Journal articles on the topic 'European Union – Presidents'
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1
Selmayr, Martin. "„One too much“: Europa braucht einen (nicht zwei) Präsidenten – ein Plädoyer für mehr Effizienz, geopolitische Glaubwürdigkeit und demokratische Legitimation an der Spitze der Europäischen Union." integration 44, no. 4 (2021): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-4-318.
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The executive of the European Union (EU) is currently led by two Presidents: the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council. This double Presidency is the result of a compromise between the supranational and the intergovernmental schools of thoughts at the European Convention 2002/2003. However, in practice, the interplay of the two Presidents and their competencies, which are not always clearly separated by the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, occasionally leads to inefficiencies or even conflict in the external representation of the EU. This is why former Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proposed, on 13 September 2017, to merge the functions of the two Presidents by always electing the President of the Commission as President of the European Council. The article explains the rationale of the Juncker proposal, which has the potential to make the EU easier to understand for its citizens and more efficient geopolitically, while overcoming the artificial distinction between national and European interests in the leadership of the Union. The current debate about the future of the EU and its more effective positioning in global affairs appears to be a good moment to look again at the Juncker proposal, which could be implemented without the need to change the Treaties.
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Beyers, Jan, and Bart Kerremans. "Relativiteit en succes van een Europees voorzitterschap : Het Belgisch voorzitterschap van naderbij bekeken." Res Publica 36, no. 2 (June 30, 1994): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i2.18745.
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The Belgian Presidency is generally seen as being a success. On many difficult questions, the Belgians succeeded in forging compromises between the member states. There is a risk however, that the apparent successes of this Presidency will lead to an over-estimation of the role which a EU-president can play. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to its limits and possibilities. It can help to relativize the Belgian presidency and to improve insights into the potential role of EU-presidents within the decision-making of the European Union.
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Lähteenmäki, Maria. "A Political Profile of Tarja Halonen, the First Finnish Female President." Journal of Finnish Studies 20, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.20.2.03.
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Abstract Neither historiographers nor social scientists have paid much attention to the position of women among the highest political elite, as heads of state and especially as presidents. Such women are rare: there are few female presidents, and their role is often ceremonial. At the end of 2016, there were four female presidents in the nineteen republics belonging to the European Union. Yet female presidency is a very important theme from the perspective of women's roles in politics, the trend toward gender equality, and female empowerment in society. This article takes a look at Finland's first female president, Tarja Halonen, who held office from March 2000 to February 2012. The Finnish president still has real political power, which makes this topic particularly interesting. On the one hand, the article examines the profile that emerged of President Tarja Halonen and the reflection of her gender in her work as president. On the other hand, the article looks to see whether she succeeded in challenging the male institution of the president to change, and whether she was able to fracture the glass ceiling that still exists between women—even in Europe—and the highest echelons of political power.
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Rudik, Oleksandr. "The new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024: striving for more at home and in the world." Public administration and local government 45, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/102023.
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The article explores the new working methods of the European Commission for 2019 – 2024, which were presented by the President Ursula von der Leyen in her Communication to Commission on December 1, 2020. It clarifies the importance of the Commission’s new working methods in the context of the internal and external environment of EU-27 functioning, as well as the President’s ambitious goal, who wants «the next five years to be an opportunity for Europe to strive for more at home in order to lead in the world». According to the author of the article, the ambitions of the current Commission are due to three additional factors: the gender composition of the Commission (the President of the Commission is the first woman in this position in the EU history, and about half of the members are women), a fundamentally new internal and external environment which forms under the influence of the Brexit impact, as well as the need to reaffirm the role of the European Commission as a driving force in the European integration process, especially against the background of problems with compliance to the fundamental principles of the EU by a number of Member States, including post-communist ones. It is concluded that the Commission’s new working methods are designed to make this institution strong and fair, capable of working together to implement the provisions of the «Agenda for Europe» proposed by the President of the Commission. To this end, Ursula von der Leyen introduces a number of novelties to the way the Commission works, notably with regards to the role of the Executive Vice-Presidents, the High Representative / Vice-President, Vice-Presidents and Commissioners’ Groups; the creation of the Group for External Coordination; the role of the Secretariat-General in supporting the Executive Vice-Presidents and the Vice-Presidents; the Commission’s follow-up to European Parliament Resolutions based on Article 225 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; the introduction of the digital transformation objective and an open, inclusive and cooperative way of working.
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BLONDEL, J. "‘Presidentialism’ in the Ex-Soviet Union." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000223.
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AbstractWhen the Soviet Union fell in 1990, three of its 15 components, the Baltic States, joined the European Union, and a fourth, Moldova, may well join in the future. The other 11 quickly became presidential republics, following the lead given by Boris Yeltsin, the president of the largest among them, Russia. By 1994, all 11 were headed by a president elected by universal suffrage. These ex-Soviet countries contribute significantly to the number of presidential republics in the world. Presidential republics form a clear majority, being predominant in Latin America and Africa, alongside the ex-Soviet Union. They are rare in Europe, the main cases being France, Romania, and, though seemingly temporarily, some Balkan states; in Asia, outside the ex-Soviet Union, they are a small minority.Like many presidential republics elsewhere, those in the ex-Soviet Union are mostly authoritarian, but with variations: this is primarily so in Central Asia, as well as in Azerbaijan and Belarus. These presidencies have been very stable, with some of their leaders, especially in Central Asia, being repeatedly re-elected, often without opposition. There has been a regular turnover in Armenia (but less so in Georgia) and in Ukraine (but not in Belarus). The Russian case is peculiar, as is well known: Putin became prime minister because he could no longer be constitutionally re-elected as president, at least without a break. The power of these presidents has varied over time: outside Central Asia (except Kyrgyzstan) and Azerbaijan, where they have been uniformly strong, their strength has declined in Georgia, increased in Russia and Belarus, and had ups and downs in Armenia and Ukraine.
