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1

Weale, Albert. "Social Policy and European Union." Social Policy & Administration 28, no. 1 (March 1994): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1994.tb00405.x.

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2

Ashford, Nigel. "Social policy in the European Union." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (July 1996): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625628.

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3

Davies, P., and M. Freedland. "European Union Employment and Social Policy." Yearbook of European Law 15, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 421–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/yel/15.1.421.

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4

Gold, Michael. "Social Policy: the UK and Maastricht." National Institute Economic Review 139 (February 1992): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019213900108.

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On 7 February 1992, European Community Foreign and Finance Ministers signed the Treaty on European Union which contains only the second set of constitutional amendments to the EEC Treaty since 1957. This new Treaty merged into one text the Treaty on Economic and Monetary Union and the Treaty on Political Union which had been agreed at the European Council in Maastricht two months previously.
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5

Dearden, Stephen J. H. "European Union social policy and flexible production." International Journal of Manpower 16, no. 10 (December 1995): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01437729510102611.

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6

Geyer, Robert. "The State of European Union Social Policy." Policy Studies 21, no. 3 (September 2000): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442870020019525.

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7

Doroshenko, Vladimir. "TRANSFORMATIONAL FEATURES OF SOCIAL POLICY OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Pesticide Science and Pest Control 1, no. 1 (July 29, 2022): 01–03. http://dx.doi.org/10.58489/2833-0943/001.

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Statement of the problem: Analysis of the transformational dimension of social policy of the leading countries of the world, identification of the institutional features of the social policy of modern European states, critical generalization of the models and principles of social policy in the European Union is of essential importance.
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8

Szyszczak, Erika. "III. Social Policy." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 1 (January 2001): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.1.175.

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Since the 1997 Amsterdam Intergovernmental Conference a sea-change in the formulation and implementation of European Union Social Law and Policy has taken place in response to the demands made by economic, political and monetary union. The evolution of EU social law is an area which has developed within a process or framework of “differentiated integration”,1 not only between the Member States, but also the regions of the EU. Since its emergence in the EU Council's Conclusions of 22 June 19842 the concept of a “European Social Area” has slowly been created by the processes of “Europeanisation”3 of social policy whereby through EU-led processes a “re-nationalisation”4 of domestic policies has taken place. The process is similar to the ideas of “re-regulation” of national law in relation to the basic economic freedoms of the EC Treaty whereby a measure of national autonomy can only be retained through European Community law standards. It is striking how the Amsterdam IGC has led to a definite shift in the paradigm of EU social policy law with distinctive aims, values, processes, new legal tools and new political actors.
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9

Prosser, Thomas. "Economic union without social union: The strange case of the European social dialogue." Journal of European Social Policy 26, no. 5 (November 21, 2016): 460–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716664298.

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The recent centralization of European economic governance raises the question of parallel developments in European social policy. On the basis of an examination of the case of the European social dialogue, the propensity of ‘spill-over’ theories to explain developments in the social sphere is considered. The following three potential future trajectories for the dialogue are reviewed: the possibility of the dialogue (1) becoming broader and more redistributive, (2) becoming a means of European Union (EU)-level wage control or (3) remaining in its current form. It is concluded that the status quo is likely to endure and that such a development threatens the integrity of spill-over theories and raises the issue of the dialogue’s utility to European trade unions.
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10

Strezhneva, M. "ProЫems of Social Policy in the European Union." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2006): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-8-22-31.

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11

Korolevska, Anna. "European Union Social Cohesion Policy and Monitoring Indicators." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (3) (April 26, 2018): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2018-01-11-17.

