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Çenberci, Engin. "The Effects of European Economic Crisis to China-European Union Economic Relations." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 3 (June 15, 2012): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/mar2014/60.
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Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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Jokanovic, Nikola. "Contemporary economic relations between China and European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 66, no. 1-2 (2014): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1402035j.
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This paper will discuss the economic relations between the European Union and the People?s Republic of China. The introductory part will make an insight into the position of China in the contemporary global economy. The following part of the paper will analyze China-EU trade relations. The topics included will be a general overview of these relations since their establishing in 1975 as well as the European Union?s attitude towards the Chinese WTO membership. The Sino-EU partnership and competition will also be described and it will be followed by an overview of the Sino-EU High Level Economic and Trade Dialogue (HED). The concluding topics in this part of the paper will include Sino-EU trade flows, perceived obstacles to trade and investment as well as recent trade disputes between two trading partners. The third part of the paper will deal with Sino-EU investment flows (with an emphasis on Chinese investments in EU member states). After the introductory remarks concerning the EU investments originating from China, the paper will shed light on particular EU member states which are preferred for Chinese investment as well as the industries in which Chinese companies are willing to invest. The concluding part of this paper will offer possible development of relations between the EU and China in the near future.
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Inotai, András. "Economic relations between the European Union and China." L'Europe en Formation 370, no. 4 (2013): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.370.0047.
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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "European Union-China Relations and the United States." Asian Perspective 30, no. 4 (2006): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2006.0002.
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Puslecki, Zdzislaw W. "The Need to Establish a New Format for Trade Political Relations between European Union and China." Research in Economics and Management 4, no. 3 (June 12, 2019): p133. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v4n3p133.
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In this research work, Author focus on the analysis the need to establish a new format for trade-political relations between European Union and People Republic of China. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress especially in China, the growth of economic ties with the European Union and the benefits resulting from liberalised of the China foreign trade policy under WTO. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime between EU and China. Their commercial relations are too important to become hostage to political grandstanding or airy rhetoric by politicians performing for domestic galleries. Europe is China’s largest export market, and China now ranks second on Europe’s list of key trading partners. Trade with China dwarfs any other trade relation Europe has with emerging Asia. Disturbing this relationship would have ramifications for sales, growth and employment. The Chinese government is less concerned today about Western criticisms of China’s autocratic system, but the Chinese people have grown more nationalistic and represent a potentially greater threat to commercial relations. Commercial interests in autocratic regimes cause political dilemmas. The main aim of the paper is the presentation the need to establish a new format for trade political relations between European Union and China.
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PEŠEC, MOJCA. "CHINA, SECURITY CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION." KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (October 23, 2020): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.1.
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Povzetek Strateško tekmovanje Evropske unije s Kitajsko je postalo povsem resnično. Kitajski vpliv v Evropi je ekonomski in geopolitičen. Kitajska je postala gospodarski tekmec, ki si prizadeva prevzeti vodilno mesto na področju razvoja tehnologij, želi pa tudi uveljavljati svoj model družbene ureditve in vladanja. Močnejša kitajska ekonomska prisotnost, kulturne in medijske aktivnosti ter dejavnosti vojaške diplomacije so orodja, s katerimi Kitajska uveljavlja svoj vpliv v odnosih z državami v Evropski uniji in v tistih na njenem obrobju. Najpomembnejši izzivi v odnosih med Kitajsko in Evropo so neuravnoteženost naložb v korist Kitajske, prevzemanje evropskih podjetij, predvsem tistih, ki upravljajo strateško pomembno infrastrukturo, ter povečana dejavnost kitajskih oboroženih sil v mednarodnem okolju. Ključne besede Evropska unija, Kitajska, strateško tekmovanje, varnostni izzivi. Abstract The European Union's strategic competition with China has become a reality. China's influence in Europe is both economic and geopolitical. China has become an economic competitor striving to take the lead in technology development, but it also wants to assert its model of social order and governance. China's stronger economic presence, cultural and media activities, and military diplomacy activities are tools with which China is asserting its influence in relations with countries in and around the European Union. The most important challenges in China-Europe relations are the imbalance of investment in favour of China, the takeover of European companies, especially those that manage strategically important infrastructure, and the increased activity of the Chinese armed forces in the international environment. Key words European Union, China, strategic competition, security challenges.