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Senchenko, Mykola. "The invisible war of nations and oligarchies." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 2 (February 23, 2022): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2022.2(307).3-10.
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There is an inviolable rule in the European Union: only citizens of the titular nation can become presidents, prime ministers and chancellors. Unfortunately, Ukraine has taken a different path in recent years. He found that deviation from this rule causes irreparable damage to the economy and politics of our state. The latest research shows that only nationalists are able to build a new Ukraine. If we analyze the oligarchs who are plundering Ukraine, it becomes clear that the majority, including former prime ministers and presidents, are representatives of other nationalities.
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Pomfret, Richard. "The European Union and Central Asia: Economic development and trade." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol14.iss2.15833.
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This paper analyses EU-Central Asia trade and EU economic assistance to Central Asia. Some EU companies have had a high profile in individual countries or in energy projects (reflected in trade relations between parent and host country), but overall EU companies have lagged the higher profile of Russian companies and the increasing Chinese economic presence. Central Asia had low priority in EU external economic policies towards Soviet successor states. After 2007 the EU became more active in designing a Central Asia strategy, but funding has been limited and the impact small. A significant development for EU-Central Asian economic relations has been the expansion of Eurasian rail services. This has a firm economic foundation and, if currently important routes are disrupted by events in Russia, alternatives will be found. The paper concludes with discussion of prospects for EU-Central Asian relations with new presidents in Uzbekistan since 2016 and Kazakhstan since 2019.
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Mangiameli, Stelio. "COVID-19 AND EUROPEAN UNION – THE ANSWER TO THE HEALTH CRISIS AS A WAY FOR RESUMING THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION." HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 66–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i2.39.
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The essay starts from a comparison in the European Union between the economic and financial crisis of 2009 and the health crisis of 2020, due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the scarce capacity of Member States and European institutions to carry out the recovery of the economic European condition and transformation of the European government system after the 2009 crisis, despite the indications of the Commission's Blueprint (of 2012) and of the Report of the five presidents (of 2015). On the other hand, in the face of the health crisis, the reaction of the European institutions seemed more decisive with the creation of various instruments to combat the economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. These include in particular the Recovery fund - Next Generation EU, linked to the 2021-2027 MFF. The reaction to the pandemic shows the possibilities of the European Union to create a community of States in solidarity and with its own identity also in the international scenario. However, it is by no means certain that this idea can prevail over the one that sees the European Union as simply a free trade organization between the Member States. The decisions that will be taken in the Conference on the future of Europe between 2021 and 2022 appear to be decided to define the evolution of the European Union.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Mamadouh, Virginie. "One union, two speakers, three presidents, and… 500 million EU citizens: The European Union and the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize." Political Geography 42 (September 2014): A1—A3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2013.06.002.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro, Karoline Färber, and Anni Boiro. "Mitterrand and the Great European Design—From the Cold War to the European Union." Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0013.
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AbstractFrançois Mitterrand had a leading role in directing the course for the European integration process. While he orchestrated the economic integration of Europe, he remained deeply opposed to further political integration within the Communities. This article researches Mitterrand’s rationale for his clear focus on economic affairs and develops his vision for the institutional setting of the European Union (EU). The focus of the article is allocated to four different perspectives that reflect the four pillars of Mitterrand’s European policy: the common currency, the establishment of a closely integrated and small Western European based EU, the development of the Social Europe and of a free trade area between Europe and Africa. It is argued that although EU institutions have been established based on Mitterrand’s design, today’s reality deviates from the conditions on which his plan was based. For Mitterrand, the ideal EU involved a deep-rooted Western Europe with France at its core and a loose association with Central and Eastern Europe. His perception resembles the current discussions of multi-speed Europe and the determination of France and Germany to proceed to the next stage of the integration process. Importantly, Mitterrand’s print can still be recognised in the EU’s social policy included in the treaties, yet still far from being implemented. Notably, like all of the French Presidents, Mitterrand developed a design for Africa in which an extensive free trade area between Europe and former French colonies were to be established. In this proposal, Germany was to be assigned the part of the economic engine behind the actualisation of the proposal, while France was to carry out the role of a required middle man of the transactions. To further assure France’s political predominance over the Communities, Mitterrand designed a common currency for a small number of homogenous Western-European states.
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Benz, Arthur. "The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics: From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.
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In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.
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Hierro, Luis Ángel, Antonio José Garzón, and Helena Domínguez-Torres. "20 YEARS OF EUROPEAN MONETARY POLICY. FROM DOCTRINARISM TO REALPOLITIK." Scientific Annals of Economics and Business, Special Issue (2019): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saeb-2019-0032.