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The questions of the nation uniting, national or social consolidation, cohesion of society have always been on the agenda of the independent Ukrainian state. An urgent need is to identify the obstacles to consolidating Ukrainian society, as well as factors that can contribute to the unification of society. The objective of the article is to summarize the results of scientific and expert discourse on social cohesion of the EU and indicators of its assessment. Methodology is analysis of the European Commission documents, studies and reports. The research of European Cohesion Policy requires the use of an interdisciplinary approach, as well as the consideration of the process in its integrity, requires the use of a systematic approach. Social cohesion has been studied in the European Union over the past decades. During this time, many studies of theoretical and empirical question have been made. Moreover, it has already become the main concept of effective development for many societies. The mechanism of practical realization of social cohesion is the recognition of the values of pluralism, social and civil dialogue. The obligatory attribute of social cohesion of a society is the institute of social protection and social integration. Social cohesion involves the use of democratic principles for making socially significant decisions. The essence of the social cohesion of the EU is considered from the standpoint, based on social rights and the access of all citizens to their rights, and hence the real opportunity to use and protect them. At the focus of social cohesion of society is the welfare of the vast majority of citizens, harmonious and stable social relations. The condition to social cohesion is the high citizen’s credibility of governance and civil society institutions. In the framework of developing a system of social indicators an effort was made to operationalise conceptualization of social cohesion across several life domains. There are rather broad range of indicators of social cohesion can be specified. Accordingly, the lists of exemplarily suggested indicators are rather extensive. The subject of further analysis may be a more detailed researches of the experience of the European society cohesion mechanism for adopting and implementation it in Ukraine.
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12

SZYSZCZAK, ERIKA. "Future Directions in European Union Social Policy Law." Industrial Law Journal 24, no. 1 (1995): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/24.1.19.

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13

Barnard, C., and T. Hervey. "European Union Employment and Social Policy Survey 1998." Yearbook of European Law 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 613–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/yel/18.1.613.

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14

Barnard, C., and T. Hervey. "European Union Employment and Social Policy 1999-2000." Yearbook of European Law 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/yel/20.1.297.

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15

Fougère, Martin, Beata Segercrantz, and Hannele Seeck. "A critical reading of the European Union’s social innovation policy discourse: (Re)legitimizing neoliberalism." Organization 24, no. 6 (January 9, 2017): 819–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508416685171.

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In this article, we conduct a critical reading of the European Union social innovation policy discourse. We argue that rather than being a transformative discourse within European Union policy, European Union social innovation policy discourse reinforces neoliberal hegemony by (re)legitimizing it. Inspired by post-foundational discourse theory and Glynos and Howarth’s logics of critical explanation, we analyse three central European Union social innovation policy documents. We characterize what kind of political project is articulated in and through European Union social innovation policy discourse, and uncover how it relates to neoliberal political rationality. Our contribution lies in showing (1) how the social logics of European Union social innovation policy can be understood as both ‘roll-out’ and ‘roll-with-it’ neoliberalization, thereby relegitimizing and naturalizing neoliberalism; (2) how the political logics of European Union social innovation policy pre-empt the critique of ‘roll-back’ neoliberalization and thus legitimize decreased public expenditure; and (3) how the fantasmatic logics make European Union social innovation policy ideologically useful in relegitimizing neoliberalism through the win-win-win fantasy and the ethical responsibilization of subjects. We argue that resisting the neoliberalizing power of European Union social innovation policy discourse implies resisting the fantasmatic grip of social innovation as carrying a sublime win-win-win. Instead of accepting social innovation as driven by a replication of best practices, we need to understand social innovations as conceived and suited for particular social issues in particular contexts: we call for a different win-win mindset that does not blind innovators to possible negative impacts of social innovations.
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16

Gil Robles, José Mª. "Balance-Sheet of European Social Policy." Studies of Applied Economics 27, no. 3 (May 2, 2021): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v27i3.5185.

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Specific competence of the European Union in the field of social security and social protection has been quite limited, as the Member States consider these two items as core subjects of national policies and appeal earnestly to subsidiarity principle to avoid European regulation. Influence of the E.U. has nevertheless been gradually and considerably increasing through the implementation of the Community rules on the internal market and competition. European social model is the so called “social market economy”, which means, in short, an economy ruled by a market whose transparency and fairness are guaranteed and controlled by the public powers. There is the will, at European level, to be able to achieve high economic and productivity growth, necessary to fuel recovery from crisis damages, while at the same time minimising so-called social failures, such as unemployment, poverty and social exclusion. The European Union addresses these areas as a matter of common concern and has a role in facilitating the exchange of information, data, best practices and research. The balance of European policies is in overall terms rather positive from the social point of view.
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17

Maltby, Tony. "European Policy Issues." Ageing and Society 18, no. 5 (September 1998): 627–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98007077.

