // Abstract : European integration has profoundly changed political dynamics in Europe. Simultaneously, there’s been an increase in the number of regional movement, be they political or economic. Following the subsidiarity principle logic, they asked more autonomy from their central state. At the same time, central states were seeing their sovereignty eroding from the top and the bottom. With the Catalan case study, we explain how European Union offers more and more new opportunities to the regions that want more autonomy while permitting to avoid conflict between these regions and their central states in creating a triangular dynamics that helps to see the state - region relation in a new way.

The negotiations of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) triggered an unprecedented level of protests in the European Union (EU) in several member states. However, it was unclear whether the contestation of TTIP led to the Europeanisation of the national public spheres (Risse, 2010), given the general national fragmentation of the political debate in Europe (Koopmans and Statham, 2010a). This thesis analyses the debate and politicisation of TTIP in the Spanish, French and British media, and aims to answer two research questions. First, how and to what extent were national media discourses about TTIP Europeanised? Second, how does this type of Europeanisation of public spheres contribute to the democratic legitimacy of the EU? In order to answer the two research questions, an interdisciplinary theoretical framework has been put forward. Departing from the literature on the European public sphere (Koopmans & Erbe, 2004; Fossum & Schlesinger, 2007; Eriksen, 2005; Trenz, 2009) and the importance of analysing the Europeanisation of public spheres at the national level (Risse, 2010), the thesis argues that the literature often overlooks the role of conflict in the understanding of the public sphere. The gap in the literature has been addressed through a hybrid conceptualisation of the public sphere, combining a typically Habermasian deliberative approach with Chantal Mouffe’s ‘agonistics’. Empirically, the thesis undertakes a framing analysis of two different data sets through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The first data set is composed of press releases of a diverse group of EU-level political actors, in order to see what is the preferred framing of TTIP by different actors. The second is composed of the written articles dedicated to the TTIP negotiations in nine national news outlets (three from each selected country) in France, Spain and the UK, from the public announcement of the negotiations (February 2013) until the negotiations were officially frozen (November 2016). The actors’ discourse has been developed as a frame-mapping exercise undertaken inductively, identifying how different actors made sense of TTIP and put forward a number of competing frames. The findings of the empirical analysis of actors’ press releases indicate the attempt to strategically politicise or depoliticise the discussions around the TTIP negotiations, framed through different values by the different actors. These frames have been situated in categories, depending on whether they depoliticise TTIP, they challenge it in an agonistic or antagonistic way, or they focus on the negotiations as a process. The framing analysis of the media content on TTIP in the Spanish, French and British public spheres has revealed two separate chronological periods in the TTIP debate based on the presence of frames, measured through a framing ratio. The first period represents the traditional ‘permissive consensus’, while the second illustrates the agonistic politicisation of TTIP. Each national public sphere developed its own dynamics, which shows the importance that the national context has when discussing TTIP and Europe (Diez Medrano, 2003). However, while the Spanish, French and British public spheres have slightly different chronologies in their transitions from the first to the second period, there is a transnational coherence in terms of the frames of reference across the three countries. The findings of the media content analysis, particularly during the second period of the TTIP debate in the three countries, support the argument that there has been a Europeanisation of national public spheres that has happened in combination with a value-based and agonistic (Mouffe, 2013) politicisation. Rather than opposing the EU as a polity, the agonistic politicisation that has taken place in the case of TTIP has legitimised the EU by opening a space for the contestation of the negotiations, while accepting the EU as a political arena. The thesis argues that this agonistic Europeanisation of the national public spheres can lead towards an ‘empowering dissensus’ for European integration. The combination of agonistic politicisation and Europeanisation of public spheres is a process that matches ‘policy with politics’ at the EU level and normalises the EU as a polity by channeling conflict as politics in the Union rather than politics of the Union.<br>Doctorat en Information et communication<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus<br>Face ao aumento do sentimento independentista na Catalunha, o governo catalão e vários atores da sociedade civil solicitaram repetidamente uma mediação da União Europeia. Através de uma revisão de literatura, nesta tese veremos se a UE pode desempenhar um papel de mediação na questão catalã. A Catalunha tem um forte sentido histórico de Nação, pelo qual tem vindo a reclamar há décadas. Recentemente, vários fatores levaram à divisão da sociedade catalã em duas partes e o choque com o Governo espanhol foi total. Um processo político rapidamente se transformou num processo judicial, o qual ainda decorre. Apesar do respaldo da UE ao Governo espanhol, a União tem um historial de adaptação aos acontecimentos e de mediação em casos passados que, não sendo de secessão unilateral, servem de inspiração ao independentismo catalão. Fica claro que a UE pode ter um papel mediador importante na resolução do conflito catalão, justificado por razões legais, históricas e políticas.<br>In the face of an increase in the independence feeling in Catalonia, the Catalan government and several civil society actors have repeatedly called for mediation by the European Union. Through a literature review, in this thesis we will see whether the EU can play a mediating role in the Catalan question. Catalonia has a strong historical sense of Nation, for which it has been complaining for decades. Recently, several factors have led to the division of Catalan society into two parts and the shock with the Spanish Government has been total. A political process quickly turned into a judicial process, which is still ongoing. Despite the EU's support for the Spanish Government, the Union have a history of adapting to events and mediation in past cases that, not being unilateral secession ones, serve as inspiration for Catalan independentism. It is clear the EU can play an important mediating role in resolving the Catalan conflict, justified by legal, historical, and political reasons.<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The thesis looks into the regional policy of the European Union and its impacts on Spain and its regions. First chapter introduces the main characteristic of regional policy. Next part describes application of this policy in Spain. More specifically are mencioned the financial allocations for Spain during the programming periods, to which areas the financial resources were oriented and which regions were receiving this financial support. Last chapter analyses the impacts of the interventions of this policy on Spanish regions and describes how the disparities between regions reduced and how the disparities between Spain and other EU members changed.

This thesis aims to analyse the implications of European Union (EU) membership on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows to Turkey by applying a comparative methodology. The effects of EU accession on FDI inflows to three present member states, Ireland, Spain and Poland, is investigated in order to draw conclusions for Turkish case. The attractiveness of each country in terms of locational determinants of FDI are evaluated. Application of our findings in Ireland, Spain and Poland on Turkish case signifies implications of these determinants on attractiveness of Turkey in terms of FDI inflows. The results of the comparative analysis indicated that &ldquo<br>distance&rdquo<br>and &ldquo<br>market size&rdquo<br>are going to be essential determinants together with the other four determinants, namely &ldquo<br>infrastructure and human resources&rdquo<br>, &ldquo<br>macroeconomic stability&rdquo<br>, &ldquo<br>openness and business environment&rdquo<br>and &ldquo<br>incentive schemes&rdquo<br>, which will have positive consequences on FDI inflows on the condition that appropriate policies are implemented. EU membership is found to have positive implications on FDI inflows by indirectly affecting the other determinants. In general, it is concluded that sustainability of FDI inflows in the long-term is again related to the improvements in the other determinants of FDI rather than EU membership.

Spain, after successfully joining EC and NATO and consolidating itself as a respected member of the Western bloc, has been seeking to improve its status in the international political arena in the last two decades. However, during its quest to become a major European power like Germany, France and UK, Spain lost the momentum it caught in the early years of its EC membership, after Felipe Gonzalez left the Presidency of Government in 1996. The discord between the two major Parties, the Popular Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) on the broad lines of the Spanish foreign policy - that yielded to discontinuity - has been one of the reasons for this development. The main aim of this dissertation is to elaborate this discontinuity as a case study, in a middle range European power. For this purpose, the foreign policies followed by the Conservative PP Governments headed by J&oacute<br>se Mar&iacute<br>a Aznar during 1996-2004 term is compared with the policies followed by the Socialist PSOE Governments headed by J&oacute<br>se Luis Rodr&iacute<br>guez Zapatero since 2004. Given that these policies are associated with the decisions, acts and speeches of the Party leaders, the level of analysis in this dissertation is the individual policy makers.

As the European Year of Citizens (2013) dawns, the European Union (EU) finds itself at a crossroads. One of the largest international organisations in the world, it has built a reputation as an international community model and democratic figure judged in the context of a multi-level system. However, the EU has recently departed from both roles, as its economic practices suffer dramatically from a lack of political pressure and regulation. The EU now faces an uncertain future: should it break apart or move forward with deeper integration and a “more Europe” attitude? In contrast to public and scholarly concern, this thesis does not treat the crisis as abstract evidence of a structural democracy deficit. This thesis instead attempts to draw attention to the point of departure, the European citizen, and a social cleavage that can be easily addressed despite ongoing economic insecurity. In this sense, this thesis differs from current academic thought in that it focuses less on understanding how democracy can be achieved and more on understanding how democracy, which already exists, can be enhanced. This paper looks at how two discourses identified in the literature (civil society and cosmopolitanism) could be combined in a governance framework that would support the EU to become a civilian power. It will complete this investigation through the use of case studies on two civil society organisations based in Spain and primary data collected from within the European Parliament (EP). The case studies will be used to understand how local civil society can improve the democratic quality of EU governance whilst meeting individuals’ needs and rights. This paper will conclude that, in the case of Spain 2012, local civil society creates three core conditions for active citizen participation that the EU can benefit from, despite the challenging environment surrounding it.