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This paper describes the monetary policy of the European Central Bank since the birth of the Euro. The different economic situations and the monetary policies implemented during the mandate of each one of the three ECB presidents are analysed as a process of evolution. We study the situations of cyclical asynchrony together with the response given to it by the European monetary authority. We also assess the change experienced by the main economic indicators of the twelve founding countries during the 20 years of the single currency. The main conclusion obtained is that monetary policy has evolved from the strict approach defined in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union to an approach closer to that of the rest of central banks, which we have called “monetary realpolitik”.
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Radan, Peter. "The Badinter Arbitration Commission and the Partition of Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408523.
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On 27 August 1991 the European Community (EC) resolved to establish a peace conference on Yugoslavia (the Brussels Declaration). Within the framework of the peace conference an Arbitration Commission was established for the purpose of resolving differences between “the relevant authorities” (not specifically identified). The Arbitration Commission consisted of five members, all being presidents of constitutional courts of EC members states and was headed by the French lawyer, Robert Badinter. The Arbitration Commission was subsequently endorsed by the United States (U.S.) and the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
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Edelman, Marc. "Transnational Peasant Politics in Central America." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 3 (1998): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038425.
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Since the late 1980s, peasants throughout Central America have begun to coordinate political and economic strategy. Agriculturalists from the five republics that constituted “la patria grande” of Spanish Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica) as well as representatives from Panama and Belize have founded regional organizations that meet to compare experiences with free-market policies, share new technologies, develop sources of finance, and create channels for marketing their products abroad. They have also established a presence in the increasingly distant arenas where decisions are made that affect their livelihood. Small-farmer organizations now lobby at the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, and regional summit meetings. Central American campesinos have attended numerous regional gatherings of agriculture ministers and presidents, as well as events like the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, the 1995 Western Hemisphere Presidents' Summit in Miami, the 1995 World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, and the 1996 Food Security Summit in Rome.
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Heinikoski, Saila. "Calls of Duty: Romanian Politicians’ Deontological Discursive Strategies for Securing Free Movement in the European Union." New Perspectives 25, no. 3 (October 2017): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1702500303.
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This article discusses how the right to free movement within the European Union is presented as a matter of obligation, a duty of the other EU member states, in the discourse of Romanian Presidents and Prime Ministers (2005–2015). An examination of speeches and other statements from these politicians illuminates Romanian political reactions during the period when Romania became an EU member state, and reflects perceptions of Europeanness and European agreements. These issues take on an additional contemporary significance in the context of the Brexit negotiations, and they also add to the broader debate on whether EU norms and obligations are seen as being both just and equally applied. By analysing different types of argumentative topoi, I examine the deontological (obligation-based) argumentation employed in the free movement context. Furthermore, I examine to what extent these arguments are invoked in support of the right to free movement and who this right applies to. I argue that for Romanian politicians, deontological free movement arguments are connected to other states’ compliance with European treaties and to demands for equal application of European rules without discrimination, or the delegation of responsibility to others. This manifested itself most frequently in the calls for the EU and its member states to do their duty by treating Romanians equally to other EU citizens.
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Babenko, Oksana Vasil'evna, and Vasilii Nikolaevich Babenko. "Ukraine within the European security system: problems and prospects." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.34192.
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This article explores the problems of Ukraine's integration into the European security system. Special attention is given to the questions of cooperation with the European Union, NATO and the OSCE that play an important role in promotion of security in the European continent. Emphasis is made on the analysis of the Ukrainian normative legal framework responsible for inclusion of Ukraine into the core structures of European security. Since 1991 to the present, all presidents of post-Soviet Ukraine from L. Kravchuk to V. Zelensky contributed considerably to the country’s integration into the European security system. With the development of relations with NATO, EU and OSCE, Ukraine sought to cooperate with the Eastern European countries within the framework of the key institutions of European security. Ukraine’s relations with certain Balkan states have experienced intense contradictions, for example dispute over the plan to liquidate Bolhradsky district in Odessa Region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Bulgarians. Since 2004, the territorial dispute between Ukraine and Romania pertaining to delimitation of continental shelf around the Snake Island has not been fully settled. The conflict between the two countries also aggravated due to the policy of reducing the Romanian-language educational establishments in Ukraine. Ukraine’s inclusion into the key structures of the European security is also impeded by Donbass armed conflict, the fact that the government of Ukraine does not recognize the Republic of Crimea's claim to sovereignty, as well as regularization of relations with the Russian Federation. The acquired results allow determining the motives underlying the foreign policy course of Ukraine that is aimed at its accession to the European Union and NATO, as well as the attempts to take its place within the European security system.
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Kovacevic, Maja, and Dejana Vukasovic. "France and the concept of European sovereignism at the integration crossroad." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 3 (2020): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2003499k.
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The article examines the politics of French presidents towards European integration, with the focus on President Macron's proposals concerning European sovereignism. The authors apply the Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which models the EU reforms as a three-stage process in which states first define preferences, then engage in interstate bargaining, and finally design common institutions. The main thesis of this article is that France has relatively stable preferences - augmenting its power through European integration, which is also translated into Macron's politics, despite seemingly paradoxical proposals on further delegation of competences to the EU. France is refusing the status quo in the Union divided on key issues, and strongly advocate a Europe of concentric circles. The high intensity of French preferences for the EU reforms is demonstrated through the alternative coalition?s projects, such as the European Intervention Initiative or redefinition of its relations with Russia. Contrary to common interpretations of France as the weaker partner in the Franco-German axis after the Bing Bang enlargement and Eurozone crisis, the authors' thesis is that France is regaining a stronger role at the integration crossroad. In the context of the uncertain future of the transatlantic partnership, China's rise and the threat of further EU marginalization in contemporary international relations, France is determined to have the ?balancing power? status on the global stage. Based on its military and diplomatic power, as well as large geographic influence, France is offering a strong alliance to Germany, which has no serious alternative. The authors conclude that this alliance would provide an opportunity for both countries to further project their power, and create a new context for inevitable re-opening of the ?German question?.