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Danilin, I., Y. Kvashnin, S. Kislitsyn, I. Kobrinskaya, A. Lomanov, and S. Utkin. "European Union – China in the Changing World Composition." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 1 (2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-68-79.
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By 2021, the nature of the key factors that will determine the dynamics of the EU–China relations in the medium term has become clearer. The pandemic accelerated many ongoing processes in the world, revealed “weak points” in national and regional economies and security, and exposed the true intentions of international actors. The authors proceed from the working hypothesis that an ideologized rigid approach with elements of pragmatism will dominate in the EU–China relations in the post-crisis period. The balance in the formula of these relations “partner, competitor, rival” will significantly depend on the position of the United States, as well as the European Union’s compliance with the “bloc discipline”. Competition in the field of technology will be of key importance, but the struggle for political and ideological leadership in the changing world order will also become more acute. The political response of the EU and China to technological challenges will represent a mix of protectionism and neo-techno-nationalism. Politicians in the European Union feel that toughness toward Beijing is well received by the voters. At the same time, the EU member states diverge in their approaches to China, although the efforts are made to harmonise policies both in the European Union and in the transatlantic community. In its turn, the PRC feels more confident in the technological and political competition. The pace of China catching up with the technological abilities of the EU is impressive, though significant gaps remain. Beijing does not have intentions of de-coupling from the West and keeps a strong interest in being present in the EU markets, but it becomes more selective with regard to foreign investments at home. Meanwhile, the global shift of world politics to Asia will require adjustment on the part of the European Union. A possible approach already tested in expert discussions is further engagement with trading partners and blocs in the region, especially the newly established Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. The EU–China relations and their influence, in particular, on Russia were the subject of case study organized by the Center for Situational Analysis of IMEMO RAN. For details see: Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, 2021, no. 2. (Available at: https:// www.afjournal.ru/index.php?page_id=464#).
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Kuna-Marszałek, Anetta. "Perspectives of trade relations between the European Union and China." Equilibrium 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2009.013.
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Over the last two decades, ties between China and the EU have developed into one of the most dynamic bilateral relationships in the global economy. The EU is China’s important trading partner and growing amounts of European investment are pouring into the booming Chinese economy. European companies believe that more open, democratic and law-abiding China will be a better partner. On the other hand, China wants to learn from the European experience and is keen to have access to the EU’s wide market. Those are reasons why both partners try to find better ways to communicate on the global stage. The goal of the article is to identify directions of future cooperation between the EU and China and to explain their aims for the relationships. The Author also gives an impression of how they see each other policy and provides an overview of what is still the main part of bilateral relations.
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Kamiñski, Tomasz. "The Sub-state Dimension of the European Union Relations with China." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 3 (October 1, 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019030.
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Regional governments across the world actively participate in international relations. They open trade and cultural missions abroad, join international networks of cooperation, and sign treaties and agreements with their partners from other countries. Relationships at regional and local levels have moderated rising tensions between states that might otherwise paralyse global governance. Fast growing networks of sub-state contacts in Sino-European affairs create new opportunities for the European Union (EU) to advance European interests, norms and values. Unfortunately, acknowledgement, by Brussels, of such potential political instruments is limited. The main goal of this article is to show how the EU could benefit from growing substate connections with China. This article begins with an explanation, based upon a survey conducted among regional authorities from the five EU Member States, of the phenomenon of fast-growing cooperation on the sub-state level between Europe and China (Germany, France, Italy, Poland, and Spain). Next, this study identifies, through interviews with the European External Action service (EEAS), the European Commission (EC) officials and the regional authorities, EU activities that promote collaborations on ‘the third level’ of its relations with China. The research concludes with suggestions of possible ways Europe could benefit from further development of sub-state contacts with China.
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Arezina, Sanja. "New relations of the European Union and China: Friends or frenemies?" Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 173 (2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073077a.