Dominada durante a Guerra Fria pelas dinâmicas de segurança determinadas pelo conflito bipolar, a Europa Ocidental experimentou uma guinada nas dinâmicas de securitização no cenário pós-muro de Berlim consubstanciada pelo surgimento da concepção de novas ameaças integrantes do novo panorama de segurança da União Européia. Uma teia difusa de problemas começou a ser objeto de discursos legitimadores de políticas de emergência que alçaram o topo da agenda no campo da Cooperação européia em Justiça e Assuntos Internos numa Europa Ocidental sem fronteiras internas, conforme os Acordos de Schengen. Assim, começou a ter espaço o redimensionamento da noção de segurança na Europa e uma europeanização da segurança nacional que se traduziu no aprofundamento da cooperação securitária interna. A imigração, como elemento integrante do campo de Justiça e Assuntos Internos, conheceu essa transformação em problema de segurança a partir da década de 1980. O fenômeno pode ser claramente observado nas fronteiras que separam Espanha do Norte da África, em especial o Marrocos. A porosidade das fronteiras espanholas, despreparadas para lidar com o fenômeno da imigração, provocou um aumento progressivo na entrada de marroquinos no país durante os anos 1980, principalmente após o ingresso da Espanha nas Comunidades Européias em 1986. O acesso da Espanha aos Acordos de Schengen em 1991 ocasionou um maior controle de fronteiras pelo país, que passou a exigir visto de entrada aos imigrantes marroquinos. A medida seguiu-se à implantação de uma legislação imigratória restritiva no país, de proteção do mercado de trabalho interno, que provocou o aumento da clandestinidade dos residentes. Durante uma década, marcada por políticas de regularização e/ou retorno de imigrantes ilegais, a Espanha consolidou um sistema de controle imigratório que seguiu a tendência predominante em toda a União Européia: a securitização do controle dos fluxos, especialmente os ilegais, reflexo das dinâmicas de securitização que passaram a integrar o panorama de segurança da Europa após a Guerra Fria. Essa securitização não é construída objetivamente. Sua realização se dá pela retórica de segurança que gera a tomada de medidas urgentes, ainda que o problema não se constitua necessariamente numa ameaça em termos objetivos. O problema da imigração ilegal na Europa é, a priori, um problema social, originado pelas parcas condições socioeconômicas que os imigrantes possuem em seus países de origem. Mas a retórica de segurança que predomina à menção do tema, a associação quase imediata da imigração ilegal com o terrorismo, desconsidera as razões econômicas e políticas que motivam a realização do fenômeno, e restringe sua lida quase que exclusivamente à esfera securitária. A relevância do tema vem, portanto, da necessidade da investigação empírica dos mecanismos de securitização que tornaram a imigração ilegal um problema de segurança. Os grandes atentados terroristas inaugurados pelo 11 de Setembro de 2001 aprofundaram esse nexo segurança-migração, o que justifica a pesquisa do impacto desse terrorismo global na securitização da imigração ilegal, especialmente na fronteira Espanha-Marrocos.<br>Ruled, during the Cold War, by the security dynamics of the bipolar conflict, West Europe has experimented a significant change in its securitization dynamics in post-wall scenario, since the arrival of new conceptions of threat integrating the new security framework of the European Union. A numerous amount of problems has started to be object of discourses trying to legitimate emergency politics that have reached the top of the Agenda in the field of European cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs, in an Europe without internal barriers. Therefore, a new dimension of the notion of security in Europe has started to take place, originating an europeanization of the national securities, improving the internal security cooperation. Immigration, as part of the field of Justice and Home Affairs, has turned into a security problem since the 1980’s. This happens very clearly in the boundaries between Spain and North Africa, specially Morocco. The weak spanish frontiers were not prepared to deal with the immigration phenomenon. A consequence was the progressive raise of moroccan entry in the country during the 1980’s, specially after Spain’s access to the European Communities in 1986. The entering of Spain to the Schengen community has caused the improvement of the boundaries’ control across the country, that had started to demand an entry visa to morrocan immigrants. Following this measure, Spain issued a restrictive migratory legislation, including protection of the internal job market, causing a raise of illegal residents. During a whole decade, marked by regularizations and/or return of illegal migrants, Spain has made strong a migratory control system that has followed the main trend all over European Union: the securitization of the illegal migration, as a reflex of the securitization dynamics that started to integrate the European security framework after the Cold War. This securitization is not objectively constructed. Its realization happens trough the security rhetoric that leads to urgent measures, even when the problem does not constitute a threat, objectively speaking. The “problem” of illegal immigration in Europe is, at first, a social problem, caused by the poor social and economic conditions of countries of origin. Nevertheless, the security rhetoric spoken in every mention of the theme and the almost immediate association between illegal immigration and terrorism is not aware of the economic and political reasons that motivate the phenomenon, that is dealed with in a security scope. The importance of the theme is, therefore, the necessity of empiric investigation of the securitization mechanisms that have turned illegal immigration into a security problem. The great terrorists attacks that have started in September 11th 2001 caused the grown of the security-migration nexus, justifying the research about the impact of the global terrorism in the securitization of illegal immigration, specially in Spain-Morocco frontier.

L’extraterritorialité à l’échelle des frontières espagnoles interroge le champ d’application des normes de protection des droits fondamentaux lorsque les gardes civils espagnols surveillent les frontières depuis les enclaves de Ceuta ou Melilla, et depuis le territoire des pays d’origine et de transit de la corne ouest de l’Afrique. Dès son adhésion à la Convention d’application de l’accord Schengen, le Royaume d’Espagne est devenu un acteur central de la politique d’immigration en Méditerranée en structurant son mode de gestion intégrée de la frontière méridionale autour de la coopération opérationnelle avec les pays tiers. Se pose alors la question de la compatibilité de cette gestion de la frontière avec la règle de non-refoulement et l’interdiction des expulsions collectives, à partir du moment où les réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile potentiels, les mineurs non-accompagnés ou les personnes malades interceptés par la Garde civile à la frontière hispano-marocaine ou dans la Méditerranée, sont immédiatement remis aux autorités du pays tiers sans bénéficier des droits et libertés consacrés dans le droit espagnol. Cette applicabilité des droits est mise en doute lorsque l’Espagne met en oeuvre les politiques européennes relatives aux frontières extérieures pour empêcher les exilés d’entrer sur le territoire espagnol et de partir du pays dans lequel ils se trouvent. Cela revient à mesurer la juridicité du droit des réfugiés et des droits de l’homme dans un contexte de crise humanitaire qui force les exilés à se déplacer pour quitter leur pays et rejoindre l’Espagne par Ceuta, Melilla ou les îles Canaries. Cette thèse sur l’extraterritorialité permet plus largement d’appréhender la fondamentalité du droit de quitter un pays y compris le sien par rapport aux exigences de sécurité et de protection des frontières des États situés aux frontières extérieures de l’UE<br>Extraterritoriality at the Spanish borders leads to the applicability of the rules of security and protection of human rights being considered when the Spanish Guardia Civil monitors the border from the enclaves of Ceuta and Melila and from the countries of origin and transit of the Western Horn of Africa. As a signatory of the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement, the Kingdom of Spain became a lead player in the immigration policy in the Mediterranean Region by organizing, alongside third countries, an integrated method of management of the southern frontier. This management of the borders questions the consistency of the principle of non-refoulement and the scope of prohibition of collective expulsions since potential refugees, asylum seekers, unaccompanied minors or ill persons are being intercepted by Spanish civil guards at the iberian-moroccan border and immediately handed over to the authorities of third countries without being able to ask for the rights and freedoms enshrined in Spanish law. The applicability of law is called into question when Spain responds to European requirements for external borders policy by preventing asylum seekers to enter Spanish territory or to leave their country of origin or transit. This leads to map the juridicity of refugees law and fundamental rights in a context of humanitarian crisis that triggers asylum seekers to move and leave their country to reach Spain trough Ceuta, Melila or the Canary Islands. This study upon extraterritoriality enables to explore the lawfulness of the right to leave a country, including one’s own, regarding the border security and protection policy of the states located at the outer borders of the EU

The article provides introductory notions about the new regulatory framework of the European Union on public procurement. The author argues that this new legislation forces us to rethink how articulate it to satisfies the public interest with respect to the principles of equality, efficiency, transparency, efficiency and accountability. It also forces us to rethink the administrative organization in the light of the own principles of public law. All that with the objective to approach us to the paradigm of the right to good administration as an element of control and accountability.<br>El artículo brinda nociones introductorias sobre el nuevo marco regulatorio de la Unión Europea sobre contratación pública. El autor sostiene que esta nueva normativa obliga a repensar en cómo articularla a fin de que satisfaga los intereses públicos con respeto a los principios de igualdad, eficacia, transparencia, eficiencia y rendición de cuentas. Además, obliga a repensar la organización administrativa a la luz de los propios fundamentos del derecho público. Todo ello con miras a acercarse al paradigma del derecho a una buena administración como elemento del control y de rendición de cuentas.

Spain is one of the founding countries of the European Monetary Union, that adopted the single currency in 1999. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the overall impact of the Euro on the Spanish economy. The first part briefly introduces Spain's economy. The second part is about the European Central Bank's monetary policy. This part analyses the suitability of the single monetary policy and then examines its specific implications on the Spanish economy. The third part deals with the fiscal policy and the Stability and Growth Pact. This part analyses the impact of the Euro on the public finances.