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Shaver, S. (1988) ‘Universality or selectivity in income support to older people? A comparative assessment of the issues’, Journal of Social Policy, 27 (2), 231–254.Reynaud, E. (1998) ‘Pensions in the European Union: adapting to economic and social changes’. International Social Security Review, 51 (1), 31–47.These two articles are highlighted as both offer the reader some insights into the ongoing debate on the level of income in later life from a cross-national and comparative perspective. Recently the focus of this attention, particularly within the European Union (EU), relates to one of the myths of modern times, the devastation that will result because of the demographic time-bomb. I was pleased to see another refutation of this in Reynaud's article (p. 34). Thus the framework for this European-wide discussion has been as much about ideological and political issues as about economic ones, such as level of public provision of support in old age.These two articles approach the issue of income in later life from different angles. The Reynaud article is essentially a review of the current debate on public pensions within the EU. It focuses upon the manner in which pension policy has adapted to social and economic change in recent years. No statistical or quantitative analysis is presented and this limits the analysis somewhat. Shaver on the other hand adopts a classic quantitative approach, using a well-established dataset, the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), to revisit the longstanding debate about the merits of universalism and selectivism within the context of income in later life.
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18

O’Connor, Julia S. "Policy coordination, social indicators and the social-policy agenda in the European Union." Journal of European Social Policy 15, no. 4 (November 2005): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928705057289.

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19

Atkinson, A. B. "Social Europe and Social Science." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001428.

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Social policy in the European Union has developed rapidly in recent years, following the 2000 Lisbon Summit and the subsequent adoption of National Action Plans on Social Inclusion and a set of common social indicators for all Member States. This paper describes European initiatives and examines the role played by social science research in these developments. It refers specifically to the role of theory and conceptual analysis, to the availability and quality of data, and to policy modelling. It draws lessons from the experience of European social policy for the relationship between research and policy formation.
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20

Silva, António Martins da. "The European Union and social policy: parameters, perplexities and perspectives." Revista Estudos do Século XX, no. 13 (2013): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_13_9.

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21

WISE, MARK. "Social Policy in the European Union – By L. Hantrais." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 46, no. 3 (June 2008): 719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.00797_5.x.

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22

Antošová, Mária, and Adriana Csikósová. "Influence of European Union Policy to Corporate Social Responsibility." Procedia Economics and Finance 23 (2015): 733–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2212-5671(15)00456-6.

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23

HEPPLE, BOB. "Green Paper: European Social Policy Options for the Union." Industrial Law Journal 23, no. 2 (1994): 180–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ilj/23.2.180.

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24

Fathun, Laode Muhamad. "BREXIT REFERENDUM OF EUROPEAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 01 (July 5, 2020): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i1.193.

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This paper describes the phenomenon Brexit or Britain Exit on the future of EU regionalism and its impact on Indonesia. This paper will explain in detail the reason for the emergence of a number of policies Brexit. Brexit event caused much speculation related to Brexit in the European Union. The policy is considered full controversial, some experts say that Brexit in the European Union (EU) showed the independence of Britain as an independent state. Other hand, that Britain is the "ancestor" of the Europeans was struck with the release of the policy, meaning European history can not be separated from the history of Britain. In fact the above reasons that Britain came out associated with independence as an independent state related to EU policies that are too large, as a result of the policy model is very holistic policy while Britain desire is wholistic policy, especially in the economic, political, social and cultural. In addition, the geopolitical location of the EU headquarters in Brussels who also became the dominant actor in a union policy that demands as EU countries have been involved in the formulation of development policy, including controversial is related to the ration immigrants. Other reason is the prestige associated with the currency. Although long since Britain does not fully adopt the EU rules but there is the possibility in the EU currency union can only occur with the assumption that the creation of functional perfect integration.
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25

Davies, Sara, and Laura Polverari. "Financial Accountability and European Union Cohesion Policy." Regional Studies 45, no. 5 (May 2011): 695–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2010.529118.