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After the promotion of ?Made in China 2025? initiative and the beginning of US President Donald Trump?s tenure in power, in US and whole world there has been a rising negative attitude towards Chinese presence. The launch of a US-China ?trade war? and the closure of the US market for Chinese direct investment and product coincided with growing discontent of EU member states over the treatment that European companies have had at the Chinese market. As a result, there has been a change of the positive perception of the PR China by the EU member states, that was created mainly by strong inflow of Chinese investments and assistance within the ?One Belt, One Road? initiative, into a negative perception that is now forming policy changes and introduction of protectionist measures towards Chinese direct investments in European market. In this article, the author talks about the different perceptions (positive and negative) that have been formed in the PR China within the EU, the factors that have influenced the change in the perception of EU member countries towards the PR China and the consequences on the dynamics of the development of different policies at EU level. To be able to prove the basic hypothesis that Brussels, unlike the US, still shows some pragmatism by making policy changes moderate enough that the EU can remain loyal to open market principles while preventing these principles from becoming strategic vulnerability, the author uses the structural-functionalist analysis, induction, and deduction.
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Möller, Kay. "Diplomatic Relations and Mutual Strategic Perceptions: China and the European Union." China Quarterly 169 (March 2002): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000037.
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Torney, Diarmuid. "Challenges of European Union Climate Diplomacy: The Case of China." European Foreign Affairs Review 19, Special Issue (August 1, 2014): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2014024.
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Debates on EU external relations among scholars and policy-makers have often lamented the lack of coherence and inability of the EU to 'speak with one voice'. This article, by contrast, focuses on the ability of the EU to use diplomatic capacity to understand the preferences and domestic politics of third countries. This aspect of EU external relations has been somewhat neglected in both academic and policy debates thus far, and the article uses the case of EU engagement with China on climate to illustrate its importance. EU-China engagement on climate change has resulted in a range of bilateral cooperation activities, but has delivered less for the EU in terms of developing a better European understanding of the preferences and domestic politics of climate change in China. The article further discusses how particular institutional challenges have constrained the EU's climate diplomacy, including vertical and horizontal fragmentation and a lack of institutional capacity on the part of the EU.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.
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The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
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Smith, Michael, and Huaixian Xie. "The European Union and China: The Logics of 'Strategic Partnership'." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 4 (November 17, 2010): 432–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i4.277.
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This article argues that three key logics drive the European Union’s search for a ‘strategic partnership’ with China. The first part develops an argument about the logics of ‘strategic partnerships’ in EU external policy. The second part explores the development of EU strategies towards China since the mid-1990s, with reference to key official documents and statements, and examines the motivations for declaration of a ‘strategic partnership’ with China in 2003. The third part looks at the evidence for such a partnership in EU-China economic and diplomatic relations, and assesses the negotiations for a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. The conclusions revisit and re-assess the arguments, and place them into a broader context.
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Mat Yazid, Mohd Noor. "Indonesian Relations with the Eastern Europe, Soviet Union and China before 1965: Systemic and Domestic Factors." Review of European Studies 8, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n3p253.
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<p>This article discusses the Indonesian relations with Eastern Europe Communist states, Soviet Union and China Communists before 1965 and how the systemic and domestic factors influenced Indonesian decision. Indonesian foreign relation was closer to communist state after President Sukarno’s official visits to Moscow and Beijing in 1956. Why President Sukarno foreign relations closer to communist states? What was the international political situation that influenced Sukarno to lean to East bloc? What was the domestic situation that influenced Sukarno to do so? Why Indonesian closer relation with the communist not began earlier than 1956? Among the main discussions in this article are: the Indonesian-Soviet Union relations, Indonesian-China relations, Communist ideology and Indonesian relations with Eastern European Communists states. Indonesian relations with Communists state changed dramatically after the Indonesian Coup of September 1965 and the collapsed of President Sukarno and the formation of “new order” regime under Suharto in Indonesia. The changes of domestic politics in Indonesia after September 1965 strongly influenced the Indonesian relations with the Communists states.</p>
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Segal, Gerald. "Coping with the Soviet Union: the European and Chinese experience." Review of International Studies 12, no. 4 (October 1986): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011383x.