Esta tesis doctoral tiene como objeto de estudio las políticas públicas de la televisión digital terrestre. Sus principales objetivos son determinar la pertinencia de la acción pública para afrontar la transición analógico-digital de la plataforma terrestre, analizar las principales tendencias de intervención e identificar qué estrategias y mecanismos contribuyen de manera más eficaz a completar la implantación de la TDT con éxito.Para ello, en la primera parte de la investigación se define un marco teórico sobre las políticas públicas de los medios. Además, se exploran las repercusiones de la digitalización sobre el sistema televisivo. En la segunda parte de la tesis, se analizan las líneas de intervención desarrolladas por la Unión Europea y cómo éstas han determinado un marco de referencia que condiciona la acción estatal. Por último, se efectúa un estudio comparado de las políticas públicas implementadas en Suecia y España, dos países pioneros en la implantación de la TDT en el contexto europeo. Sus experiencias permiten extraer lecciones que serán de utilidad para aquellos estados que deban afrontar la digitalización de la televisión terrestre en los próximos años.<br>This PhD dissertation analyses public policy dealing with the implementation of Digital Terrestrial Television. The main objectives of the research carried out were: determining the appropriateness of public intervention, analysing what its main tendencies are and identifying which strategies and policy mechanisms are the most effective ones in order to complete the switchover at the terrestrial platform. In the first part, a theoretical framework regarding public policy for the media is defined. In addition, the repercussions of digitalisation on the television system are analysed. In the second part of the dissertation, the research focuses on the policies carried out by the European Union's Institutions in order to asses how supranational actions condition the Member States' initiatives by means of defining a reference framework. Following that, the cases of Sweden and Spain are compared. Both countries have been pioneers concerning DTT implementation within the European context. Their rich experiences provide useful lessons for other countries that have to confront the digital transition of terrestrial broadcasting in the next few years.

Mestrado em Economia Internacional<br>0 presente trabalho tern como objectivo o estudo dos efeitos da integração económica entre países com níveis diferenciados de desenvolvimento, baseando-se na análise comparativa das experiência portuguesa e espanhola na União Europeia, sobre o comércio externo de mercadorias, as trocas de serviços, os fluxos de investimento directo estrangeiro e as transferências financeiras, nestes dois países, e no seu relacionamento entre si e com a União Europeia. Este tema tern actualidade pelo estudo destes efeitos em si próprios, mas sobretudo porque qualquer alargamento da União Europeia, seja aos PECO, seja aos paises do Norte de África, consistirá num alargamento a países ainda menos desenvolvidos. O interesse deste tema adquire urn carácter de universalidade, quando verificamos que ao nível mundial, nos restantes espaços regionais, existe uma tendência semelhante. Este trabalho integra quatro partes. A primeira parte consiste numa introdução composta pela apresentação do objectivo e do âmbito do estudo efectuado. A segunda parte compreende um enquadramento teórico da integração económica e do IDE. Na terceira parte, procede-se à comparação das experiências portuguesa e espanhola na União Europeia, com auxílio de dados estatísticos trabalhados. Na quarta parte, expõem-se as principais conclusões extraídas da análise comparativa.<br>The purpose of the present work is the survey of economic integration effects between countries with different levels of development, founded on the comparative analysis of Portuguese and Spanish experiences within the European Union, specially on foreign trade of goods, exchange of services, FDI and financial transfers, not only with the other member states but also between them. This subject is updated not only because it surveys these same effects, but also and particularly, because any enlargement of the European Union, either to Eastern and Central European Countries, or to Northern African Countries, will consist in an enlargement to non developed countries. The interest of this issue gains an universal character when we acknowledge that at a world level, in the other regional areas, there is a similar trend. This work is divided in four parts. The first part, consists of an introduction composed by the presentation of the aims and the scope of the study. The second part comprises a theoretical framing about the economic integration and the FDI. In the third part, the comparison of the Portuguese and Spanish experiences within the European Union is made, supported by statistic data. The fourth part includes the main conclusions taken from the analysis.

El carácter aplicado y estratégico del estudio de los Riesgos Naturales justifica el interés de abordar este tema desde el punto de vista global e integrador que caracteriza a la ciencia geográfica. En este campo, la comparación de las políticas desarrolladas en diferentes países, así como en la Unión Europea como ente supranacional, resulta muy valiosa para diseñar estrategias efectivas que puedan aplicarse a la mejora del sistema de gestión de riesgos naturales desarrollado en España. El fin último, el correcto ensamblaje entre las distintas fases de intervención y los organismos implicados, obedece al esfuerzo por comprender y reducir las inadaptaciones entre el ser humano y el medio en el que se inscriben sus actividades, contribuyendo de este modo a minimizar el impacto, tanto económico como social, de las catástrofes naturales.<br>The applicability and the strategic nature of Natural Risks investigation justify the interest to approach this subject from the global and binding point of view which characterizes Geography science. In this area, the comparison between policies that have been developed in different countries, as well as in the European Union as a higher body, could be extremely valuable in the design of effective strategies that might be applied to improve the Spanish natural risks management system. The final goal is to get the correct correlation between the different intervention phases and the organisms involved, in order to understand and reduce the failures in adaptation between human beings and the environment in which they live and act. This would contribute to minimize the economic as well as social impact of natural disasters.

Se examina en este trabajo la trascendencia que tiene el uso de internet en la aparición de nuevos delitos y de nuevas formas de comisión de los ilícitos tradicionales. A todos ellos se denomina ciberdelitos, cuya investigación y prueba exigen la adopción de especiales precauciones para evitar que se frustre la labor investigadora o se vulneren derechos fundamentales. Por ello, se estudian cuestiones básicas que suscitan los ciberdelitos como la competencia para conocer de los mismos, los conflictos de jurisdicción entre Estados, la cooperación internacional y los sujetos especializados en la investigación con especial referencia a los Equipos Conjuntos de Investigación así como a las obligaciones a las que vienen sujetas las empresas proveedoras de internet. Se analiza la regulación legal de las medidas de investigación tecnológica necesarias para la investigación del ciberdelito, en concreto: la obtención de 1 una IP, la identificación de terminales, de datos desvinculados de los procesos de comunicación, la orden de conservación de datos, la cesión de datos de tráfico, la interceptación de las comunicaciones telefónicas y telemáticas, el registro de dispositivos informáticos de almacenamiento masivo, el registro remoto de equipos, el agente encubierto informático y qué sucede con los hallazgos casuales descubiertos tras estas medidas. Asimismo, se detalla cómo han de practicarse estas medidas de investigación con todas las garantías para superar el juicio de licitud y el de fiabilidad y de esta manera servir de prueba ante los tribunales al igual que el resto de las pruebas informáticas. Por último, se dedica un capítulo a la valoración judicial de las pruebas informáticas según el principio de apreciación en conciencia contenido en el artículo 741 LECrim y la profusa jurisprudencia en la materia.<br>This paper examines the importance of the use of the Internet in the emergence of new crimes and new forms of commission of traditional illicit. All of them are called cybercrimes, whose investigation and proof require the adoption of special precautions to avoid the frustration of research or fundamental rights violations. For this reason, there is a study of basic issues that are raised by cybercrime, such as the judicial competence to learn about them, conflicts of jurisdiction between States, international cooperation and specialized researching subjects with special reference to Joint Investigation Teams as well as to the obligations to which the internet service providers (ISP) are subject. The legal regulation of the technological research measures necessary for the investigation of cybercrime is analyzed and, in particular: the obtaining of an IP, the identification of terminals, data unrelated to the communication processes, the data preservation order, the cession of traffic data, interception of telephone and telematic communications, search of mass storage devices, remote search of equipment, undercover agent and what happens with casual findings discovered after these measures. It is also detailed how these investigative measures should be practiced with all the guarantees to overcome the legal and reliability trial and thus serve as evidence in court as well as the rest of the computer evidence. Finally, a chapter is devoted to the judicial assessment of computer evidence according to the principle of appreciation in conscience contained in article 741 LECrim and the profuse jurisprudence in the matter.<br>S’examina en aquest treball la transcendència que té l’ús d’internet en la aparició de nous delictes i de noves formes de comissió dels il·lícits tradicionals. A tots ells se’ls anomena ciberdelictes, la investigació i prova dels quals exigeixen l’adopció d’especials precaucions per a evitar que es frustri la tasca investigadora o es vulnerin drets fonamentals. Per això, s’estudien qüestions bàsiques que susciten els ciberdelictes, com la competència per a conèixer d’aquests, els conflictes de jurisdicció entre Estats, la cooperació internacional i els subjectes especialitzats en la investigació amb especial referència als Equips Conjunts d’Investigació així com a les obligacions a que venen subjectes les empreses proveïdores d’internet. S’analitza la regulació legal de les mesures d’investigació tecnològica necessàries per a la investigació del ciberdelicte, en concret: l’obtenció d’una IP, la identificació de terminals, de dades desvinculades dels processos de comunicació, l’ordre de conservació de dades, la cessió de dades de tràfic, la intercepció de les comunicacions telefòniques i telemàtiques, el registre de dispositius informàtics d’emmagatzemat massiu, el registre remot d’equips, l’agent encobert informàtic i què succeeix amb les trobades casuals descobertes després d’aquestes mesures. Així mateix, es detalla com han de practicar-se aquestes mesures d’investigació amb totes les garanties per a superar el judici de licitud i el de fiabilitat i d’aquesta manera servir de prova davant dels tribunals a l’igual que la resta de les proves informàtiques. Per últim, es dedica un capítol a la valoració judicial de les proves informàtiques segons el principi d’apreciació en consciència contingut a l’art. 741 LECrim i la profusa jurisprudència en la matèria.