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26

Navarro, Vicente, and John Schmitt. "Economic Efficiency versus Social Equality? The U.S. Liberal Model versus the European Social Model." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 4 (October 2005): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/6ljj-hl7h-gf0x-66rc.

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This article begins by challenging the widely held view in neoliberal discourse that there is a necessary trade-off between higher efficiency and lower reduction of inequalities: the article empirically shows that the liberal, U.S. model has been less efficient economically (slower economic growth, higher unemployment) than the social model in existence in the European Union and in the majority of its member states. Based on the data presented, the authors criticize the adoption of features of the liberal model (such as deregulation of their labor markets, reduction of public social expenditures) by some European governments. The second section analyzes the causes for the slowdown of economic growth and the increase of unemployment in the European Union—that is, the application of monetarist and neoliberal policies in the institutional frame of the European Union, including the Stability Pact, the objectives and modus operandi of the European Central Bank, and the very limited resources available to the European Commission for stimulating and distributive functions. The third section details the reasons for these developments, including (besides historical considerations) the enormous influence of financial capital in the E.U. institutions and the very limited democracy. Proposals for change are included.
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27

Villalgordo Pujalte, Borja, and Manuel Hernández Pedreño. "El rol de Europa del Este en el principio de cohesión de la Unión Europea. Hacia una incompleta integración." Áreas. Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales, no. 40 (December 30, 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/areas.409421.

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La Unión Europea viene promoviendo la consecución de la cohesión social y económica desde sus Tratados Constitutivos. El alcance de este objetivo se ha visto ralentizado por varios motivos, como la entrada de los países de Europa del Este que ha supuesto un aumento de la heterogeneidad en la Unión; o por el diferente impacto de la reciente crisis económica en los distintos países. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de convergencia/divergencia de los países de Europa del Este en los parámetros socioeconómicos de la Unión Europea que fomentan la cohesión social y económica. La hipótesis de partida es que estos países han mantenido diferentes ritmos de convergencia con la Unión Europea por conformar un bloque heterogéneo, explicado por varios factores: el tiempo de permanencia en la Unión, la influencia de la Unión Soviética, el impacto de la Estrategia Europa 2020 o la situación de la que partían antes de entrar en la Unión. La metodología empleada es mixta, combinando la entrevista a profesionales con el análisis estadístico de los diferentes comportamientos sociales, económicos y políticos en los países de Europa del Este desde el estallido de la crisis hasta ahora. En la comparativa se consideran tres ámbitos de actuación, correspondientes a las principales áreas que conforman la política social y que se integran como objetivos dentro de la Estrategia Europa 2020 (ingresos, trabajo y educación), al tiempo que se incluye la respuesta institucional ofrecida por los diferentes países. European Union has been promoting the achievement of social and economic cohesion since the Treaty Establishing the European Community. A true embodiment of this goal has been slowed down by several reasons, such as the attachment of Eastern Europe countries that increased the heterogeneity in the European Union; or how European countries dealt with the latest economic recession that took place in 2008. The aim of this paper is to analyse the process of convergence/divergence among Eastern Europe countries and European Union based in a few parameters that foster the economic and social cohesion. The hypothesis is that countries from East of Europe have kept different rates of convergence with the European Union because they shape a heterogeneous group of countries due to several factors: accession year of each country to the European Union, influence of the former Soviet Union, Europe 2020 Strategy’s repercussion or the previous situation where these countries come from before being full members of the European Union. In this paper, a mixed methodology was applied, combining interviews with professionals in different fields of knowledge with the statistical analysis of social, economic and political behaviours in the Eastern European Union countries since the outbreak of the crisis until now. In this comparative, three fields of action have been considered as the main areas that compose social policy and are also integrated in the European 2020 Strategy (incomes, work and education), combined with the institutional response offered by these countries.
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28

Medhurst, John, and Enrico Tortolano. "The Future of the European Union: A Critical Trade Union View." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2009): 626–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i4.229.