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China and western Europe share a common concern—their powerful neighbour the Soviet Union. Yet it is only in the past three years that Chinese and west European attitudes towards the Soviet Union have begun to converge. The absence of any previous Sino-European agreement on the role of, and reaction to, the Soviet Union has primarily been due to the vagaries of Chinese policy. Despite Chinese assertions and west European self-flagellation, in the past 35 years the west has been stable and largely secure, whereas China has been changeable and largely insecure. Yet despite recent converging trends in Sino-west European views of the Soviet Union, there are important reasons why both China and western Europe will continue to differ in how they meet the Soviet challenge.
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Zha, Daojiong. "Energy security in China–European Union relations: framing further efforts of collaboration." Contemporary Politics 21, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 308–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2015.1061246.
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Meissner, Werner. "Cultural Relations between China and the Member States of the European Union." China Quarterly 169 (March 2002): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000116.
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Griese, Olaf. "EU-China relations–an assessment by the communications of the European union." Asia Europe Journal 4, no. 4 (October 10, 2006): 545–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-006-0087-x.
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Pacheco Pardo, Ramon. "Security relations between China and the European Union: from convergence to cooperation?" European Security 26, no. 2 (February 19, 2017): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2017.1290605.
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He, Mingjun. "China - EU: legal framework and trade cooperation at the present stage." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-1-72-82.
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Relations between the EU and China are of global importance, and these ties are likely to expand in the coming years. Analyzing the trade relations between the EU and China in 2009-2018, the author notes their activation and at the same time the growth of instability and imbalance. The main purpose of this article is to answer the question, what are the success factors and problems of cooperation in the field of mutual trade, in order to identify the conditions that can play an important role in the process of strengthening bilateral ties between China and the European Union. According to the author, China and the European Union, taken together, can become engines of a more cooperative approach to world politics, global stability and regional economic prosperity.
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Vinogradova, Elizaveta Andreevna, and Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova. "Transregionalism in relations between Latin America and the European Union." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-B (May 31, 2021): 297–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-b923p.297-304.
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Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.
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Noesselt, Nele. "The European Union and Chinas Multidimensional Diplomacy: Strategic Triangulation?" European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Special Issue (October 1, 2016): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016031.
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Security constellations in East Asia are often reduced to bilateral competition and territorial or maritime disputes. In this vein, the focus generally lies on the perceived military rise of China and the assumed unavoidable assertive turn in its foreign strategy. This article argues that neorealist interpretations of security issues in East Asia and the role of China that start from the level of bilateral relations tend to overlook the complexity of contemporary multi-player interactions. The European Union (EU) is often excluded from the cartographic mapping of the island disputes in the East and the South China Sea. This, and the modification of China’s security strategy under the fifth generation of Chinese leaders, might allow Europe to position itself as a ‘new’ mediator. A European diplomatic intervention would be the only way for the EU to avoid being trapped in the security spirals evolving in East Asia as a passive ‘follower’.
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UMBACH, Frank. "EU–China Relations at a Crossroads: Decoupling or a European “Sinatra Doctrine”?" East Asian Policy 13, no. 01 (January 2021): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000040.
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The EU–China relations have already changed significantly since 2019. Despite the deeply intertwined technology supply chains between the European Union (EU) and China, the EU could neither ignore Beijing’s new aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy nor could it capitalise on just the US–Chinese rivalry and mutual sanctions policy as wider transatlantic economic and security interests are at stake. China’s economic challenges are only part of a wider systemic competition and strategic rivalry globally and even in Europe.
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Rinna, Anthony V. "The Beijing–Minsk Partnership and Belarus’s Role in China’s Economic Relations with the European Union." China Report 57, no. 1 (February 2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520984756.
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China’s deepening ties with the Republic of Belarus, combined with the latter’s geographic position between the EU and Russia (the veritable leader of the Eurasian Economic Union), stands to potentially benefit China’s bid to deepen economic cooperation with the European Union. More specifically, enhanced collaboration between Beijing and Minsk helps the PRC develop relations with the Eurasian Economic Union (essential to China’s ambitions to augment cooperation with Europe) while simultaneously providing a geographic avenue for China into the central and eastern European regions of the EU for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Nevertheless, the degree to which Beijing’s stronger relations with Minsk will serve Chinese interests in connecting with Europe will depend in large on whether or not Belarus and the EU can overcome significant differences in their relationship, as well as whether the relationship between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union (as a partner of the BRI) takes on a cooperative or a competitive nature.