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Nicolás, Pilar. "Spanish Regulation of Biobanks." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 801–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12321.
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Spain occupies an area of 504.645 km, and it has a population of 46.5 million people, out of which 4,538,503 are immigrants. Life expectancy is 82.5 years (85.5 for females and 79.5 for males). Its economy grew 1.4 % in 1014. Its current Constitution was enacted in 1978. It has been part of the European Union since 1986.Spain is a social and democratic state subject to the rule of law. Liberty, justice, equality, and political pluralism are the highest values of the legal order of the rule of law. Spain is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary government. The legislative power rests upon two chambers: the Congress and Senate. The government exercises the executive powers and the regulatory powers. There have been six presidents since 1978 from all parties, socialist, centrist, and conservative. The judicial power rests upon the courts and tribunals established by law.
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Nicoli, Francesco. "EU governance in the run-up to 2025: A Joint Budgetary Procedure." Perspectives on Federalism 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): E—100—E—123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2016-0011.
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Abstract The Euro Area (Eurozone, or EZ) is navigating uncharted waters; it has started, in slow motion, to slide towards a fiscal federation, while still lacking both the fiscal capacity and the democratic qualification to achieve this goal. Strengthening the EMU’s democratic profile is a fundamental requirement for the sustainability of the EMU as much as its completion with a fiscal and economic arm. Yet, according to the Five Presidents Report released in 2015, no substantial progress is expected to be achieved before 2025. Against this background, this paper is structured in two parts. The first part analyses the most recent trends in the Governance of the Eurozone. The second part discusses whether a transition from governance to government of the Monetary Union is both feasible and effective, advancing a new proposal -a Joint Budgetary Procedure-tailored to strengthen the European Semester with stronger incentive mechanisms, greater reach and stronger governance.
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Gianniti, Luigi, and Nicola Lupo. "The Role of the European Parliament President in Parliamentary Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 144–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341339.
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Summary This contribution argues, counterintuitively, that the most important functions exercised by the European Parliament’s President are the external ones, which are expressly laid down in Rule 22(4) of the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. Among these, specific attention is devoted to the President’s ‘diplomatic functions’. This article analyses the presidencies of Jerzy Buzek and Martin Schulz and argues that these ‘diplomatic functions’ have been reinforced because of intensification of the European Union’s international activities as well as the European Parliament’s enhanced post-Lisbon Treaty powers in eu foreign policy. It is also observed that these functions are exercised differently depending on the personal and political preferences of each President. While Jerzy Buzek’s Presidency was oriented more towards the eastern European Union, the two consecutive Presidencies of Martin Schulz veered more towards the European Union’s south.
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Mak, Elaine. "Travelling with Judges: Brief Reflections on the Roadmap on Comparative Law Developed by the Network of Presidents of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the European Union." Utrecht Law Review 17, no. 1 (2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.36633/ulr.690.
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Schild, Joachim. "Ein Fenster der Gelegenheit: die französische Ratspräsidentschaft im ersten Halbjahr 2022." integration 45, no. 4 (2022): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2022-4-275.
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The Council presidency during the first semester of 2022 provided France and president Emmanuel Macron with a window of opportunity to promote its own European policy agenda and to convince a more Eurosceptic French population of the benefits of European integration. This article analyses the role of the French Council presidency and president Macron in dealing with the war in Ukraine, in pursuing its ambitious agenda to shape the European Union along the lines of French preferences as laid out in Macron’s Sorbonne speech dating back to September 2017, and in bringing about compromises on an important number of legislative proposals.
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Iwanowski, Z. W., and D. M. Rozental. "Venezuela: Political Confrontation and the World Community." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 2 (November 20, 2020): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-71-111.
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The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.
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Górka, Marek. "The Three Seas Initiative as a Political Challenge for the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe." Politics in Central Europe 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0018.
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Abstract The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is an informal association that focuses mainly on the economic integration of EU member states through the cooperation of specific sectors. It is meant to strengthen the single market and bonds among countries in Central and Eastern Europe. It also seeks to reduce developmental differences between these countries and the older EU member states. This study explores the background of the TSI, which was jointly conceived by the presidents of Poland and Croatia with the goal of strengthening ties among countries in the area between the Black, Baltic and Adriatic seas. The association brings together 12 states across Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans: Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania and Austria. As well as enhancing their political ties, it aims to develop cross-border cooperation and implement macro-regional projects. The analysis highlights both the diverging interests of the TSI countries and their common predicament. These states are connected by the fact that they stand to lose the most from the two-speed Europe idea that some Western politicians have imposed. They are also at a clear disadvantage when it comes to infrastructure investments. In the past, the European Union has emphasized East–West cooperation and overlooked the North–South communication and energy corridors. The Three Seas Initiative founders are trying to determine the best form of cooperation for the Central and Eastern Europe region.
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De Toro Mezquita, Isaac. "La solución europea a la crisismigratoria: “análisis de los mecanismos de prevención y gestión de crisis migratorias”." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 25 (March 13, 2020): 745. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.25.2019.27019.