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This paper offers a radical critique of the current framework of economic policy within the European Union and its negative effect on social cohesion. It defends the aspirations of the “Social Europe” model but suggests this model is now withering on the vine, not least because employers and governments no longer support it and have withdrawn from genuine social partnership. The paper asserts that the undemocratic nature of European policy making institutions is a fundamental bloc to progressive reform of the EU, and criticises the economic philosophy inherent in the Lisbon Agenda and recent controversial European Court of Justice decisions that have expanded that agenda. Lastly, it sketches some alternatives to this direction of travel, drawn from successful models within and outside Europe.
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29

Bovis, Christopher. "A Social Policy Agenda in European Public Procurement Law and Policy." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 14, Issue 2 (June 1, 1998): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl1998011.

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This article presents the legal regulation of public procurement in the European Union within a broader framework of interrelated policies and in particular social policy. The analysis reveals the public policy interface of public procurement and the socio-economic parameters under which it operates in the Member States.
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30

Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.

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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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31

Egorov, Aleksandr, and Alexandr Petrovsky. "COVID-19 Shock: EU Member’s Social Policy." Contemporary Europe 104, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope42021119128.

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The article analyzes social policies implemented by the European Union member states during the initial period of the coronavirus pandemic. Despite the fact that the whole region faced the same universal threat, the supranational level of decision-making and implementation was practically paralyzed in the European Union at this period. Each member state of the EU had to transform social policies in an attempt to combat spread of the pandemic and mitigate its consequences. Nevertheless, exclusions of essential civil and human rights made to strengthen anti-COVID measures turned out to be major fault lines in the relationship between society and governments.It became evident that the main attention of the state authorities was paid to measures in the field of social (physical) distancing, restrictions in the activities of educational establishments, ensuring access to health services, providing assistance to socially vulnerable groups of the population, including the elderly, the disabled, and the homeless. The authors explore different approaches implemented throughout EU to tackle social and medicalissues created by coronavirus.The main obstacles such as lack of essential resources, including the necessary medical equipment and their causes are highlighted. It is concluded that the European Union member states have not found an optimal response in the social field when they confronted the challenge of the coronavirus pandemic.
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32

Fomina, H. Yu. "EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS IN THE AREA OF SOCIAL POLICY: TASKS AND SYSTEM AT THE PRESENT STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT." Actual problems of native jurisprudence, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/391921.

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The article investigates the current tasks and system of European Union’s institutions in the area of social policy. It is noted that the importance of enhancing social integration at the present stage of European Union development has been steadily increasing, since it is necessary to ensure a high level of employment and social protection, as well as a good education and quality of health, thus overcoming poverty and inequality. It has been established that the emergence of new threats to society, in particular such as international terrorism, uncontrolled and illegal migration, etc. are social in their nature. The aforementioned requires substantial changes in the European Union social policy in order not to collapse under the scope of undertaken obligations. The author identifies the crucial task of European Union and its Member-States, among which are: preservation of the achievements of past years, ensuring social rights and, at the same time, dynamic economic development in the present. Specifically, these tasks determine the European Union’s social agenda, and they can be resolved only with the appropriate coordination of the efforts between European Union institutions and its Member-States. To implement the tasks of the European Union social policy, an extensive system of institutions has been established. Basically, such institutions are divided into two major groups – those that are based on treaties and those that are established by secondary law. The first includes such institutions as the European Council, the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the Court of Justice, the Economic and Social Committee. The second group includes supporting institutions, since they were founded for activities on specific social issues. These are agencies, committees and foundations that are accountable to the European Commission or the Council of the European Union. The distribution of powers in the social sphere between European Union institutions allows the author to conclude that at the present moment Union has sufficiently developed social infrastructure. The absence of a single body concerned with social issues at the pan- European level obliges all European Union institutions to deal with social issues, as well as participate in shaping a unified social space.
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33

Van Iwaarden, M. J. "An Alcohol Policy in the European Union?" Nordisk Alkoholtisdkrift (Nordic Alcohol Studies) 11, no. 5-6 (October 1994): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1455072594011005-609.