Esta tesis estudia las migraciones de los artistas y de los intermediarios del arte contemporáneo españoles en la Unión Europea desde 1986. Se interesa por los efectos de la globalización del arte en la emergencia de un espacio artístico europeo unificado y en la implantación de un nuevo modelo profesional internacionalizado en el sector español del arte contemporáneo. La movilidad internacional de los participantes en la escena artística española ha sido facilitada por el régimen de libre circulación de ciudadanos entre países miembros de la Unión Europea y por los numerosos dispositivos institucionales de promoción de la movilidad que se dirigen específicamente a los jóvenes y a los profesionales del sector cultural. La tesis defendida en este trabajo es que la migración desde España hacia un centro artístico europeo puede ser considerada una forma de gestionar la incertidumbre de la carrera en el mundo del arte contemporáneo globalizado. Las técnicas cualitativas de recogida y análisis de datos empleadas en esta investigación han permitido dar cuenta de las motivaciones para migrar de los artistas y los intermediarios del arte contemporáneo españoles, así como de sus preferencias de destino y de sus vías de inserción en una nueva escena artística en el extranjero. La estrategia de gestión de la incertidumbre de la carrera en el mundo del arte y de la migración aparece fuertemente condicionada por las características sociales de los individuos y por sus experiencias de socialización. Éstas influyen en la definición y en la puesta en marcha del proyecto de desarrollo profesional en el extranjero, desde la elección de la ciudad de destino hasta el recurso a los dispositivos de promoción de la movilidad internacional para facilitar la salida de España y la inserción en la nueva escena artística. Al integrar la dimensión espacial en el estudio de las trayectorias de profesionalización y de acceso al reconocimiento artístico, esta tesis indaga en el papel de la migración en el proceso de internacionalización de las carreras de los artistas e intermediarios españoles en el mundo del arte contemporáneo globalizado.

La digitalización de la información ha permitido comunicarse de un modo prácticamente instantáneo independientemente de la distancia. Este hecho, junto con el hundimiento de los sistemas económicos comunistas, ha sido el caldo de cultivo para el fenómeno conocido como globalización. La mezcla de ambos factores, que ha supuesto una eliminación física de las distancias geográficas y temporales, ha cambiado radicalmente el modo de comprender las relaciones personales y económicas en todos los niveles y ángulos comprensibles. Este cambio de paradigma también ha incidido, inevitablemente, sobre los sistemas fiscales. Los legisladores han tenido que modificar las normas clásicas de lucha contra el fraude y la evasión para hacer frente a los retos que plantea la nueva realidad digital en este ámbito. Así pues, esta tesis doctoral pretende abordar la evolución de los modelos de intercambio de información con fines tributarios y su encaje respecto a los derechos y garantías de los contribuyentes que pueden verse afectados en los procedimientos de intercambio de información.<br>The digitalization of information allowed the communication in a practically instantaneous way, regardless of distance. This fact, together with the collapse of the communist economic systems, has been the breeding ground of for the phenomenon known as Globalization. The mix of both factors, that supposed the erasure of geographical and temporary distances, has radically changed the way of understanding personal and economic relations in all comprehensible levels and angles. This change of paradigm has inevitably underscored the tax systems as well. Legislators have had to modify the classical norms to counteract tax fraud and evasion, in order to face the challenges posed by the new digital reality in this playing field. Therefore, this PhD Thesis expects to tackle the evolutions of the models to exchange information for tax purposes and how they fit regarding the rights and guarantees of the taxpayers that might be affected on the exchange of information procedures.<br>La digitalització de la informació ha permès comunicar-se d’una manera pràcticament instantània independentment de la distància. Aquest fet, juntament amb l’esfondrament dels sistemes econòmics comunistes, ha estat el caldo de cultiu per el fenomen conegut com a globalització. La barreja d’ambdós factors, que ha suposat una eliminació física de les distàncies geogràfiques i temporals, ha canviat radicalment el mode de comprendre les relacions personals i econòmiques en tots els nivells i angles comprensibles. Aquest canvi de paradigma també ha incidit, inevitablement, sobre els sistemes fiscals. Els legisladors han hagut de modificar les normes clàssiques de lluita contra el frau i l’evasió per fer front als reptes que planteja la nova realitat digital en aquest àmbit. Així, doncs, aquesta tesis doctoral pretén abordar l’evolució dels models d’intercanvi d’informació amb finalitats tributàries i el seu encaix respecte dels drets i garanties els contribuents que es poden veure afectats en els procediments d’intercanvi d’informació.

European Union law provides that persons may move freely for professional reasons from one Member State to another without suffering any discrimination in relation to employment, remuneration or other working conditions. However, the effective exercise of this right entails a number of legal issues. For example, in the tax field, one of the main problems is that, on the one hand, the State of residence may tax the world income of the resident taxpayer and, on the other hand, that the State of employment may also tax the income obtained in its territory by the non-resident, which can produce double taxation situations. In order to avoid these situations, a first step is to determine which state should take into account the personal economic situation of the taxpayer. In the face of this conflicting situation, it is the double taxation conventions that define which state has tax jurisdiction and which determine the rules for eliminating double taxation. One of the main sectors where this problem has been significantly increased is crossborder, given the growth of professional travel of this type in recent years, this being the main object of this work. This study analyses the different tax treatments applicable to each employment situation and examines the adequacy of state legislation to the recommendations of the European Commission. For example, the legal systems of the Member States take as a criterion for establishing the obligation to pay tax to be residency and not nationality. However, the High Court of Justice of the European Union has found on numerous occasions that internal tax regulations were contrary to Community law. Specifically, this work, in addition to studying the general rules in relation to the issues raised, has, as its specific objective, a study of the taxation of cross-border workers between Spain and France, with respect to income and social protection, during and after an employment situation, with the aim of identifying the possible discrimination that this type of worker may suffer<br>El Dret de la Unió Europea preveu que les persones puguin circular lliurement per raons professionals d’un Estat membre a un altre sense patir cap discriminació en relació amb l’ocupació, la remuneració o d’altres condicions de treball. Ara bé, l’exercici efectiu d’aquest dret comporta diverses problemàtiques jurídiques. Per exemple, en l’àmbit fiscal, un dels principals problemes rau en que, per una part, l’Estat de residència pot gravar la renda mundial del contribuent resident i, per l’altre, que l’Estat d’ocupació també pot gravar les rendes obtingudes en el seu territori pel no resident, la qual cosa pot produir situacions de doble imposició. Per tal d’evitar aquestes situacions, una primera mesura és determinar quin Estat ha de prendre en consideració la situació econòmica personal del contribuent. Davant d’aquesta situació conflictiva, són els Convenis per evitar la doble imposició els que defineixen quin Estat té la competència impositiva i els que determinen les regles per eliminar la doble imposició. Un dels principals sectors on aquesta problemàtica s’ha vist notablement incrementada és el transfronterer, donat el creixement de desplaçaments professionals d’aquesta tipologia en els últims anys, essent aquest l’objecte principal d’aquest treball. En aquest estudi es realitza un anàlisi dels diferents tractaments fiscals aplicables a cada situació laboral i s’examina l’adequació de la legislació dels Estats a les recomanacions de la Comissió Europea. Així, per exemple, tot i que els ordenaments jurídics dels Estats membres prenen com a criteri per establir l’obligació de tributar, la residència, i no la nacionalitat, el Tribunal Superior de Justícia de la Unió Europea ha constatat en nombroses ocasions que les normatives tributàries internes eren contràries al Dret comunitari. En concret, aquest treball, a més d’estudiar les regles generals en relació amb la problemàtica exposada, té com objectiu específic dur a terme un estudi sobre la fiscalitat dels treballadors transfronterers entre Espanya i França, respecte les rendes i la protecció social, durant i després una situació laboral, amb l’objectiu d’identificar les possibles discriminacions que poden patir aquest tipus de treballadors<br>Programa de Doctorat Interuniversitari en Dret, Economia i Empresa<br>Programa de Doctorat Interuniversitari en Dret, Economia i Empresa