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La crisis migratoria llevó la migración a la agenda política y puso de manifiesto las debilidades de la Unión Europea, de FRONTEX y de los Estados Miembros en los mecanismos de gestión de las fronteras exteriores. En el año 2015 se detectaron más de 1.5 millones de cruces fronterizos ilegales en las fronteras exteriores, lo que representó un pico histórico de llegadas, siendo Turquía uno de los principales puntos de entrada, con alrededor de 800.000 migrantes irregulares y de nacionalidad siria mas de 500.0003. Con el fin de frenar el flujo migratorio irregular la Unión Europea llegó a un acuerdo con Turquía consiguiendo una drástica disminución de las entradas en Europa. Sin embargo, el número de llegadas está creciendo de nuevo y, aunque la situación no puede compararse con la del año 2015, la tendencia al alza se está consolidando. Esta situación se agrava con el inicio de la ofensiva militar turca contra los kurdos en Siria y por la amenaza del presidente Recep Tayyip Erdoğan que de romper el acuerdo con la Unión Europea y dejar entrar irregularmente mas de 3.6 millones de personas. La prioridad europea para solucionar la crisis migratoria se ha centrado en la estabilización con medidas ad hoc en lugar de una planificación a largo plazo. The migrant crisis brought migration to the political agenda and exposed the weaknesses of the European Unión, FRONTEX and Member States in the border management mechanisms. In 2015 more than 1.5 million illegal border crossings were detected at external borders, representing an all-time peak of arrivals, with Turkey being one of the main entry points, with around 800,000 irregular migrants, and more than 500,000 Syrian nationals. The European Union reached an agreement with Turkey to end to the irregular migration flow, resulting in a decrease in irregular entries into Europe. However, the number of arrivals is growing again and, although the situation cannot be compared to that of 2015, the upward trend is consolidating. This situation is aggravated by the start of the Turkish military offensive against the Kurds in Syria and by President Erdoğan Recep Tayyip’s threat to break the agreement with the EU and irregularly let in more than 3.6 million people. The European priority for solving the migration crisis has focused on stabilization with ad hoc measures rather than long-term planning.
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Sap, John W. "The European President." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (October 12, 2004): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000477.
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The European Council's personal, elected and mandated presidency is without a doubt one of the major innovations in the Constitution. It is also its most fought over and precarious novelty. Until the last stages of the Convention, the great majority of small Member States' representatives maintained staunch opposition against the idea. In the end, however, they all reluctantly dropped resistance in the face of the praesidium's intransigence, supported by the major Member States. With its new chairman, the European Council can be considered the great winner among the Union institutions. Apart from becoming a full European institution (Article I-18), it is getting structured leadership. Article I-21 of the Draft European Constitution states that the European President is to be elected by the European Council, by a qualified majority for a term of two and a half years, and cannot serve more than two terms. The President may not hold a national mandate. In order to understand this new function, one needs to look into its origin, powers, strengths and weaknesses.
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Wołoszyn, Magdalena. "Metafora w służbie polityki. Aleksander Kwaśniewski o wstąpieniu Polski do NATO i akcesji do Unii Europejskiej." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 28, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2021.28.2.23.
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The aim of the article is to analyse selected metaphors used by the President of the Republic of Poland, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, in public appearances during his presidency in from 1995 to 2005. The subject of interest are public appearances in which A. Kwaśniewski talked about the preparation and accession of Poland to one of the most prestigious organisations in the world – the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) in 1999 and the European Union (EU) in 2004. The author analyses selected metaphors (including: HOME, ROAD, FAMILY), regarding Poland’s accession to these structures, which were used by the president in his speeches. The author discusses how A. Kwaśniewski, who was then the head of state, used metaphors to present his attitude towards the issue of Poland’s integration with North Atlantic Alliance and accession to the European Union and what vision of Poland’s presence in these structures he had.
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Denysenko, V. I. "EUROPEAN VECTOR IN UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (2010)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 57 (2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.57.6.
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The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first international visit of Victor Yanukovych to Brussels, March 1st, 2010. The author proves the idea of keen interest of Ukrainian top authorities to aspire visa-free travel regime with EU, that was supposed to later score more electoral points during the upcoming elections. Still, the terms of Ukraine-EU Association Agreement seemed for the representatives of the Party of Regions too difficult to implement, and, therefore, in their opinion, had limited perspectives. However, in public domain, both President Victor Yanukovych and his political teammates kept consistently demonstrating their commitment to European integration ideas. The Cabinet of Mykola Azarov, basing on the list of eighteen EU reforms, devised their own plan of integration into European legal, economic and information framework. According to this plan, from October 15th, 2010 the administration was to complete the provisions for signing association and the visa liberalization agreements. Ukraine was represented in EU by experienced diplomat Kostiantyn Ieliseyev. The research points out the existing controversies between Ukrainian and European parties in the question of establishing an extensive and far-reaching free trade area. It draws special attention to the progress made in the area of Ukraine-Europe cooperation in the sphere of power industry, endorsement of the law “Fundamentals for Natural Gas Market Development” and Ukraine becoming a member of Energy Community.