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Although the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages in Europe ranks among the highest in the world, resulting in many social and public health problems, measures to create an EU level alcohol control policy are yet to be made. Alcoholic beverages are currently regarded mainly as one product among many other products and the related restrictions are, for the most part, market oriented. The Nordic Countries, the author argues, cannot therefore expect much from EU as regards alcohol policy. Rather, he concludes, it is the other way around. However, Article 129 of the Treaty of Maastricht could perhaps form the basis for a general EU health policy.
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34

Brkic, Luka. "European Union: From social integration to social state." Medjunarodni problemi 56, no. 4 (2004): 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0404447b.

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This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.
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35

Addison, John T., and W. Stanley Siebert. "Recent Developments in Social Policy in the New European Union." ILR Review 48, no. 1 (October 1994): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399404800102.

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This paper assesses the recent progress and future direction of labor policy in the European Community, now the European Union. The authors show that most of the mandates foreshadowed under the December 1989 Community Social Charter have now been enacted into law. They analyze the possible costs, as well as the benefits, of these firstphase mandates and show the link between these adjustment costs and the Community's policy of providing subsidies to its poorer member states. They also demonstrate how the new Treaty on European Union, agreed to at Maastricht in December 1991, has increased the scope for Community-level labor market regulation.
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36

Witkowska, Janina. "European Union Social Policy as an Instrument for Sustainable Development." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 13, no. 4 (February 23, 2011): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10103-009-0049-9.

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This paper undertakes an analysis and assessment of European Union (EU) social policy in the context of the sustainability of the group's social and economic development. The process of Europeanizing EU social policy is not advanced. Thus, the weight of solving social problems primarily rests with member countries. EU social policy is "looser" in character than other EU policies and its scope is limited to those areas where member states were willing to transfer certain prerogatives to European Union level. The EU only supports social policy in the context of the sustainability of the group's social and economic development. The process of Europeanizing EU social policy is not and supplements the actions of member states in the social sphere. At the same time, the EU supports the concept of corporate social responsibility. Corporate social responsibility is defined as the voluntary taking into account by companies of social and environmental matters in their operations and in relations with interested parties.
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37

Doroshenko, Vladimir, J. Robinson, I. Ebert, J. Kubert, K. Schultz, D. Peters, A. Nicklen, R. Keohane, and D. King. "TRANSFORMATIONAL FEATURES OF SOCIAL POLICY OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Pesticide Science and Pest Control 1, no. 1 (July 25, 2022): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.58489/2833-0943.jpspc.1.1.001.

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Statement of the problem: Analysis of the transformational dimension of social policy of the leading countries of the world, identification of the institutional features of the social policy of modern European states, critical generalization of the models and principles of social policy in the European Union is of essential importance.
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38

Rogowski, Ralf. "The European Employment Strategy, the European Social Pillar and their Impact on Labour Law Reform in the European Union." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 35, Issue 3 (August 1, 2019): 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2019014.

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The article provides a critical account of the impact of the European Employment Strategy (EES) on national labour market policies and labour law systems. It gives an overview of the development of the EES from the 1990s until the introduction of the European Social Pillar (ESP) and analyses its impact in the Member States of the European Union. In particular, it highlights the origins of the EES in debates about European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and examines the importance and the specific nature of the new governance approach adopted by the EES and its significance for labour law reform in the Member States. The article argues that the latest stage in the development of European social policy, associated with the introduction of the ESP, has not led to a change in direction in European social and employment law and policy. Despite its rights-based approach, the ESP merely constitutes the latest stage in the development of the EES and continues in its attempt to prioritize labour market policy concerns in reforming labour law. However, the article also argues that the ESP has potential to be the platform for a proper Social Union.
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39

Pochet, Philippe, and Christophe Degryse. "Social Policies of the European Union." Global Social Policy: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Public Policy and Social Development 10, no. 2 (July 21, 2010): 248–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018110366634.

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40

Addison, John T., and W. Stanley Siebert. "Recent Developments in Social Policy in the New European Union." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 48, no. 1 (October 1994): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524623.