El principio de publicidad de las actuaciones judiciales se encuentra consagrado como un derecho fundamental en el artículo 24.2 de nuestra Constitución. Este derecho no es de carácter absoluto y se encuentra sometido a ciertas limitaciones previstas legalmente. La publicidad del proceso penal implica que tengan conocimiento de las actuaciones, no solo los propios interesados, sino también extraños al proceso. Esta actividad de difusión de la noticia, garantía de funcionamiento del Poder Judicial en una sociedad democrática, se efectúa principalmente por los medios de comunicación. El problema se produce cuando se informa sobre un hecho noticiable que se encuentra sub iudice y los Mass Media, a través de un “juicio paralelo”, pretenden, de forma continua y sesgada, examinar y valorar el proceso judicial, las pruebas y las personas implicadas en los hechos y asumen así el papel de juez e inducen a éste a un veredicto anticipado de culpabilidad o inocencia ante la opinión pública. Esta actividad colisiona con posiciones subjetivas de los individuos, que también tienen la consideración de derechos fundamentales como son los derechos a: (i) un proceso justo; (ii) un juez imparcial; (iii) la presunción de inocencia y (iv) recibir y comunicar información. Con esta tesis doctoral se ha procedido a estudiar dicha problemática así como las respuestas que la legislación, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina dan, en nuestro Ordenamiento jurídico y en derecho comparado, para conciliar estos derechos fundamentales con los intereses mediáticos de le prensa, así como las garantías previstas legalmente en el ámbito penal, civil y contencioso- administrativo para la salvaguarda de los mismos. En la parte final del trabajo se apuntan posibles soluciones al problema de los “juicios paralelos” que puedan dar respuesta al interés general de la sociedad en su pretensión de obtener una justicia eficaz en la represión del delito a la vez que respetuosa con los derechos de todos los ciudadanos que se pueden ver involucrados en el proceso judicial.<br>El principi de publicitat de les actuacions judicials es troba consagrat com un dret fonamental en l’article 24.2 de la nostra Constitució. Aquest dret no és de caràcter absolut i està sotmès a determinades limitacions previstes legalment. La publicitat del procés penal implica que tinguin coneixement de les actuacions, no només els propis interessats, si no també estranys al procés. Aquesta activitat de difusió de la notícia, garantia del funcionament del Poder Judicial en una societat democràtica, és realitzada, principalment, pels mitjans de comunicació. El problema es produeix quan s’informa d’un fet que és notícia i que es troba sub iudice, i els mass media, mitjançant un “judici paral·lel”, pretenen de forma continuada i esbiaixada examinar i valorar el procés judicial, les proves i les persones implicades en els fets, assumint el paper de jutge, induint a un veredicte anticipat de culpabilitat o innocència a aquest en front de l’opinió pública. Aquesta activitat topa amb posicions subjectives dels individus que també tenen la consideració de drets fonamentals com són els drets a: (i) un procés just; (ii) un jutge imparcial; (iii) la presumpció d’innocència i (iv) rebre i comunicar informació. Amb la present tesis doctoral s’ha procedit a estudiar la referida problemàtica així com les respostes que la legislació, la jurisprudència i la doctrina donen en el nostre Ordenament Jurídic i en dret comparat, per tal de conciliar aquests drets fonamentals amb els interessos mediàtics de la premsa, així com les garanties previstes legalment en l’àmbit penal, civil i contenciós – administratiu per a la salvaguarda dels mateixos. En la part final del treball s’apunten possibles solucions al problema dels “judicis paral·lels” que poden donar resposta a l’interès general de la societat en la seva pretensió d’obtenir una justícia eficaç en la repressió del delicte a la vegada que respectuosa amb els drets de tots els ciutadans que es puguin veure involucrats en el procés judicial.<br>The principle of publicity of judicial actions is set forth as fundamental right in article 24 of the Spanish Constitution. Nevertheless, this is not an absolute right: it has some legal limitations. The publicity of the criminal procedure implies that not only those directly affected by the procedure know the state of acts but third people. Information disclosure, which serves as a warranty of the functioning of the judicial system, is done in a democratic society by the media. The problem arises when mass media start a parallel trial while reporting on case which is still sub iudice, assessing and judging with a biased viewpoint the procedure, its participants and the evidences submitted, assuming the judge’s role and, therefore, trying to induce him/her to an anticipate judgement before the public opinion. Such activity collides with the position of the defendant, who has his/her own fundamental rights such as the right to (i) a fair trial; (ii) an impartial judge; (iii) the presumption of innocence and (iv) receive and communicate certain information. In the present thesis, the problem of parallel trials and the collision of rights have been studied taking into account the solutions provided by Law, case law and scholars both of Spanish Legal System and comparative Law in order to reconcile such fundamental rights with media’s interest and also the legal guarantees for defendants in civil, criminal and administrative procedures. In the final part of this thesis, there are some possible solutions to the problem of parallel trials which try to give an answer to society’s general interest to find an efficient justice system in punishing crimes which also respects the rights of all citizens which may be part of the process.

[EN] The main objectives of this research were to analyze the role of the fruit and vegetables producer organizations (FVPOs), the recent developments in the fruit and vegetables sector, and the performance of these organizations in achieving one of the main objectives in the F&V Common Market Organizations (CMO) framework (i.e., to concentrate supply or marketed turnovers in the F&V sector), with special emphasis in the Valencian Community, in Spain. A set of indicators and variables were examined in order to study FVPOs dynamics and performance through operational programs (OP) aimed to increase the organization level as a necessary condition to balance the market power within the horticultural value chain. The study has been divided into six chapters, as follows: Chapter 1 summarizes the background research (referring specifically to the evaluations of operational programs by the EU Court of Auditors in 1996 and 2001, research on producer organizations of fruits and vegetables in Spain and / or some specific autonomous community, as well as DEA models to evaluate efficiency). Chapter 2 provides the frame of reference and methodological aspects of the thesis. Chapter 3 develops the theoretical framework widely referred to as the CMO (as instruments of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union), the nature of producer organizations, the value chain and the role of producer organizations under EU legislation to rebalance the power within value chain, and also the chronology of judicial-legal framework governing the fruit and vegetables sector. Chapter 4 briefly presents and discusses recent facts and the main trends of horticulture (referred to agricultural areas, production, prices, value of production and trade variables), within the EU, Spain, and the Valencian Community. Chapter 5 examines the dynamics of producer organizations (and organization or concentration of supply behavior) in the three regions mentioned above, with an emphasis on producers integrated to associations under the legal form of cooperatives and agricultural processing companies (SAT, is Spanish). Finally, in Chapter 6, a model was estimated by using deterministic parametric technique of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA), to evaluate the efficiency of a FVPOs sample from the Valencian Community. The research uses a comprehensive epistemic approach, by combining elements of rationalism and empiricism; the first two phases (Chapters 1 to 5) are predominantly descriptive, while the last phase (Chapter 6) is mainly empirical. Secondary sources of information were used, including bibliographic, periodical, and economic-financial (accounting). The main findings point out that at the EU level there is still a strong concentration of power in the retail sector, although it has increased the turnovers marketed by FVPOs. Meanwhile, for the case of Spain there is a slight downward trend in the number of recognized POs although they have increased their importance in their turnovers. Finally, in the Valencian Community the number of FVPOs has increased (7% more than in 2006, although it tends to stabilize) and some of it in their dimension, while they had consolidated their export orientation, and also with signs of a slight trend towards concentration in the F&V sector. The envelopment analysis model and the estimated production function for the FVPOs sample of the Valencian Community concluded that it is possible to improve their performance if FVPOs use more efficiently their inputs, among them, operating funds.<br>[ES] El objetivo principal de esta investigación fue analizar el papel de las organizaciones de productores de frutas y hortalizas (OPFH), la evolución reciente del sector hortofrutícola y el desempeño de las OPFH en la consecución de uno de los objetivos fundamentales (concentrar la oferta comercializada a través de ellas), previsto por la Organización Común de Mercados del sector, con especial énfasis en la Comunidad Valenciana, España. Con ese fin se examinaron indicadores y variables para estudiar su dinámica su y desempeño a través de los programas operativos (PO), dirigidos particularmente a aumentar la organización como condición necesaria para equilibrar el poder de mercado dentro de la cadena de valor hortofrutícola. El trabajo ha sido estructurado en seis capítulos: en el primero se sintetizan los antecedentes de la investigación (referidos específicamente a las evaluaciones de los Programas Operativos a nivel comunitario Tribunal de Cuentas de la UE en 1996 y 2001, a estudios sobre organizaciones de productores de frutas y hortalizas en España y/o algunas CC.AA. específicas, así como a la aplicación de modelos DEA para evaluar eficiencia). En el segundo se presentan el marco referencial y los aspectos metodológicos de la investigación. En el tercero se desarrolla ampliamente el marco teórico referido a las Organizaciones Comunes de Mercados (en tanto instrumentos de la Política Agraria Común de la Unión Europea), la naturaleza de las organizaciones de productores, la cadena de valor y el papel de las OPFH en el marco de la legislación comunitaria para reequilibrar el poder dentro de ella, así como la cronología del marco jurídico-legal que regula el funcionamiento del sector de las frutas y hortalizas. El capítulo 4 caracteriza y analiza sucintamente el comportamiento reciente y las principales tendencias del sector hortofrutícola (superficie agraria, producción, precios, valor de la producción y comercio), en los ámbitos geográficos de la UE, de España y de la Comunidad Valenciana. El capítulo 5 examina la dinámica de las organizaciones de productores (organización o concentración de la oferta) en los tres ámbitos antes señalados, con énfasis en los productores integrados en entidades asociativas bajo la forma jurídica de cooperativas y sociedades agrarias de transformación. Finalmente, en el 6 se estima un modelo utilizando la técnica paramétrica no determinística del Análisis Envolvente de Datos (DEA), con la finalidad de evaluar la eficiencia de una muestra de OPFH de la Comunidad Valenciana. La investigación utiliza un enfoque epistémico integral, combinando elementos del racionalismo y del empirismo: las dos primeras fases (capítulos 1 al 5) son predominantemente descriptivas, en tanto la tercera (capítulo 6) es de carácter empírico. Para ello se utilizaron fuentes secundarias de información, tanto bibliográficas y hemerográficas, como económico-financieras (contables). Los principales hallazgos dan cuenta que a nivel comunitario, si bien ha aumentado el volumen de oferta comercializado por las OPFH, aún persiste una fuerte concentración de poder en el sector de la distribución. En España ¿por su parte¿ hay una leve tendencia decreciente en el Nº de entidades asociativas, si bien estas han aumentado su importancia en el volumen de negocios facturado. Finalmente, en la Comunidad Valenciana ha aumentado el Nº OPFH (7% más que en 2006, aunque tiende a estabilizarse) y algunas de ella en su dimensión, al tiempo que han consolidado su orientación exportadora, con indicios de una leve tendencia a la concentración del sector. Del modelo de análisis envolvente y de la función de producción estimada para una muestra de OPFH de la CV se concluye que es posible mejorar su eficiencia si se emplean más eficientemente sus insumos productivos, entre ellos, los fondos operativos.<br>[CAT] L'objectiu principal d'aquesta investigació va ser analitzar el paper de les organitzacions de productors de fruites i hortalisses (OPFH), l'evolució recent del sector hortofructícola i l'acompliment de les OPFH en la consecució de l'objectiu fonamental de concentrar l'oferta comercialitzada a través d'elles -previst per l'Organització Comuna de Mercats del sector, OCM-, amb especial èmfasi en la Comunitat Valenciana (CV), Espanya. Amb aquesta finalitat es van examinar indicadors i variables per estudiar la seva dinàmica i el seu acompliment a través dels programes operatius (PO), dirigits particularment a augmentar l'organització com a condició necessària per a equilibrar el poder de mercat dins de la cadena de valor hortofructícola. El treball ha estat estructurat en sis capítols: en el primer es sintetitzen els antecedents de la recerca (referits específicament a les avaluacions dels Programes Operatius a nivell comunitari Tribunal de Comptes de la UE en 1996 i 2001, a estudis sobre organitzacions de productors de fruites i hortalisses a Espanya i / o algunes CCAA específiques, així com a l'aplicació de models DEA per avaluar eficiència). En el segon es presenten el marc referencial i els aspectes metodològics de la investigació. En el tercer es desenvolupa àmpliament el marc teòric referit a les Organitzacions Comunes de Mercats (en tant instruments de la Política Agrària Comuna de la Unió Europea), la naturalesa de les organitzacions de productors, la cadena de valor i el paper de les OPFH en el marc de la legislació comunitària per reequilibrar el poder dins d'ella, així com la cronologia del marc jurídic-legal que regula el funcionament del sector de les fruites i hortalisses. El capítol 4 caracteritza i analitza succintament el comportament recent i les principals tendències del sector hortofructícola (superfície agrària, producció, preus, valor de la producció i comerç), en els àmbits geogràfics de la UE, d'Espanya i de la Comunitat Valenciana. El capítol 5 examina la dinàmica de les organitzacions de productors (organització o concentració de l'oferta) en els tres àmbits abans assenyalats, amb èmfasi en els productors integrats en entitats associatives sota la forma jurídica de cooperatives i societats agràries de transformació. Finalment, en el 6 s'estima un model utilitzant la tècnica paramètrica no determinística de l'Anàlisi Envoltant de Dades (DEA), amb la finalitat d'avaluar l'eficiència d'una mostra d'OPFH de la Comunitat Valenciana. La investigació utilitza un enfocament epistèmic integral, combinant elements del racionalisme i de l'empirisme: les dues primeres fases (capítols 1 al 5) són predominantment descriptives, en tant la tercera (capítol 6) és de caràcter empíric. Per a això es van utilitzar fonts secundàries d'informació, tant bibliogràfiques i hemerogràfiques, com econòmic-financeres (comptables). Els principals resultats donen compte que a nivell comunitari, si bé ha augmentat el volum d'oferta comercialitzada per les OPFH, encara persisteix una forta concentració de poder en el sector de la distribució. A Espanya, d'altra banda, hi ha una lleu tendència decreixent al N º d'entitats associatives, si bé aquestes han augmentat la seva importància en el volum de facturació. Finalment, a la Comunitat Valenciana ha augmentat el N º d'OPFH (7% més que el 2006, encara que tendeix a estabilitzar) i algunes d'ella en la seva dimensió, alhora que han consolidat la seva orientació exportadora, amb indicis d'una lleu tendència a la concentració del sector. Del model d'anàlisi DEA i de la funció de producció estimada per a una mostra d'OPFH de la CV es conclou que és possible millorar la seva eficiència si utilitzen més eficientment els seus insums productius, entre ells, els fons operatius.<br>Anido Rivas, JD. (2015). Evaluación de las organizaciones de productores de frutas y hortalizas en el marco de la Organización Común de Mercados. El caso de la Comunidad Valenciana [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/58046<br>TESIS