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Singh Vishnoi, Apoorva, and Amandeep Kaur Bajwa. "EU-China Agreement on Investment: Lessons for India from the Sino-European Model." Global Trade and Customs Journal 17, Issue 7/8 (July 1, 2022): 338–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2022047.
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The European Union (EU) is the biggest source of outbound investment in the world and China is one of the top recipients of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) is a unique international investment agreement that reflects the evolving economic relations of the EU and China and their strategic partnership. It also serves as one of the latest examples of the ever-evolving legal approach of the EU concerning international investment, particularly the dispute settlement mechanism in the CAI. This is why CAI might hold lessons for India, which also has a complex experience with its international investment agreements (IIAs), particularly the dispute settlement. Against this background, this article critically examines the dispute settlement provision of the CAI, its implications and lessons for India in the wake of renegotiation of the India-EU Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA). dispute settlement, international economic law, international investment agreements, European Union-China relations, Indian Model BIT, trade and investment law
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Yang, Yifan. "After Brexit: The Certainty and Uncertainty of China-EU Relations in Academic Discourse." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 1 (March 1, 2020): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020004.
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This article examines the Chinese scholars’ perceptions of China-European Union (EU) relations in the context of Brexit, with a focus on the future of European integration, the economic and political challenges of post-Brexit China-EU relations at both unit and global levels and China’s policy choices towards the EU. In line with the views of their Western peers, this article finds that Chinese scholars hold an optimistic attitude towards a post-Brexit EU and China-EU relations in general, though they believe that Chinese policymakers must consider Chinese foreign policy dealing with a more conservative EU after Brexit. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that China calls for a multipolar world with its close cooperation with a post- Brexit EU. Certainty and uncertainty, China-EU relations, Brexit, Academic Discourse
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Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka. "The Implications of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor for Pakistan–European Union Relations." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 24, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20202402.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Pagán Sánchez, Antonio José. "The rise of China and the US-Europe alliance drift in the 2010s: A lost decade for the European Union?" Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 03 (January 28, 2022): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp71-93.
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The United States and its allies within the European Union have been unable to forge a common response to deal with the rise of China. Even though China’s growing global presence might undermine the international position of the United States, Washington’s European allies have sometimes refused to close ranks with their American ally. And more importantly, European engagement with China during the last decade has lacked internal consistency and cohesion, to the point that the European Union has rarely been the relevant actor when it comes to shaping Europe-China relations. This is the conclusion reached by this paper after analyzing the EU’s behavior on the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Belt and Road Initiative, the adoption of Huawei’s 5G technology and the consideration of China as a threat within NATO’s framework. The European Commission has been unwilling or unable to unite the member states around a common position on these four cases. However, the findings of this article also support the idea that an embryonic model of strategic autonomy was already underway during the last decade, and that the growing awareness within the EU about the importance and implications of China’s rise brings new geopolitical opportunities for the union.
Received: 28 July 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
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Batsenko, Liudmyla, Roman Halenin, and Wang Haibo. "Current status of human resource management in China and EU." VUZF Review 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.21.2.10.
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This paper studies the situation of human resource management in the construction industry between China and the European Union. According to the analysis, it shows the importance of human resource management. It summarizes the current situation and existing problems of human resource management in China and the European Union. Corresponding measures are proposed to facilitate the sustainable and healthy development of human resource management.
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the EU, bilateral relations have developed smoothly. Later, the two parties established a strategic partnership. Subsequently, trade cooperation in various fields continued to develop. China proposes to implement the "One Belt One Road" initiative, and the European Union actively participates in the "One Belt One Road" framework agreement. The two parties' research on human resource management in the construction industry will be of great significance to promote further in-depth cooperation between the two parties in the field of construction and human resource management, and to expand and create a broader development space.
Suggested deepen the reform of teaching content and curriculum system in accordance with the modern development of human resources. Emphasized that education investment for developing human resources and improving the quality of workers is not a simple consumption, but a long-term productive investment. emphasis is placed on the personnel appraisal system establishment of its the guarantee for the stability of the management staff.