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Giles, J. "Brustle v Greenpeace eV: (Case C-34/10): Court of Justice of the European Union (Grand Chamber): Skouris President, Tizzano, Cunha Rodrigues, Lenaerts, Bonichot, Safjan (Rapporteur) Presidents of Chambers, Prechal, Rosas, Silva de Lapuerta, Schiemann, Svaby, Berger, Jarasiunas, JJ: 18 October 2011." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 1, no. 2 (July 1, 2012): 528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rws007.
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Cipek, Tihomir. "Croatia’s Presidency of the European Union and the Western Balkans . A New Momentum or a Missed Opportunity?" Südosteuropa 68, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 554–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0037.
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AbstractThis text will reconstruct the main determinants of Croatia’s foreign policy to the European Union (EU) and the Western Balkans. It will demonstrate why, after joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the EU, Croatia needs a new foreign policy goal. I will advocate a thesis that Croatia is looking for a place of its own within the EU, but that it has not yet managed to find it due to its dual foreign policies approach—the government’s, which was pro-European, and that of the previous president of the country, which was pro-American. The election of the new president and the presidency of the EU has given Croatia a chance to set a new goal for its foreign policy. Specifically, in its focus on Europe, could Croatia’s new role be found in guiding the enlargement process in the Western Balkans?
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Grodzki, Radosław. "Polish Presidency of the Council of the European Union as the relatively well used chance of promoting interests in time of crisis – an attempt at assessment." Reality of Politics 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2012): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201206.
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President performs his tasks mainly through the specific and politically strong body of the Security Council of the Russian Federation The Author devoted her treatise to the issues of polish presidency in the European Union. The Author pointed out the variety of factors that need to be taken into account when estimating effectiveness of this institution. Indicating the problems troubling the EU Author pointed out how Polish Presidency became coordinator of many meeting what was tremendous logistical tasks. The final element of the treatise was the analysis of opinions formulated inside Poland – their character was predictably determined by political bias.
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Malone, Margaret Mary. "European Union, 2017." Administration 66, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0008.
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Abstract The year 2017 was eventful for the EU and its member states. Given the widespread Euroscepticism and populism which appeared to be on the rise last year, election results in the Netherlands, France and Germany were greeted with relief and hope for the future. The EU was in an optimistic mood. European Commission President Jean- Claude Juncker used his State of the European Union speech in September to note that the EU had the ‘wind in its sails’ (Juncker, 2017). At the same time, he cautioned that the fair weather conditions would not last long - there was no room for complacency. The EU had to act to protect, empower and defend its citizens. The EU moved forward on a number of policy fronts in the wake of the Brexit vote and also concluded high-profile international trade deals in an effort to fill the vacuum left by the protectionist policies of the Trump administration.
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Kaczan-Winiarska, Ewa. "Austrian Veto against European Union Membership Negotiations with Turkey." Polish Review of International and European Law 8, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2019.8.1.05.
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The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.
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Niewiadomski, Paweł, and Aleksandra Nowak. "THE POLISH PRESIDENCY IN THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE FUTURE OF EUROPE." sj-economics scientific journal 9 (December 30, 2011): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v9i.470.
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Article is devoted to the Polish Presidency of the EU Council and future of Europe was based on the author's diagnosis of the integration process in context of outstanding documents and speeches as well as global economic conditions observed in 2011. Eighteen month program was presented by the trio for the European Union as reflected in the original /source version/ semi-annual Polish priorities, including first priority - European integration as a source of growth, second priority - secure Europe and third priority - Europe benefiting from openness. Given that the Presidency is also accompanying activities therefore in article was also presented how the Polish Presidency is support by local communities. Article was closed when the Polish presidency of the EU Council approaching to the final, also first evaluation were collected and successes. Variability of situation, changes in the Mediterranean Sea resulted to place a provocative question: Do we live in a time when Europe is in crisis, or we can talk about crisis of Europe? Following the idea which was behind preparation of the Polish Presidency conclusion and summary is that Europe needs a europeanism. Summary of all was used determines in political debate in Poland about realities of the integration process, future of the European Union or even the Euro zone, are undoubtedly both actions and successes of the Polish presidency, crisis of the Euro zone, as well as "African spring" and weakening possibility of association Ukraine with the EU. The future of European project requires redefine roles of small, medium and big nation-states, but above all requires need a new definition and implementation of pan-European sense of "written" European SOLIDARITY, this time for Europe "solidarycą" and just like in 1980, enthusiastically supported by the masses of Poles, so now in need of support masses of Europeans. Solidarity is still a Polish invariably important message for Europe.
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Costa, Rita De Sousa, and Tiago Sérgio Cabral. "The European Union’s existential crisis: current challenges from populism to Donald Trump." UNIO – EU Law Journal 4, no. 1 (January 4, 2018): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.4.1.2.
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2016 was marked by the rise of populism and isolationism around the world. The European Union is losing a Member State for the first time, after the British voted to leave in their “Brexit” referendum. Across the Atlantic, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States, causing concern amongst European leaders. In the remaining Member States, populist and Eurosceptic political forces are becoming more relevant, further endangering the integrity of the European Union. In this paper, we analyse the motives behind the European Union’s “existential crisis”, which is arguably, one of the most significant challenges the EU will face in its near future. We conclude that the European Union must reform in order to regain their citizens’ trust and reinforce democracy.
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Fotopoulos, Stergios. "What sort of changes did the Spitzenkandidat process bring to the quality of the EU’s democracy?" European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819879862.