Nowadays, a huge judicial phenomenon involves European Countries: the crisis of law. In particular, written law, as acts and regulaments, are losing importance, while case law and jugdements are enhancing their influence. Most of times, the domestic law of European countries is influnced by E.U. Court of Justice’s judgements. The European Court of Justice is very different from other courts, both domestic and international. Her original main role focused on uniform intepretation of European law. This function may be related just to intepretation of rules. But, sometimes, the Court also create rules and principles, that became self-executive in Member States. The Court of Justice, also, organised a “nomofilachia network” (as some Authors used to say), in which national courts and Public Administration provide to guarantee the uniform intepretation and application of E.U. case law. Referring to Public Administrations, three types of competences can be clearly seen: the administrative re-examination of an anti-comunitarian decision, the positive execution of European judgements (that, many times, provide to extend citizens’ rights), the competence that involve the principle of precaution. The question is: has the European Court of Justice an administrative role? Is her function internal or only international? The thesis is completed by a brief comparate analysis about Court of Justice’s role in a common law Country and a civil law Country: United Kingdom and Spain.

財政援助をコントロールする仕組みは、国によって様々であり、立法的な統制、行政的な統制又は司法的な統制等があるが、本稿では、特に、裁判所による財政支出の統制に焦点を当て、アメリカ合衆国、スペイン及びメキシコ合衆国について検討する。本稿においては、主として、アメリカ合衆国、スペイン及びメキシコ合衆国の裁判所が、私企業に対する財政支出をどのような場合において違憲又は違法とするのか、又はどのような場合において合憲又は適法とするのかということを検討し、これらの国々の裁判所がその結論に到達するために、どのような要件又は判断基準に基づいて、財政支出を統制するのかということについて考察する。<br>The mechanisms for controlling fiscal assistance vary from one country to another. Legislative, executive and judicial controls can be mentioned as broad examples of these mechanisms. This research will focus on the judicial control of fiscal expenditure in the United States of America, Spain and Mexico. It primarily examines in which cases financial expenditure on the private sector is declared unconstitutional or illegal and in which situations it is declared constitutional or legal by the American, Spanish and Mexican judiciary. It will also focus on an investigation of the legal requirements for fiscal stimulus, as well as in the judging criteria developed and used by the court of those countries to reach to those conclusions.<br>博士(法学)<br>Doctor of Laws<br>同志社大学<br>Doshisha University

Defence date: 8 January 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor E. Scott Adler, University of Colorado, Boulder (External Supervisor); Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Professor Peter John, University College London.<br>Who sets lawmakers' priorities? The aim of the thesis is to provide a convincing theoretical argument able to identify what are the policy problems that demand lawmakers' attention, but also to test this empirically for France, Denmark, Spain and the United Kingdom between 1980 and 2008. This research shows how accounting for the way in which lawmakers deal with competing policy problems integrate two major accounts of the way in which governments set their priorities: party mandate approaches and public policy approaches. The thesis does so by suggesting that given their double role of representatives and administrators, lawmakers have to deliver policies consistent both with electoral and non-electoral mandates. In this framework, parties’ promises, administrative commitments, and the priorities of the public originate policy problems that compete for lawmakers' attention to enter the policy agenda. Compared to classic party mandate approaches, this research does not conceive parties as being the key actors of the game or the major agenda-setters. Compared to public policy approaches, the study does not dismiss the role of parties. The theory argues that a problem-solving approach is key to account for lawmakers' priorities and for the way in which lawmakers select policy problems that need to be addressed in the policy agenda. In this framework, different policy problems demand lawmakers' attention and problems-solving scholars have illustrated that the types of issues that need to be addressed are different in "nature". Existing accounts of the composition of policy agendas distinguish between problems ranging from "compulsory" to "discretionary" concerns (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) where the former derive from "periodically recurring demands " and the latter from "chosen problems" (Walker 1977:425). Building on these contributions, the theoretical model of the dissertation discusses the "nature" of different policy problems by identifying some 'ideal types' that originate from the double functions that lawmakers shall perform in contemporary democracies as "representatives" of voters' interests and as "responsible" administrators (Mair 2009). In this sense, the dissertation contends that different policy problems emerge from the electoral promises of the governing parties, from commitments related to the responsibility of being in office, and from the 'external world', and that the balance between them determines the composition of the policy agenda. 13 There are four propositions of this study to existing knowledge in the field of policy agendas. The first is that the content of the policy agenda is stable across countries with different institutional settings. Lawmakers' priorities are no less stable in institutional systems that are more 'open' to accommodating policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the parties. At the same time stability persists even when elections approach, questioning the long-lasting assumption that lawmakers may manipulate policies to their will in order to assure re-election. The second is that policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the governing parties impact lawmakers’ priorities, but this is only half of an old story. The results show that the policy problems originating from the electoral promises of the opposition influence the content of the policy agenda confirming that the agenda-setting power of parties is not limited to those who are in office. The third proposition is a theoretical effort and empirical contribution to conceptualise and measure "policy commitments". Studies of public policy have stressed the importance of inherited commitments in everyday law making (Rose 1994; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) since some decisions take longer than a legislature to be realised. Classic analyses have emphasised the importance of budgetary constraints on policy agendas, but the thesis suggests that there is also another striking case of policy commitments for European polities: EU integration, since decisions on EU affairs and delegation of powers taken from previous governments are hard (if not impossible) to reverse by their successors. In this sense, EU decisions are inherited by all governments, and they add complexity to the problem-solving capacity of Member States because they produce extra policy problems that require lawmakers' attention. For lawmakers respecting legally binding EU decisions, this is a way to avoid "reckless and illegal decision making" (Mair 2009). The results highlight that when reflecting on the divisions of competences between the Union and its Member States (MSs), policy commitments derived from the EU directives are concentrated on a narrow set of policy areas. The results show that in most fields where commitments are higher, the agenda-setting power of parties’ electoral promises is weakened. Finally, this research suggests that policy problems originating from the agenda of the public (as approximated by media coverage) are another explanatory factor of policy priorities, but in a very narrow set of policy areas. Media effects appear to be limited to policy areas with the special characteristics of newsworthiness and sensationalism (Soroka 2002) that contribute to boost their policy appeal. In addition, the findings highlight that the agenda-setting power of the media is mediated by the interaction with the electoral promises of the opposition, probably as a result of a blame avoidance game to discredit incumbents. 14 Chapter 1 introduces the concepts of policy agenda and policy problem before summarising existing accounts of the content of policy agendas. Two theoretical traditions are identified. The first one is the "partisan account" highlighting the importance of partisan preferences for lawmakers' priorities. The second is made up of the "public policy accounts" proposing incrementalist and agenda-setting approaches to representatives' priorities. Chapter 2 sets up the theoretical framework that will be tested in this research. Drawing upon theories of "representative and responsible" government (Mair 2009) the research provides an encompassing model of how different policy problems compete for attention in order to enter the agendas of lawmakers. The thesis highlights that different agenda-setters have to be considered as creating policy problems: the electoral promises of the governing parties, the demands addressed to lawmakers by the EU agenda, and the issues that are important for the public as reported by the media. Starting from existing typologies of problems that must be addressed in the policy agenda (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012), the research roughly distinguishes between discretionary and compulsory policy problems, discussing how the three agenda-setters considered in this study fit into those ideal types, as well as the incentives for lawmakers to prioritise one over the other. Chapter 3 presents the data, models and methods that are used to test the theoretical framework. The dissertation relies on data from the Comparative Agendas Project modelled in the form of time series cross sectional models. Chapter 4 introduces the empirical investigation of the content of the policy agenda. It focuses on stability and change in lawmakers' priorities, to understand the extent to which priorities change (or remain the same) across elections. Chapter 5 moves a step further and will assess the connection between policy problems brought by parties' electoral promises and the content of the policy agenda. Chapter 6 will account for one of the most debated sources of policy problems among public policy scholars: policy commitments. This chapter will test the agenda-setting power of policy commitments deriving from the content of the EU directives on lawmakers' priorities and proposing an "EU acquiescence index" to shed light on the 'overlaps' between EU and domestic policy agendas. Finally, Chapter 7 aims at analysing the connection between lawmakers' priorities and media coverage (in terms of print and, where appropriate, audio media) and each of the two relevant types of policy problems competing for lawmakers' attention identified in the previous chapters. In sum the thesis offers a theory of the composition of policy agendas grounded in a problem-solving understanding of politics, and an empirical assessment of its validity. In this sense the study is about how policy problems originating from the dual role of lawmakers in 15 contemporary democracies (representation and administration) affect everyday policy making. More precisely the thesis considers the impact of different agenda venues (parties, EU commitments, and the media) on the way in which lawmakers deliver policies.