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41

Barnard, C., and T. Hervey. "European Union Employment and Social Policy Survey 1996 and 1997." Yearbook of European Law 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 435–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/yel/17.1.435.

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42

Hubin, Joël. "Employment policy in the European Union and fundamental social rights." ERA Forum 8, no. 4 (December 2007): 585–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-007-0038-z.

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43

Morgan, Kimberly J. "European Social Policy Embraces Solidarity in a Crisis." Current History 120, no. 824 (March 1, 2021): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.824.87.

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Governments in Europe responded to the COVID-19 pandemic by expanding their welfare systems to protect health, jobs, and incomes. The varied initiatives embody the principle of solidarity and demonstrate how welfare programs serve as a form of collective insurance against risk. But the twin health and economic crises also exposed gaps in coverage for many, including migrants and gig economy workers. Fiscal austerity, enforced by the European Union, has long constrained efforts to close those gaps.
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44

Anjos, Maria do Rosário. "Free Competition and Fiscal Policy in European Union." Journal of International Business Research and Marketing 6, no. 6 (September 2021): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/jibrm.1849-8558.2015.66.3004.

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Fiscal policy and the harmonization of tax laws are extremely important in order to prevent distortions of free competition in UE. The process of European Union construction is based on integration and liberalization of markets in order a loyal and free competition. This issue is really important in order to crisis superaction. In this context the fiscal policy has a very significant impact on countries economics in EU and on company’s management, especially for those most exposed to globalization. The impact of taxes on free competition, economic growth and employment is quite evident since the EU foundation. So, it would be expected a more significant progress towards fiscal harmonization among EU countries. However, until now the question of tax harmonization had no results. It remains a sensitive question in EU. Almost two decades after the entry of the Euro, after a deep economic crisis that endangered the European project, face to BREXIT, we raised some questions as base to this work: what are the political and institutional limitations to tax harmonization in EU? Why there are no further progress was made in the field of tax harmonization, at least, in company’s income? How does this affect social cohesion? What are the effects on economic and social cohesion? This study intends to reflect on the political and institutional constraints of the tax harmonization, quite necessary to the effective process of economic and social integration within the EU. As methodology, we will use a comparative study about income taxes in several EU countries and the relation to GDP, as well the deductive method to analyze the results we find and some reference studies on the subject. In conclusion, we will present the analyze the results and try to answer to these questions. With this study we pretend give a contribution in order to find an answer to the investigation questions.
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45

do Rosário Anjos, Maria. "Free Competition and Fiscal Policy in European Union." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 1 (2020): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.11.4005.

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Fiscal policy and the harmonization of tax laws are extremely important in order to prevent distortions of free competition in UE. The process of European Union construction is based on integration and liberalization of markets in order a loyal and free competition. This issue is really important in order to crisis superaction. In this context the fiscal policy has a very significant impact on countries economics in EU and on company’s management, especially for those most exposed to globalization. The impact of taxes on free competition, economic growth and employment is quite evident since the EU foundation. So, it would be expected a more significant progress towards fiscal harmonization among EU countries. However, until now the question of tax harmonization had no results. It remains a sensitive question in EU. Almost two decades after the entry of the Euro, after a deep economic crisis that endangered the European project, face to BREXIT, we raised some questions as base to this work: what are the political and institutional limitations to tax harmonization in EU? Why there are no further progress was made in the field of tax harmonization, at least, in company’s income? How does this affect social cohesion? What are the effects on economic and social cohesion? This study intends to reflect on the political and institutional constraints of the tax harmonization, quite necessary to the effective process of economic and social integration within the EU. As methodology, we will use a comparative study about income taxes in several EU countries and the relation to GDP, as well the deductive method to analyze the results we find and some reference studies on the subject. In conclusion, we will present the analyze the results and try to answer to these questions. With this study we pretend give a contribution in order to find an answer to the investigation questions.
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46

Aliu, Dorian, Ayten Akatay, Armando Aliu, and Umut Eroglu. "Public Policy Influences on Academia in the European Union." SAGE Open 7, no. 1 (January 2017): 215824401769516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244017695169.