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In the 2014 and 2019 European elections, not only were parliamentary seats at stake, but more importantly, European citizens were given the opportunity to indirectly decide who would captain the ship of the European Commission for the next five years. Ahead of the elections, based on Article 17(7) of the Treaty on European Union, the European political parties nominated their lead candidates ( Spitzenkandidaten) for the Commission presidency and ran personalised, presidential-style campaigns across the member states. Although discarded in 2019, the Spitzenkandidat process brought about several political and institutional changes, while aiming to cure the EU’s democratic deficiencies. The process was conceived in 2014 as a way to make the selection of the Commission president more transparent and legitimate. At the same time, the level of politicisation was increased, with inter-institutional changes being implemented. The role of the European political parties was strengthened from that of being service providers to being proactive campaigners.
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Atakishieva, Dzhamilya Gunduz Kyzy, and Natal'ya Nikolaevna Naumova. "The evolution of integration policy of Charles de Gaulle (mid 1950s – late 1960s)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 8 (August 2021): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.8.36041.
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This article traces the evolution of the Western European policy of the General Charles de Gaulle during his presidency. In the early 1950s, he willingly cooperated with the European countries in terms of creating the economic union; however, in the course of solution of decolonization issues and, namely the Algerian problem that constrained the implementation of the key vectors of state policy, the president began focused on advancing the concept of national mightiness of France and commitment to the principles of intergovernmental cooperation in the development of integration. Charles de Gaulle fought for the foundation of the political union “Europe of the Homelands”, in which France would be assigned a significant role. The article analyzes de Gaulle’s failures in negotiations with the “P5+1” countries, which once again demonstrated to the Europeans that building integration is a long and complex process that does not tolerate rapid decisions and requires the ability to compromise. Special attention is turned to the development of integration policy of the General Charles de Gaulle based on his formal speeches, correspondence, and memoirs. De Gaulle's efforts in the sphere of integration policy of the Fifth Republic yielded certain results. First and foremost, he was able to establish the superiority of national principles in addressing the general policy issues in the European Community. Secondly, he prevented the Great Britain from joining the Common Market, as from his opinion it was an economic and political competitor of France. Thirdly, de Gaulle strengthened the international reputation of France as the country that was at the dawn and in the lead of the integration processes in Europe.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Presidency of Germany in the European Union as factor of development of European integration process (the second half 2020)." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.03.
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The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.
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YAKOVLEVA, Nailya YAKOVLEVA. "Portuguese Presidency of the Council of the European Union amid "European Fatigue”." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2/3 (25/26) (2021): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-2-3-115-128.
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In the first half of 2021, Portugal assumed for the fourth time the presidency of the Council of the European Union, one of the seven key EU institutions. Lisbon’s presidency came at a difficult time in the EU’s history, marked by a great number of internal and external risks and challenges. The Portuguese diplomacy, in cooperation with the EU’s governing bodies, has invested substantial efforts to solve political and economic problems arising from the coronavirus pandemic and to prepare the EU member states for a post-COVID era. However, these attempts to overcome “the European fatigue” have not been entirely successful.
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Abels, Gabriele. "„The beginning of a new chapter“? Eine Einordnung der neuen EU-Gleichstellungsstrategie 2020-2025." integration 43, no. 2 (2020): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-2-144.
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Gender equality is an essential component of the ambitious agenda of the new President of the European Commission. After years of stagnation, this policy field shall see a revival; the vision is a “Union of Equality”. As part of the working programme for the first 100 days in office, the Commission published its “Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025” in March 2020. This contribution elucidates the significance of gender equality for the Commission and relates these new ambitions to the general development of the policy field. The Gender Equality Strategy and its six main goals are then introduced and the likelihood of actual implementation is discussed against the background of increasing fragmentation and polarisation in the Council and in the European Parliament. The German Council Presidency will play an important role for its realisation.
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Marković, Aleksandar. "European Union and Russian Federation: A brief history of relations from 1991 to 2021." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104337m.
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This article is dealing with international relations between EU and Russian Federation after falling of Berlin's wall and decline of communist regimes in countries of Eastern block. Author is trying to emphasize three periods. First period is from 1991. until 2000. During presidency of Boris Jeljcin in Russia. This period is reflected by declining of Russian power and stronger integration of Europe because of Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam. Second period is period of coming on power president Vladimir Putin and uprising of Russia. This period lasts until 2014. year, when relations were more-less stable, except conflict in Georgia. Third period is related to conflict in Ukraine in 2014. And energetic crisis in 2021. Conflict in Ukraine has shown that EU doesn't have force to stand from foreign policy of USA, which is reflected in actions of NATO. Author concludes article with hope that memory from two world wars will be enough strong for politicians from both sides to not let another world war, and they will find new ways to enhance international cooperation.
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Hakki, Murat Metin. "Does The Transatlantic Alliance Have A Future?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 11 (May 1, 2006): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.11.3.
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No doubt the early progress in European integration was supported by the pax Americana, the stability of the Bretton Woods system and the ideological front formed by the Western world against the Soviet Union (USSR). An increasingly united Europe was also seen as necessary to avoid yet another world war. Long considered America’s most important alliance and a benchmark by which a president’s foreign policy skill is measured, the US-European relationship has been shaken over a series of disputes that culminated during George W. Bush’s presidency. While the years 2004 and 2005 witnessed a gradual recovery of transatlantic relations, the future remains uncertain. Have these problems arisen because of Bush’s presidential style? Or are there other deeper factors underlying transatlantic tensions? What does the future hold for the political and military alliance that bonded Europe and America for over half a century?