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Martynov, Andrii. "The European Union in the postmodern system of international relations." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.2.
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In the history of international relations, discussions continue on the definition of criteria and chronological boundaries of different systems of international relations. The purpose of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical problems of positioning the European Union in the postmodern system of international relations. The Modern period was characterized by a block approach to security. The postmodern system of international security is based on a combination of hierarchical and network characteristics of the international system. The sovereign states of the European Union are often critical of each other, although this fact may for some time be masked by the need for solidarity in relations with the outside world and its risks. As soon as the factor of identity or proximity of interests is leveled off, the motives for concerted joint action disappear. Real politics is also influenced by the idea of European integration of many speeds. Following the enlargement of the EU to 28 member states (before the withdrawal of the United Kingdom), the core of European integration (the six founding members of the European Communities) and the concentric circles touching the core stood out. The accession of new EU member states to the highest achievements of European integration is possible at different speeds. Neutral EU countries such as Finland and Sweden have responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine by applying to join NATO. The United States still has a special consolidating role in the alliance. The postmodern multipolar system of international relations will consist of several hierarchical structures. First, it will be transformed military-political blocs, and secondly, networks of interaction between states that are regional leaders in their regions. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has consolidated the European Union and the United States. The Euro-Atlantic space is in fact a consolidated pole of power in the postmodern system of international relations. The United Kingdom is ensuring the expansion of the Euro-Atlantic space through the AUCUS into the Pacific. The postmodern system of international relations is multipolar. It is not limited to bipolar US-China confrontation. In the postmodern system of international relations, the European Union is not only a pole of power, but also its typological symbol.
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Kopiński, Dominik. "China and the European Union in Africa. Partners or competitors?" Journal of Contemporary African Studies 32, no. 1 (September 18, 2013): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2013.836884.
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Pakulin, V. S. "The European Union, the Eurasian Economic Union, and China: Problems and Prospects for Participation in the Greater Eurasian Partnership." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 391–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-391-397.
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The article features the role of the EU in the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), a common geo-economic area in Eurasia proposed by Russian President Vladimir Putin at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum in 2016. The author assessed the prospect of cooperation between the EU, China, and the Russian Federation on a bilateral level, including the GEP concept. The author sees no premises for establishing Greater Eurasia at present: the interactions between China and the EU and between China and Russia as part of The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are independent of each other. If relations between the Russian Federation and the EU ever return to normalcy, the parties can begin a multilateral cooperation in the field of infrastructure construction in Eurasia, e.g., multimodal transportation systems, as well as in the investment sector, e.g., the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
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Witkowska, Janina. "The Attitudes of the European Union and China Towards Foreign Direct Investment: Implications for Bilateral Relations." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 22, no. 3 (August 19, 2019): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2019-0024.
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The aim of this paper is to discuss new trends that have occurred in the policies of the EU and China towards foreign direct investment (FDI), to examine some implications of the EU‑China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) – which is currently being negotiated – for their bilateral relations, and to assess the role which China’s “One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative might play in its relations with the new EU Member States. The EU established freedom of capital movement with third countries; however, the introduction of the common investment policy has encountered some obstacles. These are related to investor protection and ISDS issues. In turn, China is carrying out an independent state policy towards foreign investment with limited liberalization of FDI flows. The negotiated EU‑China CAI is expected to create conditions conducive to bilateral foreign investment flows, and it might bring positive effects for their economies in the future. However, the progress made thus far in the negotiations is still limited. The relations between China and the new EU Member states (CEE countries) are characterized by common interests in the field of FDI flows. The new EU countries are interested in attracting Chinese FDI and seem not to show the fears that have arisen in the old EU countries.
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Chen, Zhimin. "China, the European Union and the Fragile World Order." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 54, no. 4 (April 12, 2016): 775–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12383.
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Atay, Erhan, and Sudi Apak. "An Overview of GDP and Internet Banking Relations in the European Union Versus China." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 99 (November 2013): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.10.469.
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Fulda, Andreas. "The Emergence of Citizen Diplomacy in European Union–China Relations: Principles, Pillars, Pioneers, Paradoxes." Diplomacy & Statecraft 30, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2019.1557419.