Defence date: 8 July 2010<br>Examining Board: Maurizio Ambrosini (Univ. Milan); Margarita Gomez-Reino Cachafeiro, UNED, Madrid); Virginie Guiraudon (CERAPS-CNRS, Lille Centre for Politics) (External Co-Sipervisor); Peter Mair (EUI) (Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>In the early 1990s, Italy and Spain, traditional labor exporters, started to acknowledge their new position as ‘immigration countries’. This dissertation examines how both states have coped with the consequences of this rapid and unexpected shift. Combining discourse and policy analysis, we look mainly at political elites’ (parties and their members) discourses and practices, during the first decade of the immigration turn (from early 1990s until the early 2000s). The literature has often treated Italy and Spain as examples of the same ‘Mediterranean’ group, also usually assuming that they have followed a very similar route towards immigrants’ criminalization and a populist mobilization of the immigration theme. Adopting an innovative analytical perspective, this thesis arrives at an original understanding of both immigrants’ representation and immigration politics in Italy and Spain. The predominant categories mobilized by Spanish and Italian political elites in the construction of the immigration ‘problem', as well as the strategies used to seize the (political) opportunities offered by the immigration theme are more diverse than they seem. While in Italy a ‘grammar’ of insecurity has been reiterated and institutionalized by nearly all political groups throughout the 1990s, in Spain, parties have mostly treated immigration as a matter (problem) of social integration, politicizing (‘criminalizing’) the issue quite late in the decade. This dissertation concludes moreover that the rising influx of immigrants during the 1990s has triggered a revival of particular ways of framing the Italian and Spanish ‘nations’ and nationhood, which have strongly marked political actors’ approach to immigrants and immigration politics. In this way, while in Italy the post-Fascist idea of a bounded Italianità, grounded on family ties and blood connections, have underlie immigration policy-making; the post-Franquist conception of a ‘new’, open and plural Spain has overruled in Spain. We show how these different national ‘mythologies’ were instrumental for legitimating quite similar (restrictive) policies.

碩士<br>淡江大學<br>歐洲研究所<br>93<br>Since European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) established in 1975, European Union became conscious with the disparities between the levels of development of the various regions and the backwardness of the least favoured regions or islands, including rural areas. After the middle of the reform of 1980s, ERDF subsumed under the Structural Fund. In 1994, the Cohesion Fund also subsumed under the Structural Fund and contributed to the disparities of economic between member states. As above, both of them are big apple of the regional policy. The regional policy provide finance grant to the disparities between the levels of nation and region to pursue the strengthening of its economic and social cohesion and promote its overall harmonious development. As mentioned above, the thesis helps us to understand how to solve the economic disparities of the levels of nation and region and define the concept of region. Through the multi-level governance model we can observe more clear the penetration of the European Union how to affect the national and regional actor. According to the purpose of mentioned above, the study uses the method of historical research and the case study of the autonomous communities in Spain. The process of reform of the regional policy is affecting the future of the institution of finance grant. In the case study of the autonomous communities in Spain, the effect of finance grant is inefficiency. Through the case study of Spain, we can find the different reason with other nation. Finally, the study concluded by two finding: 1. The finance grant of the European Union is implicating the attribute of the power of political. 2. The structural of economic and political eases the affection of the regional policy. The regionalism of Spain is different from others.

The European Union expanded from its first conceptualization as an economic union hedging possible German expansion to encompass policy areas traditionally controlled by the state. One of these areas—immigration and asylum—is closely associated with ideas of state identity and citizenship, and is an area in which states have been unwilling to cede control. Two member states—Italy and Spain—have many similarities, one of which is significant issues in regard to large and undocumented migration but, despite that, took quite different policy directions vis-à-vis the EU’s proposed immigration and asylum norms. This research examines Italy and Spain using Knill and Lehmkuhl’s mechanisms of Europeanization during three policymaking timeframes in order to determine how and why these states have taken divergent paths. This thesis found that different mechanisms were used during different periods and that counterintuitive to expected findings, the weakest mechanism is dominant during the current era.

Defence date: 1 March 1999<br>Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Yves Mény (EUI, Co-supervisor) ; Prof. Alberta Sbragia (University of Pittsburgh) ; Prof. Fritz W. Scharpf (Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>Tanja Borzel argues that the effect of Europeanization on the politics and institutions of the EU's member states depends on the degree of conflict between European and domestic norms and rules. The thesis examines the relationship between the central state and regions in Germany and Spain, showing how Europeanization has served to weaken the powers of the regions. In both countries, the regions were forced to cooperate more closely with the centre, but the institutional impact in the two countries has been strikingly different. In Germany the existing cooperative Federal system was reinforced, but in Spain the traditional competitive relationship between the levels of government could not continue. Europeanization has led to a significant change in the pattern of Spanish politics, turning rivalry into cooperation. This thesis thus presents an important analysis of the impact of Europeanization on domestic politics, and on the relationship between states and regions in particular.

碩士<br>淡江大學<br>歐洲研究所<br>83<br>The research method used in this thesis includes both histor- ical and documentary approaches. Based on the theory of inte- gration and the political-economic perspective,the focus is put on investigating the developing process of the harmonization of value added tax of the EU,and the Spain''s strategy toward the policy. There are four main points in the thesis,firstly,to discuss the meaning and developing history of the harmonization of value added tax.Secondly,by inducing the related regulations to anal- yze the imposing tax,deduction and exemption tax rates, and clea- ring system.Thirdly,to discuss the present situation in Spain and her strategy toward the harmonization.Finally,to evaluate the policy''s impact on Spain and the problems which EU will face in the future. For the EU,the proceeding of the harmonization of value added tax should be step by step.First, to align the different tax systems of the member states.Then,to harmonize the tax base and tax rates.With regard to the action taken by the Spanish, after joining in the EU they have been tring to match the har- monization actively and revise the tax law one by one.Generally speaking,to practice the value added tax system will be posit- ive to Spain''s finance,commodity prices,trade,and industry. At the end of the day, the origin principle will replace the de- stination principle,and tax harmonization will play an important role in the process of the harmonization of the value added tax in the EU.Therefore,the tax rates of member states will become more approximated.But deep harmonization will easily involve the sensitive sovereignty issue as well,thus there might be many variables in the integration process.Besides,Spain belongs to the states of lower tax rates;the measure of adjusting the tax rates might have an important influence on Spain''s economy and finance.