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Buromenskiy, M. V., and P. V. Otenko. "IMPACT OF POLITICIZATION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION ON THE FUNCTIONING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 140 (2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.140.1.58-66.
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Complex and comparative analysis of the election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission has been made from the date of creation of the High Authority within the European Coal and Steal Community until the establishment of the modern EU Commission in accordance with the last amendments that have been made by the Lisbon Treaty. It is proved that due to the entering into force of the Maastricht Treaty, sharpening of the «democratic deficit» problem and because of other political processes at the beginning of 1990’s within the European Communities, European Parliament obtained ample powers and leverage on the functioning, election and nomination procedure of Сommissioners and the President of the EU Commission. It is emphasized that election and nomination procedure of Commissioners and the President of the EU Commission is sufficiently politicized and bureaucratized at the contemporary stage of the existence of the European Union. The definition of the phenomenon «politicization of the EU Commission» has been specified. It is outlined that the phenomenon of politicization of the EU Commission has both positive and negative consequences on the EU Commission and the EU as a whole. It is established that «politicization» of the EU Commission may cause disruption of the cornerstone principles on which the EU has been created, first of all those principles that are related to the theory of functionalism in International Law.
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Natalie, Miranda, Sherene Patricia, Sherene Patricia, Erlyn Silveria, Ellya Dameria, Tiolas Sitanggang, and Valerie Michelle. "THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE PARIS AGREEMENT." Sociae Polites 21, no. 1 (August 8, 2020): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v21i1.1588.
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The Paris Agreement has undoubtedly impacted on other more personal environmental policies in each country worldwide. We are trying to explain the dynamics (changes and debates) that occur in the policy-making process by the actors and stakeholders in the Paris Agreement. For instance, with the Trump dismantling policy to leave the Paris Agreement that we called the free-riding strategy that affects not only the members within the Paris Agreement but also the environmental sector globally. We also contemplate the alternatives way to solve the environmental problem through the Paris Agreement, and a solution to the problem occurs within the members by considering the consequences under international law
Keywords: Paris Agreement, Environmental Issue, European Union, President Trump
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Tomilenko, Serhii, and Lina Kushch. "The Safety and Freedom of the Press Guarantees in Ukraine: International Standards." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 772–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-52.
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The article deals with the main activities of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine. The authors note that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine is engaged in vigorous cooperation with international organizations, the primary objective being to protect the rights of journalists and ensure the physical safety of journalists in the country. The European Federation of Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists have been the essential partners for many years. The authors state that for the first time, the governing bodies of the European Federation of Journalists included Ukrainians, namely Serhii Tomilenko, who has joined the European Federation of Journalists Executive Committee. The latter is the largest journalistic organization in Europe consisting of 70 journalistic associations and unions from 44 countries. The article emphasizes the international support of the persecuted Ukrainian journalists. The authors mention that the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine called for the presidential candidates and Ukrainian political forces (prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections) to sign a ‘Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression’. The International Federation of Journalists supported the call. If elected President and to the Parliament, they will have to comply with 7 basic principles. The authors note that there is also expertise-sharing and cooperation with journalists from other countries. Keywords: National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, international cooperation, defence of freedom of expression and assistance to journalists, International Federation of Journalists, European Federation of Journalists, cooperation with All-China Journalists Association, contacts with journalists from Egypt, Bulgaria and other countries, Declaration in Defence of Freedom of Expression.
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Barbé, Esther. "SOUTH EUROPEAN EURO-WATCH - The Spanish Presidency of the European Union 2002." South European Society and Politics 7, no. 1 (June 2002): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004970.
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Müller, Henriette. "Between Potential, Performance and Prospect: Revisiting the Political Leadership of the EU Commission President." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.581.
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This contribution argues that although the latest EU treaties formalized the Commission presidency to substantial degree, it remains a constitutionally weak office for the provision of political leadership. The capacity to lead thus still strongly depends on the individual incumbent. As a first step, the article examines the legal-procedural structure of the office before and after the Lisbon Treaty came into force. Secondly, it analyzes the political leadership performance of the Commission president José Barroso in comparison with his predecessor Jacques Delors. In bridging formal institutional rules with concrete performances this article contributes to the understanding of the relationship between structure and agency in international institutions as well as to the growing literature on political leadership in the European Union.
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Decker, Frank. "Das Scheitern des Spitzenkandidatensystems und andere populäre Irrtümer über die Demokratisierung der Europäischen Union." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 4 (2019): 870–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-4-870.
Full textAbstract:
After the 2019 European election, national political actors and party officials in both the European Parliament as well as in the Council once again clashed over the selection of the Commission’s President, a controversy that also received widespread public attention . Disagreements centered on the so-called Spitzenkandidaten - top candidate - system that - contrary to its premiere in 2014 - failed to be implemented . The manner in which this system functions is frequently misunderstood by both political actors and observers . One example is that the appointment process is interpreted through the lens of parliamentary democracy, another is that the overrepresentation of smaller member states within the European Parliament is depicted as a serious violation of democratic principles . Potential starting points for a thorough democratization of the EU, such as the direct election of the Commission President, a common electoral system with joint European parties, and a greater say by voters and the President of the Commission regarding the appointment of commissioners are also discussed . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 870 - 879]