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Hasmath, Reza, and Una Berzina-Cerenkova. "Cyber Technology and the European Union’s Gestaltian Approach to China." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (June 16, 2022): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17431.2.
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Contemporary European Union (EU) and China relations are marked by a simultaneously beneficial, conflictual and competitive partnership. This is aptly evident in the cyber technology realm. This paper contends that the European Union’s gestaltian approach towards China can be understood with the aid of three theoretical positions: (1) an institutional perspective; (2) as a values-based actor; and, (3) a realpolitik dimension. The arguments advanced in the paper, ultimately imply that the EU’s approach towards China can provide various EU domestic and global actors’ space to exploit contradictions, notably when it comes to cyber technology diplomacy. This has the attendant effect of fostering future fissures in the EU’s overall engagement with China.
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Hasmath, Reza, and Una Berzina-Cerenkova. "Cyber technology and the European Union’s gestaltian approach to China." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (February 10, 2022): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17431.1.
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Contemporary European Union (EU) and China relations are marked by a simultaneously beneficial, conflictual and competitive partnership. This is aptly evident in the cyber technology realm. This paper contends that the European Union’s gestaltian approach towards China can be understood with the aid of three theoretical positions: (1) an institutional perspective; (2) as a values-based actor; and, (3) a realpolitik dimension. The arguments advanced in the paper, ultimately imply that the EU’s approach towards China can provide various EU domestic and global actors’ space to exploit contradictions, notably when it comes to cyber technology diplomacy. This has the attendant effect of fostering future fissures in the EU’s overall engagement with China.
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Elamiryan, R. G. "Russia and the European Union in Post-Soviet Space: In Search of Cooperative Co-Existence (the Case of Armenia)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-405-412.
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The article introduces the prospects of cooperative co-existence for Russia and the European Union in former Soviet republics within the current confrontation paradigm. It describes their foreign policies, strategies, and interests in the post-Soviet space. The author applied discourse and case-study analyses to the case of Armenia. The authentic idea of cooperative co-existence was projected on the relations between Russia and the European Union in post-Soviet countries. In Armenia, cooperative co-existence could be a win-win strategy, beneficial for all actors involved. The case of Armenia proved the possibility of a collaborative co-existence between Russia and the European Union in the post-Soviet space, the risk factors being the policies of small Caucasian states, the USA, China, and Turkey.
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Lai, Suetyi. "Just another Chinese city? Hong Kong’s post-1997 role to the European Union." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0031.
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Purpose By overviewing the role of Hong Kong to the European Union (EU), the world’s largest economic bloc and a key global actor, the purpose of this paper is to understand any change in international prominence and status of Hong Kong after two decades of its sovereignty return. Design/methodology/approach It is based on analysis of statistics, government discourses and official documents. Findings Main findings are that although the function of Hong Kong as an entrepot of China–EU trade and the ranking of the city as the EU’s trade partners have both diminished, the city sustains its roles as a platform to enter Mainland China, a regional hub in Asia, a major international capital market, a diplomatic counterpart and a partner in socio-cultural aspects to the EU. This paper agrees with the EU’s view that continuous well-functioning of Hong Kong under “One Country, Two System” serves stake of the Union which is keen on helping the SAR to ensure its high autonomy. Yet, the determinants remain Hong Kong and Beijing Governments, which have been and should continue to make use of Hong Kong’s closer tie with the mainland to promote international importance of both the city and China. Originality/value Research on relations between Hong Kong and the EU has been few, especially so in the past decades. This paper serves as a stock-take of the most recent developments in Hong Kong–EU relation.
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Saputra, M. Dudi Hari. "ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF ASEAN (INDONESIA) + CHINA AFTER AIIB." Jurnal Dinamika Global 2, no. 01 (December 1, 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v2i01.30.