No atual sistema internacional, as migrações internacionais têm que ser reguladas e geridas pelos Estados, de modo a garantir o impacto positivo destes nos países de acolhimento e a sua integração, bem como assegurar que os migrantes que entram sejam tratados com dignidade e vejam reconhecidos os seus direitos. No entanto, a experiência indica que este ideal nem sempre se produz e os Estados podem ver os fluxos migratórios, principalmente os irregulares, como uma ameaça. É neste sentido que focamos o nosso estudo na gestão dos fluxos migratórios no Mediterrâneo, na perspetiva da segurança internacional. A gestão das migrações no Mediterrâneo é um dos principais desafios que a União Europeia (UE) enfrenta na atualidade. Os intensos fluxos migratórios que se registaram durante o ano de 2015 e as tragédias no mar Mediterrâneo puseram à prova os mecanismos das políticas de imigração e asilo da União e a sua capacidade de responder a crises humanitárias. Para além disso, estes fluxos de intensidades e geografias variadas representam uma ameaça para a segurança interna da União Europeia e dos seus Estados Membros. Ora, com o objetivo de garantir a segurança das suas fronteiras externas, a abordagem da UE centra-se na dimensão da segurança na definição de estratégias de gestão das migrações irregulares. Assim, no âmbito da gestão das migrações no Mediterrâneo tomamos como estudo de caso três países: Espanha, Itália e Portugal, que nos oferecem um estudo comparativo entre a gestão das rotas da África ocidental e do Mediterrâneo ocidental e central. O caso português, de modo particular, permite a análise de uma realidade distinta no âmbito europeu, bem como a realização de um trabalho sobre a gestão de fronteiras em Portugal, tema muito pouco trabalhado a nível académico. Constatamos que o sucesso do modelo de governança das migrações no Mediterrâneo resulta da interdependência entre diferentes níveis de ação (bilateral, multilateral e regional) e atores e que, na atualidade, prevalece a dimensão de deterrence (dissuasão), através da gestão das fronteiras externas e cooperação com países terceiros, incluindo a externalização da fronteira. Assim, partimos da hipótese de que a UE, dada a sua incapacidade para adotar e implementar uma política comum capaz de gerir com eficácia os fluxos migratórios na sua fronteira sul recorre a uma estratégia dissuasória, baseada em denominadores mínimos comuns.<br>In today’s international system, international migrations should be regulated and managed by States, in order to ensure their positive impact in host countries and migrants’ integration. Furthermore, they should also guarantee a fair treatment of migrants and the recognition of their rights. However, experience has showed that this ideal does not always become a reality and States may conceive migratory flows, particularly irregular ones, as a threat. With this in mind, we have focused our study in the management of migratory flows in the Mediterranean, within an international security perspective. The management of migrations in the Mediterranean is one of the greatest challenges that the EU (European Union) currently faces. The intense migratory flows registered during the year 2015 and the tragedies in the Mediterranean Sea have tested the mechanisms of the Union’s immigration and asylum policies and its ability to respond to humanitarian crises. Moreover, these flows of varying intensities and geographies represent a threat to the internal security of the EU and its Member States. Therefore, in order to guarantee the safety of the external borders, the EU’s approach focuses on the security dimension in the definition of strategies to manage irregular migrations. In the context of the management of migrations in the Mediterranean we have taken the study of three Southern European countries: Spain, Italy and Portugal, given that those countries offer us a comparative study of the management of the Western Africa and Western and Central Mediterranean routes. Furthermore, the Portuguese case allows for the analysis of a different reality at the European level, as well as a thorough research on border management in Portugal, an understudied topic within the academia. We found that the success of a model of migrations’ governance of in the Mediterranean results from the interdependency of different levels of action (bilateral, multilateral and regional) and actors; and presently the dimension of deterrence through the management of the external borders and cooperation with third countries, including the externalisation of the border, prevails. Therefore, we assume that the EU, given its inability to adopt and implement a common policy to effectively manage migratory flows on its Southern border uses a deterrence strategy based on minimum common denominators.<br>En el sistema internacional, las migraciones internacionales tienen que ser reguladas y gestionadas por los Estados, con el fin de garantizar el impacto positivo de los migrantes en los países de acogida y su integración, así como asegurar que los migrantes que entran sean tratados con dignidad y vean reconocidos sus derechos. Sin embargo, la experiencia indica que este ideal no siempre se produce y los Estados pueden ver como una amenaza los flujos migratorios, en particular los irregulares. Es en este sentido en el que enfocamos nuestro estudio sobre la gestión de los flujos migratorios en el Mediterráneo, desde la perspectiva de la seguridad internacional. La gestión de las migraciones en el Mediterráneo es uno de los principales retos que la Unión Europea (UE) enfrenta en la actualidad. Los intensos flujos migratorios que se han registrado durante el año 2015 y las tragedias en el mar Mediterráneo han puesto a prueba los mecanismos de las políticas de inmigración y asilo de la Unión y su capacidad de responder a las crisis humanitarias. Además, estos flujos de intensidades y geografías variadas pueden representar una amenaza para la seguridad interna de la Unión Europea y de sus Estados miembros. Asimismo, con el objetivo de garantizar la seguridad de sus fronteras externas, el enfoque de la UE se ha centrado en la dimensión de la seguridad con un énfasis en la definición de estrategias de gestión de las migraciones irregulares. En el contexto de la gestión de las migraciones en el Mediterráneo hemos elegido como estudio de caso tres países: España, Italia y Portugal, que nos permiten realizar un análisis comparativo entre la gestión de las rutas del África occidental y del Mediterráneo occidental y central. En particular, el caso portugués permite la observación de una realidad distinta en el ámbito europeo, por lo que resulta muy pertinente la realización de un trabajo sobre la gestión de fronteras en Portugal, tema muy poco trabajado a nivel académico. Constatamos que el éxito del modelo de gobernanza de las migraciones en el Mediterráneo resulta de la interdependencia entre los diferentes niveles de acción (bilateral, multilateral y regional) y los distintos actores y que, en la actualidad, prevalece la dimensión de deterrence (disuasión), a través de la gestión de las fronteras externas y la cooperación con países terceros, incluyendo la externalización de la frontera. Asimismo, partimos de la hipótesis de que la UE, por su incapacidad para adoptar e implementar una política común capaz de gestionar con eficacia los flujos migratorios en su frontera sur utiliza una estrategia disuasoria, basada en mínimos comunes denominadores.

碩士<br>淡江大學<br>歐洲研究所碩士班<br>98<br>Title of Thesis: A Study of Common Cultural Policies in European Union: The Case of Art and Culture Cooperation between Spain and EU Total Pages:88 Key words: European Union, Spanish, artistic culture, cultural policy, cultural development Name of Institute: Graduate Institute of European Studies, Tamkang University Date of Graduation: June 2010 Degree Conferred: Master Name of Student: Chia-min YU Advisor: Dr. Li, LIN 游家民 林 立 博士 Abstract: The category of the artistic culture covering is widespread and profound, such as the music, the theaters, the dance, the visual arts, the museums, the publication, the books and magazines, the literary work, the drawing and painting, the broadcasting, the television, the movie, the architecture, the plastic arts and so on, may include in the section of “the artistic culture” , in the classification, the artistic culture minute belongs to an overall cultural part; In recent years, as a result of all kinds of mass medias and Internet&apos;&apos;s large growth and the high utilization ratio, caused all kinds of artistic culture information to be able to propagandize because of each kind of media pipeline to the populace, therefore the artistic and the cultural strengths and influences are not only effecting the country, but exchange, understand the arts and cultures with other country and mutual influences in international society, even then fusion for new artistic culture, and bring more possibilities and the developments in the relationships between country to country. After Spain transferred the economical center to the tourism development since 1970, Spain then started to construct and renovate those public artistic sites such as cultural heritages, historical sites, museums, art museums, theaters and music halls, simultaneously supporting and training those workers in performing arts, creative arts and fields of art. By that, Spain created it’s own special and stylish cultural style, attracting people all over the world to explore, visit and travel to Spain. After joined the EC ( European Community ) in 1986 officially, Spain received large amount of funds sponsored by CAP ( Common Agricultural Policy) and the Structural Fund. When EC transformed into EU (European Union), it also carried out and combined the integration of cultural dimension into the row of significant policies. As to Spain, it’s a strong affirmation to develop and promote its own cultural value and the stability of social economies. The main point of this research is to find out the most effective artistic and cultural states, properties and facilities in the field of culture which influence the aspect of politics, economies and society of Spain. And also emphasize the cooperation, formulation, execution of these cultural policies, as well as Central authorities and local self-government sector public or private organization association. Does the whole cooperation, simultaneously under the European Union common culture policy framework, how Spain utilize it’s cultural properties as well as European Union provides the resources to carry on plan, the coordination the appropriate consummation. There are six conclusions: (1) the influence of art cultural event and the cultural policy includes the society, the economy and the education field of the national; (2) the inspiration by how European Union emphasize on common cultural conformity; (3) the European Union common culture motion stands for the member states to carry out their culture policies more easily; (4) the significance and assistance of European Union common culture policy to the Spanish culture development; (5) execution of the Spanish culture policy and the cultural event brings the promotion of employment rate and the economic efficiency; (6) the Spanish culture policy development experience is worth taking reference of profiting by observing Taiwan.

Defence date: 13 December 2004<br>Examining board: Prof. Gøsta Esping-Andersen (Universidad Pompeu Fabra) ; Prof. Marino Regini (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (European University Institute) ; Prof. Martin Rhodes (European University Institute, Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017