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The aim of this research is to examine the public policy influences on academic investigations that contain a substantial convergence among human resource management–industrial relations and corporate social responsibility–stakeholder approach by means of using bibliometric and content analyses of relevant publications in the Scopus and ScienceDirect databases. Totally, 160 publications were subject to bibliometric, cluster, and summative content analyses. In this context, this study claims that public policy in the EU influences academic investigations and scholars. The investigation draws attention to the importance of active participation of different public institutions and key stakeholders (e.g., trade unions, works councils, academic associations) that prepare a basis for collaboration, solidarity, and communication for strengthening EU social model, social dialogue, collective bargaining, and the protection of social rights. The research findings illuminate the fact that European public policies have significant effects on shaping and encouraging investigations that are considered within the scope of IR–HRM and CSR–SA. One of the most crucial recommendations of this study is that the investigations which are out of this framework can be considered quite idealistic. Therefore, researchers may attempt to publish more scientific investigations in frame of IR–HRM and CSR–SA to enhance the comprehensiveness and depth of these two clusters.
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47

McCormick, John P. "Habermas, Supranational Democracy and the European Constitution." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 3 (October 2006): 398–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606003981.

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Habermas's normative vision – Strengths and deficiencies – European Union democracy as solution to global problems – Necessity of developing a European civil society – Normative ideal, functional mechanisms, empirical reexamination – Habermas's criticism of Euro-skeptics – Substance-through-procedure mode of social integration – Adequacy of procedural substance questioned – Empirical limits to Habermasian European Union democracy – ‘Multi-segmented governance’ in the European Union – Supranational redistribution? – Legal integration has not facilitated social integration – Scharpf, Weiler, Joerges, Schmitter – Habermas's Sozialstaat principles jeopardized on Union level – Structural obstacle to coordinated European social welfare policy – European politics will resemble Sektoralstaat – Participation, egalitarianism and accountability
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48

Beale, Alison. "Development and ‘Désétatisation’ in European Cultural Policy." Media International Australia 90, no. 1 (February 1999): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909000111.

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An analysis of European cultural policy supports the argument that the European Union (EU) is first and foremost an economic union. This paper traces two policy styles in European cultural policy: one oriented to deregulation and privatisation; the other concentrating on social development. It argues that the creation of de facto cultural policy by the European Commission in its audiovisual policy is an important indicator of the direction of EU cultural policy. The paper examines some of the implications for national cultural sovereignty of both audiovisual policy and the move to deregulation and privatisation in the wider cultural sector. It looks at initiatives of the Council of Europe and UNESCO to establish international cultural policies for social development to counter the effects of globalisation on the cultures of Europe. It concludes that this counter-effort is lagging in the European context, and that the tendency to describe culture as a resource does not help to distance the social agenda from the dominant commercial one.
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49

Stabryła-Chudzio, Katarzyna. "Contribution of the EU Budget to the Implementation of the Social Cohesion Policy of the European Union." Journal of Management and Business Administration. Central Europe 24, no. 2 (June 15, 2016): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7206/jmba.ce.2450-7814.171.

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50

JENSON, JANE. "Modernising the European Social Paradigm: Social Investments and Social Entrepreneurs." Journal of Social Policy 46, no. 1 (July 21, 2016): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279416000428.

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AbstractPolicy perspectives of the European Union as well as those of member states currently link the concepts of social investment and social entrepreneurship in order to advocate both where and how to intervene. The argument of this article is that the explicit linking of these two notions, by policy-makers at several different levels and scales of authority, constitutes an emerging policy paradigm. The article identifies three characteristics of any paradigm, including that a policy paradigm must provide a perspective on the maintenance of the well-being of both society and individuals. Despite variation across countries and levels of authority (a characteristic of any paradigm) policy communities proffer the quasi-concepts of social investment and social entrepreneurship in combination as the appropriate ways to govern financing and the delivery of social investments. Therefore, social enterprises are targeted to receive public financing in order to deliver social investments in activation (training, employability, job support and wage supplements) as well as childcare. Reliance on this assemblage is documented across scales from the local through the national, transnational and international.
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