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This paper purpose is to predict Economic Relations of ASEAN(Indonesia) + China After AIIB (the Asian InfrastructureInvestment Bank), answering economic crisis questioned that hitthe United States and the European Union in 2009 and is still inthe recovery process until now, and has made many of Asiancountries particularly East Asia such as China began adiversification of market and investment destination and increaseeconomic cooperation to the other regions (ASEAN), particularlyIndonesia. Therefore, at first, this paper tries to analyze Chinaeconomic relations with Indonesia. Second, the effective rate ofChina trade and investment in Indonesia. Third, prediction ofIndonesia and China economic situation after AIIB cooperation.Indonesia relate governance with national policy, which will becorrelated with the level of supranational/regionalintergovernmental (regionalism and integration) which aims,among others; financial sector to stimulate research anddevelopment, increase the spread of technology, reducingmanagerial differences in running the business and implementinga system to change for the better.
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Жемелінська, Євгенія, and ХунСун Ліу. "CHINA – SERBIA COOPERATION: RESTRICTIONS AND CHALLENGES." Молодий вчений, no. 10 (98) (October 31, 2021): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32839/2304-5809/2021-10-98-39.
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China occupies an important position in Serbia's actual diplomatic strategy. Considering that the prospect of joining the European Union is one of the four major challenges for the future development of China-Serbia cooperation, the research objectives of this article is to focus on the limitations and challenges of China-Serbia relations. The author puts forward four major challenges facing China-Serbia cooperation: EU membership, global politics, trade restrictions, and cultural differences. Collecting data from the secondary sources, research papers and interviews from people in decision-making structures, with a focus on Serbia, this paper offers a reading of the opportunities to be explored as to the major challenges ad restrictions of Sino-Serbian relations.
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Martínez San Millán, Carmen. "The cooperation agreements within the belt and road initiative: The european common commercial policy at crossroads." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 03 (January 28, 2022): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-03-2022pp51-69.
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To carry out Chinese investments in third countries under the Belt and Road Initiative, the China is currently concluding numerous cooperation agreements called Memorandums of Understanding with its objective States, including European Union Member States. These Memorandums of Understanding are international agreements, but not international treaties as such, which implies that these documents may not lead to rights and obligations under International Law. However, every Memorandum of Understanding signed between China and a European Member States should be interpreted in accordance with European Law. The problem is that Member States are presumably violating different instruments of this legal framework as well as the European Union Common Commercial Policy, which is an exclusive competence of this international organization, if we interpret that these cooperation agreements are masking free trade agreements. This paper aims to analyse this possible interpretation and its consequences for the European Union, as these agreements entail a weakening of the European trade and investment power and put the European Common Commercial Policy at crossroads.
Received: 10 May 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021
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Brown, Scott A. W. "Anything But Arms? Perceptions, the European Union and the Arms Embargo on China." Journal of Contemporary European Research 7, no. 1 (May 31, 2011): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v7i1.306.
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This article examines the debate that emerged in the European Union (EU) in late 2003 and ran to mid-2005 on the possibility of lifting the arms embargo imposed on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since June 1989. It seeks to offer a more nuanced explanation of the developments in the EU’s arms embargo policy towards China than has been put forward in the existing literature to date, which makes assumptions about the motivations of certain actors. To do so, it examines how the perceptions of key policymakers in the EU and two of its Member States – France and the United Kingdom (UK) – influenced their positions in the debate. The article argues that an account focusing on the variation in perceptions between actors and consequently divergent policy preferences through close process-tracing of the development of the policy facilitates a more nuanced explanation of the proceedings of the debate.
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Ciborek, Przemysław. "The People’s Republic of China as a ‘Pillar’ in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Serbia during COVID-19 Pandemic." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.08.
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In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.
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Stanojević, Savo, and Bin Qiu. "A study on the impact of EU membership on Sino-CEEC trade in the context of the 17+1 cooperation mechanism." International Review, no. 1-2 (2022): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/intrev2202069s.
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This study examines trade relations between the 17 Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) and China, which are members of the 17+1 Cooperation mechanism. Given that some CEECs are not members of the European Union, while others are, this study aims to examine the impact of EU membership on their trade relations with China. The analysis of the data shows that countries that are EU members tend to have a larger volume of trade, as well as a larger range of products that are traded. In contrast, higher growth rates of trade between non-EU CEEEs and China could indicate that EU membership is hampering Sino-CEEC trade. Finally, econometric analysis, based on the gravity model, suggests that EU membership has a positive and significant contribution to Sino-CEEC trade.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03.
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The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.